Despite the growing scholarship concerning mis- and disinformation, research has yet to assess ho... more Despite the growing scholarship concerning mis- and disinformation, research has yet to assess how journalism tackles conspiracy theories in settings where news organizations and media professionals have their authority questioned. Against this background, our article poses two research questions: RQ1) Who are the actors mainstream fact-checkers cover when addressing conspiracy theories? RQ2) To what extent does the focus on such actors delegitimize those who challenge news organizations or compete with them for the audience? Using content analysis as our key methodological strategy, we consider 197 fact-checks published between 2018 and 2021 by the Projeto Comprova, a Brazilian initiative currently comprising professionals from 41 media organizations. We found that the most discussed topics were those mobilizing polarized groups, namely, the Covid-19 pandemic and election fraud allegations. The then-President Bolsonaro and his supporters were often cited as disseminators of such pl...
After the end of the military dictatorship (1964–1985), electoral disputes in Brazil have been in... more After the end of the military dictatorship (1964–1985), electoral disputes in Brazil have been influenced by interviews with politicians. The most relevant national TV show bringing this kind of content is Roda Viva, aired since 1986 by the public broadcaster TV Cultura. Considering Roda Viva’s role, the relevance of its debates throughout the 2018 presidential election, and how adversarial and lapdog journalism unfolded during each show, we analyze the interviews carried out with nine mainstream candidates. To understand how adversarial behaviors are manifested, we observe the roles of themediator, the professional features of interviewers, and the number of interventions of each agent, among other aspects. Even though all Roda Viva interviews follow the same script, the results indicate that the level of adversarialism varies from one program to another. The antagonistic behavior manifested by interviewers and interviewees depends on (1) the person who is being interviewed (and if he/she adopts or not a hostile or aggressive attitude), and (2) the professional affiliation of the interviewers (a panel formed entirely by journalists tend to be more adversarial, while interviewers with mixed backgrounds usually take a more sympathetic approach).
This article aims to examine the rhetorical strategies employed by interviewers and interviewees ... more This article aims to examine the rhetorical strategies employed by interviewers and interviewees to understand how adversarialism unfolds in television broadcasts. While most studies to date analyze a single interview or compare how the same interviewer confronts several interviewees, we capture how different panels of interviewers address adversarial questions in the same program format. We use mixed methods to assess nine interviews with Brazilian presidential candidates on the Roda Viva program aired during the 2018 elections. The results reveal that the structural characteristics of Roda Viva reduce the opportunities for equivocation gaps. In addition, while media professionals adopt a more assertive stance toward candidates (seeking to deauthenticate them), some interviewers from outside journalism offered the interviewees moral support. In turn, politicians avoided tricky questions and criticized the media coverage when placed in "embarrassing" situations. We also discuss how adversarial questions may help populist candidates since they use such opportunities to play the victim's role and attack the interviewers' credibility. Besides scrutinizing the media's performance in a non-Western setting, the paper contributes to the work of journalists, candidates, and political consultants by highlighting which rhetorical elements favor or harm the efficiency of those participating in such interviews.
Organização: Amanda Fantato Sangalli, Andressa Butture Kniess, Breno Pacheco Leandro, Dayane M. S... more Organização: Amanda Fantato Sangalli, Andressa Butture Kniess, Breno Pacheco Leandro, Dayane M. Saleh, Diogo Tavares de Miranda Ferreira, Djiovanni Jonas F. Marioto, Douglas H. Novelli, Fernando W. O. Silva, Jackeline Saori Teixeira, Josiane Alves de Arruda, Mariana A. Lorencetti, Marília Correia Machado, Mateus C. M. de Albuquerque, Naiara Sandi de A. Alcantara, Nicole Fassio Mahlow Tricarico, Nilton Sainz, Paula de Oliveira Portela, Pedro Henrique C. de A. B. de Araujo, Pedro Rodrigues A. F. da Silva, Rafaela Mazurechen Sinderski, Renan Arnon de Souza, Rodrigo da Silva e Seani Marie Duarte de Oliveira.
Orientador: Prof. Dr. Francisco Paulo Jamil Almeida MarquesDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade ... more Orientador: Prof. Dr. Francisco Paulo Jamil Almeida MarquesDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Federal do Paraná, Setor de Ciências Humanas, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Ciência Política. Defesa : Curitiba, 21/02/2019Inclui referências: p.142-152Resumo: Este trabalho estuda as postagens da Controladoria-Geral da União (CGU) no Facebook e no Twitter, ao longo de 2015 e 2016, à luz de dois campos teóricos: o da Comunicação Pública e o da Transparência Pública. O objetivo é compreender que tipo de comunicação é empregada pela CGU e de que maneira ela contribui para a promoção da transparência. Considerando os propósitos normativos da comunicação de Estado; as discussões sobre instrumentalização da comunicação pública para interesses político-partidários; as vantagens das redes sociais para ampliação da transparência pública; e as diferenças que tais redes guardam entre si, são propostas três hipóteses: H1) A comunicação pública empregada às páginas da CGU no Facebook e no Twitter sof...
Este artigo investiga se, e em que medida, o pertencimento a alguma denominacao evangelica afeta ... more Este artigo investiga se, e em que medida, o pertencimento a alguma denominacao evangelica afeta a adesao dos fieis paulistanos a valores convencionalmente atribuidos a democracia, como aqueles vinculados a tolerância, ao respeito as instituicoes e a preferencia pelo regime democratico em detrimento de outras formas de governo. Para isso, utiliza-se um conjunto de dados obtidos por meio de um survey conduzido pelo Instituto Sivis e aplicado a uma amostra representativa da populacao eleitoral do municipio de Sao Paulo, em 2019 (N = 2417). Atraves de tecnicas de analises descritivas e multivariadas, identifica-se que os evangelicos paulistanos apresentam resistencia em aceitar individuos com opinioes politicas e morais opostas, dialogar com pessoas que possuam opinioes politicas divergentes e concordar que a democracia e sempre a melhor forma de governo, independente das circunstâncias. Contudo, a analise multivariada demonstra que, embora o pertencimento a alguma denominacao evangeli...
Este artigo apresenta um estudo das estratégias adotadas pelos candidatos à Presidência da Repúbl... more Este artigo apresenta um estudo das estratégias adotadas pelos candidatos à Presidência da República nos debates televisivos nas eleições brasileiras de 2018, considerando a relevância histórica deste objeto de estudo para as disputas majoritárias no Brasil. Para tanto, analisam-se aspectos simbólicos da participação dos candidatos, observando três principais características: estratégias discursivas, foco da estratégia e atributo predominante no discurso. A metodologia é Análise de Conteúdo quantitativa, sendo o corpus formado por 795 participações em sete debates transmitidos pela televisão durante o primeiro turno da disputa presidencial de 2018. Os resultados apontam que os candidatos atacaram principalmente atributos políticos dos oponentes. Os ataques foram feitos majoritariamente por candidatos desafiantes e direcionados principalmente aos candidatos do PT e MDB, os dois últimos partidos à frente do Governo Federal. Além disso, observa-se como, comparativamente, o petista Hadd...
The article aims to capture the diversity of emerging practices in fact-checking by exploring, on... more The article aims to capture the diversity of emerging practices in fact-checking by exploring, on the one side, journalists' self-perception of the watchdog role they believe to perform and, on the other, the effective occurrence of such a role in different media systems. Data regarding the perception of the watchdog role stem from the <i>Worlds of Journalism Survey</i>, whereas evidence concerning the presence of the watchdog function derives from a content analysis of 2,792 fact-checks published by <i>FactCheck.org</i> (United States), <i>Pagella Politica</i> (Italy), <i>Correctiv</i> (Germany), and <i>Lupa</i> (Brazil). While fact-checkers working for <i>Correctiv</i> rarely addressed declarations by political agents, those contributing to <i>FactCheck.org</i> prioritized verifying statements by former President Trump. In turn, <i>Pagella Politica</i> fact-checkers recurrently used assertive labels to stress the falsehood of public remarks, whilst "true" is the most used label in the <i>Lupa</i> case. There is correspondence between professionals' conceptions about their role and the watchdog stance agencies perform in most cases. The manuscript also discusses how idiosyncrasies featuring each professional culture and specific traits of media systems influence fact-checkers' work. Lastly, we hold that in some settings fact-checking may outline new frontiers for the notion of watchdog journalism, taking the journalistic voice to unprecedented levels of adversarialism.
Replication data for the article "What do State entities say? Twitter as a public communicat... more Replication data for the article "What do State entities say? Twitter as a public communication tool during the impeachment of Brazilian President Dilma Rousseff", published in BPSR vol.13, n. 3, 2019. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1981-3821201900030005
O artigo propõe três objetivos: investigar quais instituições jornalísticas são mais utilizadas p... more O artigo propõe três objetivos: investigar quais instituições jornalísticas são mais utilizadas por parlamentares com a finalidade de consumir informações; verificar o grau de confiança que os representantes relatam depositar nos media; e examinar o grau de eficiência que deputados atribuem a diferentes plataformas midiáticas com vistas à autopromoção; a partir dos resultados de um survey presencial aplicado aos deputados que exerciam mandato na Assembleia Legislativa do Paraná (ALEP) em 2016. As formas de uso e variações de confiança nos media são diagnosticadas levando-se em conta variáveis independentes de natureza política e pessoal. Descobriu-se que os deputados se informam prioritariamente a partir de uma instituição jornalística local; além disso, eles tendem a considerar as redes sociais digitais muito eficientes para promoção política.
O artigo investiga se, e de que forma, a Controladoria-Geral da Uniao (CGU) aborda a ideia de tra... more O artigo investiga se, e de que forma, a Controladoria-Geral da Uniao (CGU) aborda a ideia de transparencia em seus perfis de redes sociais. Tres questoes orientam a analise: Como o tema da transparencia publica e mobilizado pela CGU no Facebook e no Twitter? Uma vez que Facebook e Twitter dispoem de estruturas e usuarios distintos, que estrategias de comunicacao sao privilegiadas em cada rede? Em que medida as rotinas de comunicacao digital da CGU foram transformadas na transicao entre os governos Rousseff e Temer? A analise de conteudo de 4.212 publicacoes no Facebook e no Twitter em 2015 e 2016 revelou que a instituicao privilegia dois temas: transparencia e corrupcao. Ademais, autoridades publicas sao pouco mencionadas, afastando-se uma perspectiva personalista de instrumentalizacao da comunicacao. Descobriu-se, ainda, que a transicao governamental efetivamente interferiu nas rotinas de publicacao da entidade.
Despite the growing scholarship concerning mis- and disinformation, research has yet to assess ho... more Despite the growing scholarship concerning mis- and disinformation, research has yet to assess how journalism tackles conspiracy theories in settings where news organizations and media professionals have their authority questioned. Against this background, our article poses two research questions: RQ1) Who are the actors mainstream fact-checkers cover when addressing conspiracy theories? RQ2) To what extent does the focus on such actors delegitimize those who challenge news organizations or compete with them for the audience? Using content analysis as our key methodological strategy, we consider 197 fact-checks published between 2018 and 2021 by the Projeto Comprova, a Brazilian initiative currently comprising professionals from 41 media organizations. We found that the most discussed topics were those mobilizing polarized groups, namely, the Covid-19 pandemic and election fraud allegations. The then-President Bolsonaro and his supporters were often cited as disseminators of such pl...
After the end of the military dictatorship (1964–1985), electoral disputes in Brazil have been in... more After the end of the military dictatorship (1964–1985), electoral disputes in Brazil have been influenced by interviews with politicians. The most relevant national TV show bringing this kind of content is Roda Viva, aired since 1986 by the public broadcaster TV Cultura. Considering Roda Viva’s role, the relevance of its debates throughout the 2018 presidential election, and how adversarial and lapdog journalism unfolded during each show, we analyze the interviews carried out with nine mainstream candidates. To understand how adversarial behaviors are manifested, we observe the roles of themediator, the professional features of interviewers, and the number of interventions of each agent, among other aspects. Even though all Roda Viva interviews follow the same script, the results indicate that the level of adversarialism varies from one program to another. The antagonistic behavior manifested by interviewers and interviewees depends on (1) the person who is being interviewed (and if he/she adopts or not a hostile or aggressive attitude), and (2) the professional affiliation of the interviewers (a panel formed entirely by journalists tend to be more adversarial, while interviewers with mixed backgrounds usually take a more sympathetic approach).
This article aims to examine the rhetorical strategies employed by interviewers and interviewees ... more This article aims to examine the rhetorical strategies employed by interviewers and interviewees to understand how adversarialism unfolds in television broadcasts. While most studies to date analyze a single interview or compare how the same interviewer confronts several interviewees, we capture how different panels of interviewers address adversarial questions in the same program format. We use mixed methods to assess nine interviews with Brazilian presidential candidates on the Roda Viva program aired during the 2018 elections. The results reveal that the structural characteristics of Roda Viva reduce the opportunities for equivocation gaps. In addition, while media professionals adopt a more assertive stance toward candidates (seeking to deauthenticate them), some interviewers from outside journalism offered the interviewees moral support. In turn, politicians avoided tricky questions and criticized the media coverage when placed in &quot;embarrassing&quot; situations. We also discuss how adversarial questions may help populist candidates since they use such opportunities to play the victim&#39;s role and attack the interviewers&#39; credibility. Besides scrutinizing the media&#39;s performance in a non-Western setting, the paper contributes to the work of journalists, candidates, and political consultants by highlighting which rhetorical elements favor or harm the efficiency of those participating in such interviews.
Organização: Amanda Fantato Sangalli, Andressa Butture Kniess, Breno Pacheco Leandro, Dayane M. S... more Organização: Amanda Fantato Sangalli, Andressa Butture Kniess, Breno Pacheco Leandro, Dayane M. Saleh, Diogo Tavares de Miranda Ferreira, Djiovanni Jonas F. Marioto, Douglas H. Novelli, Fernando W. O. Silva, Jackeline Saori Teixeira, Josiane Alves de Arruda, Mariana A. Lorencetti, Marília Correia Machado, Mateus C. M. de Albuquerque, Naiara Sandi de A. Alcantara, Nicole Fassio Mahlow Tricarico, Nilton Sainz, Paula de Oliveira Portela, Pedro Henrique C. de A. B. de Araujo, Pedro Rodrigues A. F. da Silva, Rafaela Mazurechen Sinderski, Renan Arnon de Souza, Rodrigo da Silva e Seani Marie Duarte de Oliveira.
Orientador: Prof. Dr. Francisco Paulo Jamil Almeida MarquesDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade ... more Orientador: Prof. Dr. Francisco Paulo Jamil Almeida MarquesDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Federal do Paraná, Setor de Ciências Humanas, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Ciência Política. Defesa : Curitiba, 21/02/2019Inclui referências: p.142-152Resumo: Este trabalho estuda as postagens da Controladoria-Geral da União (CGU) no Facebook e no Twitter, ao longo de 2015 e 2016, à luz de dois campos teóricos: o da Comunicação Pública e o da Transparência Pública. O objetivo é compreender que tipo de comunicação é empregada pela CGU e de que maneira ela contribui para a promoção da transparência. Considerando os propósitos normativos da comunicação de Estado; as discussões sobre instrumentalização da comunicação pública para interesses político-partidários; as vantagens das redes sociais para ampliação da transparência pública; e as diferenças que tais redes guardam entre si, são propostas três hipóteses: H1) A comunicação pública empregada às páginas da CGU no Facebook e no Twitter sof...
Este artigo investiga se, e em que medida, o pertencimento a alguma denominacao evangelica afeta ... more Este artigo investiga se, e em que medida, o pertencimento a alguma denominacao evangelica afeta a adesao dos fieis paulistanos a valores convencionalmente atribuidos a democracia, como aqueles vinculados a tolerância, ao respeito as instituicoes e a preferencia pelo regime democratico em detrimento de outras formas de governo. Para isso, utiliza-se um conjunto de dados obtidos por meio de um survey conduzido pelo Instituto Sivis e aplicado a uma amostra representativa da populacao eleitoral do municipio de Sao Paulo, em 2019 (N = 2417). Atraves de tecnicas de analises descritivas e multivariadas, identifica-se que os evangelicos paulistanos apresentam resistencia em aceitar individuos com opinioes politicas e morais opostas, dialogar com pessoas que possuam opinioes politicas divergentes e concordar que a democracia e sempre a melhor forma de governo, independente das circunstâncias. Contudo, a analise multivariada demonstra que, embora o pertencimento a alguma denominacao evangeli...
Este artigo apresenta um estudo das estratégias adotadas pelos candidatos à Presidência da Repúbl... more Este artigo apresenta um estudo das estratégias adotadas pelos candidatos à Presidência da República nos debates televisivos nas eleições brasileiras de 2018, considerando a relevância histórica deste objeto de estudo para as disputas majoritárias no Brasil. Para tanto, analisam-se aspectos simbólicos da participação dos candidatos, observando três principais características: estratégias discursivas, foco da estratégia e atributo predominante no discurso. A metodologia é Análise de Conteúdo quantitativa, sendo o corpus formado por 795 participações em sete debates transmitidos pela televisão durante o primeiro turno da disputa presidencial de 2018. Os resultados apontam que os candidatos atacaram principalmente atributos políticos dos oponentes. Os ataques foram feitos majoritariamente por candidatos desafiantes e direcionados principalmente aos candidatos do PT e MDB, os dois últimos partidos à frente do Governo Federal. Além disso, observa-se como, comparativamente, o petista Hadd...
The article aims to capture the diversity of emerging practices in fact-checking by exploring, on... more The article aims to capture the diversity of emerging practices in fact-checking by exploring, on the one side, journalists' self-perception of the watchdog role they believe to perform and, on the other, the effective occurrence of such a role in different media systems. Data regarding the perception of the watchdog role stem from the <i>Worlds of Journalism Survey</i>, whereas evidence concerning the presence of the watchdog function derives from a content analysis of 2,792 fact-checks published by <i>FactCheck.org</i> (United States), <i>Pagella Politica</i> (Italy), <i>Correctiv</i> (Germany), and <i>Lupa</i> (Brazil). While fact-checkers working for <i>Correctiv</i> rarely addressed declarations by political agents, those contributing to <i>FactCheck.org</i> prioritized verifying statements by former President Trump. In turn, <i>Pagella Politica</i> fact-checkers recurrently used assertive labels to stress the falsehood of public remarks, whilst "true" is the most used label in the <i>Lupa</i> case. There is correspondence between professionals' conceptions about their role and the watchdog stance agencies perform in most cases. The manuscript also discusses how idiosyncrasies featuring each professional culture and specific traits of media systems influence fact-checkers' work. Lastly, we hold that in some settings fact-checking may outline new frontiers for the notion of watchdog journalism, taking the journalistic voice to unprecedented levels of adversarialism.
Replication data for the article "What do State entities say? Twitter as a public communicat... more Replication data for the article "What do State entities say? Twitter as a public communication tool during the impeachment of Brazilian President Dilma Rousseff", published in BPSR vol.13, n. 3, 2019. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1981-3821201900030005
O artigo propõe três objetivos: investigar quais instituições jornalísticas são mais utilizadas p... more O artigo propõe três objetivos: investigar quais instituições jornalísticas são mais utilizadas por parlamentares com a finalidade de consumir informações; verificar o grau de confiança que os representantes relatam depositar nos media; e examinar o grau de eficiência que deputados atribuem a diferentes plataformas midiáticas com vistas à autopromoção; a partir dos resultados de um survey presencial aplicado aos deputados que exerciam mandato na Assembleia Legislativa do Paraná (ALEP) em 2016. As formas de uso e variações de confiança nos media são diagnosticadas levando-se em conta variáveis independentes de natureza política e pessoal. Descobriu-se que os deputados se informam prioritariamente a partir de uma instituição jornalística local; além disso, eles tendem a considerar as redes sociais digitais muito eficientes para promoção política.
O artigo investiga se, e de que forma, a Controladoria-Geral da Uniao (CGU) aborda a ideia de tra... more O artigo investiga se, e de que forma, a Controladoria-Geral da Uniao (CGU) aborda a ideia de transparencia em seus perfis de redes sociais. Tres questoes orientam a analise: Como o tema da transparencia publica e mobilizado pela CGU no Facebook e no Twitter? Uma vez que Facebook e Twitter dispoem de estruturas e usuarios distintos, que estrategias de comunicacao sao privilegiadas em cada rede? Em que medida as rotinas de comunicacao digital da CGU foram transformadas na transicao entre os governos Rousseff e Temer? A analise de conteudo de 4.212 publicacoes no Facebook e no Twitter em 2015 e 2016 revelou que a instituicao privilegia dois temas: transparencia e corrupcao. Ademais, autoridades publicas sao pouco mencionadas, afastando-se uma perspectiva personalista de instrumentalizacao da comunicacao. Descobriu-se, ainda, que a transicao governamental efetivamente interferiu nas rotinas de publicacao da entidade.
In order to understand how mainstream media companies utilise fact-checking services, this paper ... more In order to understand how mainstream media companies utilise fact-checking services, this paper investigates the following research question: to what extent did the Brazilian agencies Estadão Verifica and Fato ou Fake endeavour to reinforce their epistemic authority through factchecking during the administrations of Jair Bolsonaro (2019–2022) and Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (2023–present)? For this examination, all texts published by the two agencies that mentioned Jair Bolsonaro in their titles between January and May 2022 and Lula between January and May 2023 were collected. The corpus consisted of 119 checks (95 from Estadão Verifica and 24 from Fato ou Fake) and was subjected to content analysis. The data indicates that the agencies’ coverage focused on similar issues during the two administrations, with more than half of the publications refuting rumours detrimental to Lula. The results also reveal that the fact-checking process prioritises journalism’s own sources. In other words, Estadão Verifica and Fato ou Fake primarily relied on their own material or that of other mainstream media companies to verify the selected stories — this approach suggests limits to the transparency of the investigation, since much of the information used has already undergone editorial filtering, which is not always clear to the public.
This study aims to examine which conceptions of public transparency are present in bills of law i... more This study aims to examine which conceptions of public transparency are present in bills of law introduced to the Brazilian House of Representatives. By combining content and document analysis to investigate 357 drafts proposed between 2003 and 2018, we scrutinize how often lawmakers propose transparency policies, what arguments and reasons they more recurrently use, the extent to which authoring proposals on public transparency is associated with their respective party ideologies, and the main characteristics of those bills passed into law. The findings reveal what we can be described as an 'unproductive hyperactivity' since the significant number of projects under consideration at the House usually adds little to existing transparency policies. In addition, the justifications underpinning many of the bills are marked by criticism toward political adversaries or evince the corporatist defense of lawmakers' private interests-underlining the persistence of corruption and patrimonialism as characteristics of the Brazilian political culture.
This article aims to examine the rhetorical strategies employed by interviewers and interviewees ... more This article aims to examine the rhetorical strategies employed by interviewers and interviewees to understand how adversarialism unfolds in television broadcasts. While most studies to date analyze a single interview or compare how the same interviewer confronts several interviewees, we capture how different panels of interviewers address adversarial questions in the same program format. We use mixed methods to assess nine interviews with Brazilian presidential candidates on the Roda Viva program aired during the 2018 elections. The results reveal that the structural characteristics of Roda Viva reduce the opportunities for equivocation gaps. In addition, while media professionals adopt a more assertive stance toward candidates (seeking to deauthenticate them), some interviewers from outside journalism offered the interviewees moral support. In turn, politicians avoided tricky questions and criticized the media coverage when placed in "embarrassing" situations. We also discuss how adversarial questions may help populist candidates since they use such opportunities to play the victim's role and attack the interviewers' credibility. Besides scrutinizing the media's performance in a non-Western setting, the paper contributes to the work of journalists, candidates, and political consultants by highlighting which rhetorical elements favor or harm the efficiency of those participating in such interviews.
Despite the growing scholarship concerning mis- and disinformation, research has yet to assess ho... more Despite the growing scholarship concerning mis- and disinformation, research has yet to assess how journalism tackles conspiracy theories in settings where news organizations and media professionals have their authority questioned. Against this background, our article poses two research questions: RQ1) Who are the actors mainstream factcheckers cover when addressing conspiracy theories? RQ2) To what extent does the focus on such actors delegitimize those who challenge news organizations or compete with them for the audience? Using content analysis as our key methodological strategy, we consider 197 fact-checks published between 2018 and 2021 by the Projeto Comprova, a Brazilian initiative currently comprising professionals from 41 media organizations. We found that the most discussed topics were those mobilizing polarized groups, namely, the Covid-19 pandemic and election fraud allegations. The then-President Bolsonaro and his supporters were often cited as disseminators of such plots. In turn, Facebook is pointed out as a thriving environment for the circulation of conspiratorial narratives. The results also reveal the prominence of mainstream news outlets as sources to ground the “factual” information sustained in the fact-checks. More interestingly, our data suggest that factcheckers have favored specific news values when addressing conspiracy theories. To strengthen our investigation, we use interviews with four professionals contributing to the Comprova to illustrate how the project has brought together rival companies interested in delegitimizing “alternative” sources of information.
The article aims to capture the diversity of emerging practices in factchecking by exploring, on ... more The article aims to capture the diversity of emerging practices in factchecking by exploring, on the one side, journalists' self-perception of the watchdog role they believe to perform and, on the other, the effective occurrence of such a role in different media systems. Data regarding the perception of the watchdog role stem from the Worlds of Journalism Survey, whereas evidence concerning the presence of the watchdog function derives from a content analysis of 2,792 factchecks published by FactCheck.org (United States), Pagella Politica (Italy), Correctiv (Germany), and Lupa (Brazil). While fact-checkers working for Correctiv rarely addressed declarations by political agents, those contributing to FactCheck.org prioritized verifying statements by former President Trump. In turn, Pagella Politica fact-checkers recurrently used assertive labels to stress the falsehood of public remarks, whilst "true" is the most used label in the Lupa case. There is correspondence between professionals' conceptions about their role and the watchdog stance agencies perform in most cases. The manuscript also discusses how idiosyncrasies featuring each professional culture and specific traits of media systems influence fact-checkers' work. Lastly, we hold that in some settings fact-checking may outline new frontiers for the notion of watchdog journalism, taking the journalistic voice to unprecedented levels of adversarialism.
Full article in Portuguese. Abstract in English: The article investigates whether and how the Off... more Full article in Portuguese. Abstract in English: The article investigates whether and how the Office of the Comptroller General (CGU) addresses the idea of transparency in its social network profiles. Three questions guide our analysis: How is the idea of public transparency mobilized by the CGU on Facebook and Twitter? Since Facebook and Twitter have different structures and users, which communication strategies are privileged in each network? To what extent have CGU s digital communication routines been transformed in the transition between the Rousseff and Temer governments? The Content Analysis of 4,212 publications on Facebook and Twitter in 2015 and 2016 revealed that the institution favors two issues: transparency and corruption. Furthermore, public authorities are rarely mentioned, moving away from a personalist perspective of instrumentalizing communication. We also found out that government transition influenced the CGU s publishing routines.
The objective of this article is to analyze the content of public communications in situations of... more The objective of this article is to analyze the content of public communications in situations of political crisis. We aim to establish whether and to what extent there was partisan instrumentalization of the digital social media channels administered by State institutions during the impeachment of Dilma Rousseff. We analyzed all posts published between 2015 and 2016 on the official Twitter profiles of Brazil’s Chamber of Deputies, Federal Senate, Presidential Palace and Federal Supreme Court. We considered all posts with the words ‘impeachment’, ‘impedimento’, (‘impeachment’) ‘afastamento’, (‘impeachment’) and ‘golpe’ (‘coup’) (n=795). Our methodology comprised a combination of quantitative (descriptive statistics) and qualitative (content analysis) strategies. We found that the Federal Senate’s twitter profile mostfrequently posted the word ‘impeachment’, while the term ‘golpe’ was most frequently posted by the Presidential Palace profile. Over half of the publications fit into the category of ‘dissemination of news’. The Presidential Palace’s Twitter profile exhibited a distinct pattern of behavior, predominantly posting tweets associated with the ‘promotion of ideas and expression. of positions’. Therefore, the Presidential Palace favored a communications strategy with a partisan bias. This research is relevant as it uses empirical data to discuss phenomena tied to studies on public and political communication.
This article has three main objectives: to investigate which journalistic institutions are most u... more This article has three main objectives: to investigate which journalistic institutions are most used by representatives to consume information; verify the degree of confidence that representatives have in the media; and to examine the degree of efficiency that deputies attribute to different media platforms regarding self-promotion; based on the results of a face-to-face survey applied to the deputies who held office in the Legislative Assembly of Paraná (ALEP) in 2016. The forms of use and variations of trust in the media are studied considering political and personal independent variables. We found out that deputies prefer a local journalistic institution to get information; in addition, they tend to consider digital social networks as very efficient for political promotion.
O artigo propõe três objetivos: investigar quais instituições jornalísticas são mais utilizadas p... more O artigo propõe três objetivos: investigar quais instituições jornalísticas são mais utilizadas por parlamentares com a finalidade de consumir informações; verificar o grau de confiança que os representantes relatam depositar nos media; e examinar o grau de eficiência que deputados atribuem a diferentes plataformas midiáticas com vistas à autopromoção; a partir dos resultados de um survey presencial aplicado aos deputados que exerciam mandato na Assembleia Legislativa do Paraná (ALEP) em 2016. As formas de uso e variações de confiança nos media são diagnosticadas levando-se em conta variáveis independentes de natureza política e pessoal. Descobriu-se que os deputados se informam prioritariamente a partir de uma instituição jornalística local; além disso, eles tendem a considerar as redes sociais digitais muito eficientes para promoção política.
Adversarial Political Interviewing: Worldwide Perspectives During Polarized Times, 2022
After the end of the military dictatorship (1964–1985), electoral disputes
in Brazil have been in... more After the end of the military dictatorship (1964–1985), electoral disputes in Brazil have been influenced by interviews with politicians. The most relevant national TV show bringing this kind of content is Roda Viva, aired since 1986 by the public broadcaster TV Cultura. Considering Roda Viva’s role, the relevance of its debates throughout the 2018 presidential election, and how adversarial and lapdog journalism unfolded during each show, we analyze the interviews carried out with nine mainstream candidates. To understand how adversarial behaviors are manifested, we observe the roles of themediator, the professional features of interviewers, and the number of interventions of each agent, among other aspects. Even though all Roda Viva interviews follow the same script, the results indicate that the level of adversarialism varies from one program to another. The antagonistic behavior manifested by interviewers and interviewees depends on (1) the person who is being interviewed (and if he/she adopts or not a hostile or aggressive attitude), and (2) the professional affiliation of the interviewers (a panel formed entirely by journalists tend to be more adversarial, while interviewers with mixed backgrounds usually take a more sympathetic approach).
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Papers by Andressa Butture Kniess
during the administrations of Jair Bolsonaro (2019–2022) and Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (2023–present)? For this examination, all texts published by the two agencies that mentioned Jair Bolsonaro in their titles between January and May 2022 and Lula between January and May 2023 were collected. The corpus consisted of 119 checks (95 from Estadão Verifica and 24 from Fato ou Fake) and was subjected to content analysis. The data indicates that the agencies’ coverage focused on similar issues during the two administrations, with more than half of the publications
refuting rumours detrimental to Lula. The results also reveal that the fact-checking process prioritises journalism’s own sources. In other words, Estadão Verifica and Fato ou Fake primarily relied on their own material or that of other mainstream media companies to verify the selected stories
— this approach suggests limits to the transparency of the investigation, since much of the information used has already undergone editorial filtering, which is not always clear to the public.
Legislative Assembly of Paraná (ALEP) in 2016. The forms of use and variations of trust in the media are studied considering political and personal independent variables. We found out that deputies prefer a local journalistic institution to get information; in addition, they tend to consider digital social networks as very efficient for political promotion.
in Brazil have been influenced by interviews with politicians. The most relevant national TV show bringing this kind of content is Roda Viva, aired since 1986 by the public broadcaster TV Cultura. Considering Roda Viva’s role, the relevance of its debates throughout the 2018 presidential election, and how adversarial and lapdog journalism unfolded during each show, we analyze the interviews carried out with nine mainstream candidates. To understand how adversarial behaviors are manifested,
we observe the roles of themediator, the professional features of interviewers, and the number of interventions of each agent, among other aspects. Even though all Roda Viva interviews follow the same script, the results indicate that the level of adversarialism varies from one program to another. The antagonistic behavior manifested by interviewers and interviewees depends on (1) the person who is being interviewed (and if he/she adopts or not a hostile or aggressive attitude), and (2) the professional affiliation of the interviewers (a panel formed entirely by journalists tend to be more adversarial, while interviewers with mixed backgrounds usually take a more sympathetic approach).