- University of Exeter, Classics and Ancient History, Faculty MemberFondation Hardt pour l'Étude de l'Antiquité Classique, Classical Philology, Department Member, and 5 moreadd
- Early Greek poetry, Greek Linguistics, Greek Language, Epic poetry, Ekphrasis, Hesiodic Poetry, and 21 moreGreek Literature, Homer, Greek Epigraphy, Ancient myth and religion, Greek Myth, Greek Epic, Greek Lyric Poetry, Mythography, Ancient Geography, Ancient Greek Geography, Ancient Near East, Philology, Classics, Classics: Ancient History and Archaeology, Classical philology, Ancient Greek Religion, Ancient Near Eastern Art, Greek Tragedy, Ancient Greek and Roman Theatre, Ancient Scholarship, and Ancient magicedit
Antike Fluchrituale zielten darauf ab, die jeweilige Gerechtigkeitsvorstellung der Verfluchenden durchzusetzen – insbesondere wenn weder das öffentliche Justizsystem noch gesellschaftlich anerkannte Verhaltenskodize dem Anspruch gerecht... more
Antike Fluchrituale zielten darauf ab, die jeweilige Gerechtigkeitsvorstellung der Verfluchenden durchzusetzen – insbesondere wenn weder das öffentliche Justizsystem noch gesellschaftlich anerkannte Verhaltenskodize dem Anspruch gerecht werden konnten. In den Ritualen kamen sogenannte defixionis tabellae (Fluchtafeln) zur Anwendung, die hier devotiones maleficae genannt werden. Sie bestehen meistens aus eingeschriebenen Bleilamellen und wurden für die Beschädigung eines oder mehrerer Opfer angefertigt.
Sara Chiarini untersucht die dabei verwendete Fluchsprache, die durch ihre formelhaften Strukturen und Bestandteile auf eine Tradition des Fluchrituals hindeuten. Individuelle Ergänzungen bieten hingegen Hinweise auf die Bedingungen um die Entstehung des Rituals, die Gefühlslage der Verfluchenden und die Arten von Bestrafungen, die der rechtlichen Dimension des Rituals entsprechen. Chiarini ergänzt den bisherigen Forschungstand anhand der neu entdeckten und veröffentlichten Fluchtafeln und setzt sich umfassend mit diesem epigraphischen Material auseinander.
Sara Chiarini untersucht die dabei verwendete Fluchsprache, die durch ihre formelhaften Strukturen und Bestandteile auf eine Tradition des Fluchrituals hindeuten. Individuelle Ergänzungen bieten hingegen Hinweise auf die Bedingungen um die Entstehung des Rituals, die Gefühlslage der Verfluchenden und die Arten von Bestrafungen, die der rechtlichen Dimension des Rituals entsprechen. Chiarini ergänzt den bisherigen Forschungstand anhand der neu entdeckten und veröffentlichten Fluchtafeln und setzt sich umfassend mit diesem epigraphischen Material auseinander.
Research Interests: Ancient History, Roman History, Roman Religion, Ancient Mediterranean Religions, Latin Language and Literature, and 13 moreLatin Epigraphy, Ancient Greek Religion, Ancient myth and religion, Ancient Greek History, Ancient Greek Epigraphy, Magic and Divination in the Ancient World, Ancient Greek Language, Ancient magic, Greek and Latin Epigraphy, Ancient Greek Cultural & Social History, Classics: Ancient History and Archaeology, Curse Tablets, and Graeco-Roman Religion
As the first extensive survey of the ancient Greek painters’ practice of writing nonsense on vases, Between Paideia and Paidiá by Sara Chiarini provides a systematic overview of the linguistic features of the phenomenon and discusses its... more
As the first extensive survey of the ancient Greek painters’ practice of writing nonsense on vases, Between Paideia and Paidiá by Sara Chiarini provides a systematic overview of the linguistic features of the phenomenon and discusses its forms and contexts of reception.
While the origins of the practice lie in the impaired literacy of the painters involved in it, the extent of the phenomenon suggests that, at some point, it became a true fashion within Attic vase painting. This raises the question of the forms of interaction with this epigraphic material. An open approach is adopted: “reading” attempts, riddles and puns inspired by nonsense inscriptions could happen in a variety of circumstances, including the symposium but not limited to it.
While the origins of the practice lie in the impaired literacy of the painters involved in it, the extent of the phenomenon suggests that, at some point, it became a true fashion within Attic vase painting. This raises the question of the forms of interaction with this epigraphic material. An open approach is adopted: “reading” attempts, riddles and puns inspired by nonsense inscriptions could happen in a variety of circumstances, including the symposium but not limited to it.
Research Interests: Classics, Greek Literature, Literacy, Greek Language, Greek Epigraphy, and 11 moreAncient Greek History, Ancient Greek and Roman Art, Greek Vases, Ancient Greek Language, Ancient Greek Literature, Greek and Roman Art and Architecture, Greek alphabet, Ancient Greek Linguistics, Attic black-figured vases, Attic red-figure vases, and Greek vase painting
Il volume costituisce la rielaborazione di una porzione della tesi di dottorato dell'autrice. Esso ambisce a fornire una rilettura antiquario-iconografica dell'ekphrasis dello Scutum Herculis, che, nell'ambito degli studi classici, è... more
Il volume costituisce la rielaborazione di una porzione della tesi di dottorato dell'autrice. Esso ambisce a fornire una rilettura antiquario-iconografica dell'ekphrasis dello Scutum Herculis, che, nell'ambito degli studi classici, è sempre rimasta all'ombra della ben più nota ekphrasis iliadica dello scudo di Achilleus. Sulla scia dei recenti analoghi studi dedicati ad altre testimonianze dell'arcaismo greco, l'attenzione è focalizzata sia sui singoli dettagli materiali e figurativi, sia su un'interpretazione globale dell'impianto decorativo dello scudo.
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Research Interests: Classics, Greek Literature, Literacy, Art, Greek Language, and 15 moreLiterature, Greek Epigraphy, Ancient Greek History, Ancient Greek and Roman Art, Greek Vases, Ancient Greek Language, Ancient Greek Literature, Greek and Roman Art and Architecture, Greek alphabet, Ancient Greek Linguistics, Attic black-figured vases, Attic red-figure vases, Brill, Greek vase painting, and History of Greek vases
ABSTRACT: The sanctuary of Apollon at Pagasai in Thessaly is mentioned for the first time in the late archaic poem Scutum Herculis as the setting of two mythical fights of Herakles, first against Kyknos and then against Ares, of whom... more
ABSTRACT: The sanctuary of Apollon at Pagasai in Thessaly is mentioned for the first time in the late archaic poem Scutum Herculis as the setting of two mythical fights of Herakles, first against Kyknos and then against Ares, of whom Kyknos was son. Through the ...
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The dissertation contains a continuous commentary on the late archaic poem known as Scutum Herculis and wrongly attributed to Hesiod. It discusses especially mythographical, geographic, antiquarian and iconographic issues, but also some... more
The dissertation contains a continuous commentary on the late archaic poem known as Scutum Herculis and wrongly attributed to Hesiod. It discusses especially mythographical, geographic, antiquarian and iconographic issues, but also some linguistic and literary aspects, which can contribute to the outline of the historical and cultural milieu, within which the poem was composed. In the introduction it is showed how the artistic taste of the author of the ekphrasis could date back to the period between the 7th and the 6th century B.C.
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... | Ayuda. Contributi alla 'quaestio' leonina. Autores: Sara Chiarini; Localización: Aevum antiquum, ISSN 1121-8932, Nº. 4, 2004 , pags. 377-413. © 2001-2010 Universidad de La Rioja · Todos los derechos reservados.... more
... | Ayuda. Contributi alla 'quaestio' leonina. Autores: Sara Chiarini; Localización: Aevum antiquum, ISSN 1121-8932, Nº. 4, 2004 , pags. 377-413. © 2001-2010 Universidad de La Rioja · Todos los derechos reservados. XHTML 1.0; UTF‑8.
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The ancient theoretical debate on language and its purposes has long concerned scholarship, but only in recent years a growing attention has been directed to ancient concepts and instances of nonsense in both communication and... more
The ancient theoretical debate on language and its purposes has long concerned scholarship, but only in recent years a growing attention has been directed to ancient concepts and instances of nonsense in both communication and artistic-literary expression, as the recent monograph by Stephen Kidd attests. This paper engages in an analysis of the phrase οὐδὲν λέγειν/nihil dicere, used to express the nonsense of a statement. An overview of the occurrences of οὐδὲν λέγειν is followed by a survey of what can be considered the ‘reception’ or calque of the Greek idiom in Latin, namely nihil dicere. The concentration of the occurrences, both in Greek and Latin, in the same two genres, i.e. comedy and philosophical dialogue, suggests that the phrase was borrowed from the colloquial vocabulary of the spoken language. The authority of Aristophanes and Plato seems to have eased the assimilation of the locution by authors such as Plautus, Terence and Cicero. The rarity of the phrase outside thes...
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The ancient theoretical debate on language and its purposes has long concerned scholarship, but only in recent years a growing attention has been directed to ancient concepts and instances of nonsense in both communication and... more
The ancient theoretical debate on language and its purposes has long concerned scholarship, but only in recent years a growing attention has been directed to ancient concepts and instances of nonsense in both communication and artistic-literary expression, as the recent monograph by Stephen Kidd attests. This paper engages in an analysis of the phrase οὐδὲν λέγειν/nihil dicere, used to express the nonsense of a statement. An overview of the occurrences of οὐδὲν λέγειν is followed by a survey of what can be considered the ‘reception’ or calque of the Greek idiom in Latin, namely nihil dicere. The concentration of the occurrences, both in Greek and Latin, in the same two genres, i.e. comedy and philosophical dialogue, suggests that the phrase was borrowed from the colloquial vocabulary of the spoken language. The authority of Aristophanes and Plato seems to have eased the assimilation of the locution by authors such as Plautus, Terence and Cicero. The rarity of the phrase outside thes...
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Among the ancient verbs expressing the act of cursing there is καταγράφειν with its Latin equivalent (de)scribĕre. The objects of καταγράφω, ‘I write down’, could be not only the personal names of the victims - which alone might not... more
Among the ancient verbs expressing the act of cursing there is καταγράφειν with its Latin equivalent (de)scribĕre. The objects of καταγράφω, ‘I write down’, could be not only the personal names of the victims - which alone might not display the physical/material symbolism of
the formula so prominently -, but also parts of their body or other features of their person. Such instances attest to the magical power ascribed to the act of writing: to ‘write down’ the tongue (γλῶτταν) or the energy (δύναμιν) of someone signified an immediate and concrete harm to the target individual, as in the better known formula καταδῶ τὸν δεῖνα, ‘I bind down so-and-so’.
the formula so prominently -, but also parts of their body or other features of their person. Such instances attest to the magical power ascribed to the act of writing: to ‘write down’ the tongue (γλῶτταν) or the energy (δύναμιν) of someone signified an immediate and concrete harm to the target individual, as in the better known formula καταδῶ τὸν δεῖνα, ‘I bind down so-and-so’.
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The paper deals with the features of the formulaicity which informs the language of ancient curses. It does this on the basis of a specific formula attested in this corpus, by which the victim is bound or, more broadly, harmed in their... more
The paper deals with the features of the formulaicity which informs the language of ancient curses. It does this on the basis of a specific formula attested in this corpus, by which the victim is bound or, more broadly, harmed in their hands and feet. The review of the uses of this formula and its comparison with similar expressions found in other sources help us better appreciate the manifold ways in which the shaping of the vocabulary of ancient curses could take place.
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The ancient theoretical debate on language and its purposes has long concerned scholarship, but only in recent years a growing attention has been directed to ancient concepts and instances of nonsense in both communication and... more
The ancient theoretical debate on language and its purposes has long concerned scholarship, but only in recent years a growing attention has been directed to ancient concepts and instances of nonsense in both communication and artistic-literary expression, as the recent monograph by Stephen Kidd attests. This paper engages in an analysis of the phrase οὐδὲν λέγειν/nihil dicere, used to express the nonsense of a statement. An overview of the occurrences of οὐδὲν λέγειν is followed by a survey of what can be considered the ‘reception’ or calque of the Greek idiom in Latin, namely nihil dicere. The concentration of the occurrences, both in Greek and Latin, in the same two genres, i.e. comedy and philosophical dialogue, suggests that the phrase was borrowed from the colloquial vocabulary of the spoken language. The authority of Aristophanes and Plato seems to have eased the assimilation of the locution by authors such as Plautus, Terence and Cicero. The rarity of the phrase outside these authors and their genres supports the thought that, in literature, οὐδὲν λέγειν/nihil dicere were typical of the lexical repertoires of dramatic ἀγών and dialectics.
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The formulary of ancient magic features an expression, which is object of analysis in the present paper. It consists of the predicate ἐγώ εἰμι followed by the name of one or more gods or daemons. By this, the person reciting the magical... more
The formulary of ancient magic features an expression, which is object of analysis in the present paper. It consists of the predicate ἐγώ εἰμι followed by the name of one or more gods or daemons. By this, the person reciting the magical spell identified him- or herself with a supernatural entity. A detailed overview of its stylistic and semantic features reveals how the formula is to be counted among those rhetorical devices of the magic act that enhanced its dramatic force. Rather than believing to be actually possessed by some divinity, the speaker-actor of the formula played the role of that divinity, thereby staging the magic ritual as a dialogic performance.
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The paper surveys the symbolic function of feet in the process of individual recognition in ancient Greece through its two main forms of expression: the literary passages mentioning feet in the context of a γνωρισμός and the many material... more
The paper surveys the symbolic function of feet in the process of individual recognition in ancient Greece through its two main forms of expression: the literary passages mentioning feet in the context of a γνωρισμός and the many material representations of feet or footprints left in sacred and other public buildings as sign of presence. For the first time a unifying approach is attempted and it is based on the symbolism of presence expressed by feet in both contexts.
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MONUMENTAL MYTHOGRAPHY. R.L. Fowler Early Greek Mythography. Volume 1: Text and Introduction. Pp. xlviii + 459. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000. Cased, £155, US$225. ISBN: 978-0-19-814740-4. R.L. Fowler Early Greek Mythography. Volume 2: Commentary. Pp. xxii + 825. Oxford: Oxford University...more
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At line 25 of the pseudo-Hesiodic poem Shield of Heracles, the people of Locris are listed among the participants in a mythical war against the Taphians and the Teleboans. Beyond the historical problem of the mention of the Locrians in... more
At line 25 of the pseudo-Hesiodic poem Shield of Heracles, the people of Locris are listed among the participants in a mythical war against the Taphians and the Teleboans. Beyond the historical problem of the mention of the Locrians in this context - that I have explored in another study - an important question arises with regard to the epithet they are given in line 25. They are characterised in the Iliad as skilful archers and sling fighters who usually maintain a rearwards position on the battlefield. Here, however, we read that the Locrians are “close fighters” (ἀγχέμαχοι < ἀγχί + μάχομαι). Ancient commentators as well express their surprise before such an attribute, but both ancient and modern scholars have not done much more than simply acknowledge the aporia - except for Oldfather, who interpreted this expression as evidence of changing war practices among the Locrians. According to him, the Shield bears witness to a later historical situation, when the Locrians abandoned their bows and adopted the hoplite technique. My paper shows how this argument is actually unable to explain the presence of the epithet in the poem and suggests a new interpretation based on a passage in Eusthatiusʼ commentary on the Iliad. Instead of pointing to the distance of the fighters from their enemy, the prefix ἀγχί is much more likely to refer to their closeness, so that we could interpret the Hesiodic epithet ἀγχέμαχοι as meaning “the Locrians who fight serried”, scil. with their bows.
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The long debated hypothesis of a historical connection between the composition of the poem and the context of the first sacred war is discussed in the paper in sceptical terms. A special focus is devoted to line 25, where Locrians and... more
The long debated hypothesis of a historical connection between the composition of the poem and the context of the first sacred war is discussed in the paper in sceptical terms. A special focus is devoted to line 25, where Locrians and Phocians are mentioned as allies in the mythical war lead by Amphitryon against the Taphians and the Teleboans. If the poem had been composed to celebrate the first sacred war, the author would have avoided the association of these two armies, which were bitter enemies during that conflict.
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Many inquiries have been made around the great frequency of lion images in Greek culture, particularly recurrent from the Mycenaean to the archaic period. But each of them examined the matter from a single point of view, either... more
Many inquiries have been made around the great frequency of lion images in Greek culture, particularly recurrent from the Mycenaean to the archaic period. But each of them
examined the matter from a single point of view, either zoo-archaeological, historiographical, artistic or literary. Instead the aim of this paper is that of comparing and putting in dialogue the multiple results derived from the analysis of both bony,
iconographic and textual sources regarding lions within the early Greek civilization, in order to approach with an overall perspective the quaestio leonina, as it has here been named. And it can be properly considered a quaestio, since the debate about the sort of
relationship held by ancient Greek people with lions has been lasting for decades. The reason for such divergent positions concerning the degree of knowledge about lions among the Greeks depends on the the fact that each scholar who faced this issue focused himself/herself on his/her own discipline, without taking into account documents of other nature. Thus philologists and historians of art mainly denied that Greek people could have
had any αὐτοψία of lions, which could have significantly influenced its artistic representation, and attributed the success of the lion-motif in Greek art almost totally to the Near-Eastern influence. On the other side palaeontologists affirmed it on the basis of bone findings and news given by some ancient historians and scientific writers. The results of this interdisciplinary survey have led to an acknowledgement of true-to-liveness of Greek representations of this feline and an explanation of their few apparent inconsistencies in comparison with modern ethological notions regarding lions. The direct consequence of such an assertion is a reappraisal of the influence of Eastern lion-patterns
over Greek art.
examined the matter from a single point of view, either zoo-archaeological, historiographical, artistic or literary. Instead the aim of this paper is that of comparing and putting in dialogue the multiple results derived from the analysis of both bony,
iconographic and textual sources regarding lions within the early Greek civilization, in order to approach with an overall perspective the quaestio leonina, as it has here been named. And it can be properly considered a quaestio, since the debate about the sort of
relationship held by ancient Greek people with lions has been lasting for decades. The reason for such divergent positions concerning the degree of knowledge about lions among the Greeks depends on the the fact that each scholar who faced this issue focused himself/herself on his/her own discipline, without taking into account documents of other nature. Thus philologists and historians of art mainly denied that Greek people could have
had any αὐτοψία of lions, which could have significantly influenced its artistic representation, and attributed the success of the lion-motif in Greek art almost totally to the Near-Eastern influence. On the other side palaeontologists affirmed it on the basis of bone findings and news given by some ancient historians and scientific writers. The results of this interdisciplinary survey have led to an acknowledgement of true-to-liveness of Greek representations of this feline and an explanation of their few apparent inconsistencies in comparison with modern ethological notions regarding lions. The direct consequence of such an assertion is a reappraisal of the influence of Eastern lion-patterns
over Greek art.
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The paper analyses Zeus’ trip from mount Olympus to Thebes, as it is described at vv. 30-34 of the Shield of Herakles. In particular, it deals with the issue of the identification of mount Tiphaonios, Zeus’ halfway stop. A peak of the... more
The paper analyses Zeus’ trip from mount Olympus to Thebes, as it is described at vv. 30-34 of the Shield of Herakles. In particular, it deals with the issue of the identification of mount Tiphaonios, Zeus’ halfway stop. A peak of the Helicon chain might be a suitable candidate for such identification.
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The sanctuary of Apollon at Pagasai in Thessaly is mentioned for the first time in the late archaic poem Scutum Herculis as the setting of two mythical fights of Herakles, first against Kyknos and then against Ares, of whom Kyknos was... more
The sanctuary of Apollon at Pagasai in Thessaly is mentioned for the first time in the late archaic poem Scutum Herculis as the setting of two mythical fights of Herakles, first against Kyknos and then against Ares, of whom Kyknos was son.
Through the combination of mythical, literary and archaeological sources, this paper aims at two main goals: on the one hand, to explain the genesis of the different versions of the myth and, on the other hand, to outline a comprehensive picture of the archaic sanctuary.
This interdisciplinary approach shows once more how one research topic can be enlightened by another field of studies and vice versa, if they are put in a reciprocal and
fruitful dialogue.
Through the combination of mythical, literary and archaeological sources, this paper aims at two main goals: on the one hand, to explain the genesis of the different versions of the myth and, on the other hand, to outline a comprehensive picture of the archaic sanctuary.
This interdisciplinary approach shows once more how one research topic can be enlightened by another field of studies and vice versa, if they are put in a reciprocal and
fruitful dialogue.
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The TheDeMa (Thesaurus Defixionum Magdeburgensis) is the first online digital database of curse texts from antiquity.
Please contact me if you want the access codes to try the database before it will be released as an open access resource.
Please contact me if you want the access codes to try the database before it will be released as an open access resource.
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"This presentation is devoted to the visual force of writing. This feature is shared by all literate cultures of all ages and therefore it applies to the ancient Greek and Roman civilizations as well. This issue is introduced by examples... more
"This presentation is devoted to the visual force of writing. This feature is shared by all literate cultures of all ages and therefore it applies to the ancient Greek and Roman civilizations as well. This issue is introduced by examples of the aesthetic use of writing in the Chinese and the Arabic cultures. The fascination for the shapes of letters is attested in the modern Western world as well, like Goethe's copying of Arabic words and the paintings of Cy Twombly illustrate.
Already on the very first documents of the ancient Greek alphabet, writing and pictorial decoration are deeply intertwined: both on the Nestor's cup and on the Dipylon vase, the inscription is adjusted to the geometric patterns, in order to generate an harmonious decorative whole.
From the 8th to the 5th century BC, the practice of enriching a pictorial decoration with writing became popular. The famous François vase is full of captions all over the depicted bands: most of them are the proper names of the painted figures, but some are just common names of objects, which are fully redundant to the understanding of the depicted subject. They do not add any further information or detail, which is not already conveyed by the pictorial representation. So it is to assume that their function is mainly visual.
An extreme development of this artistic use of writing in the Greek culture are the many hundreds of vases carrying inscriptions, which have no meaning in the Greek language, the so called nonsense inscriptions. It is a very curious phenomenon with a quite limited chronological span, allowing therefore to investigate it as a true artistic trend."
Already on the very first documents of the ancient Greek alphabet, writing and pictorial decoration are deeply intertwined: both on the Nestor's cup and on the Dipylon vase, the inscription is adjusted to the geometric patterns, in order to generate an harmonious decorative whole.
From the 8th to the 5th century BC, the practice of enriching a pictorial decoration with writing became popular. The famous François vase is full of captions all over the depicted bands: most of them are the proper names of the painted figures, but some are just common names of objects, which are fully redundant to the understanding of the depicted subject. They do not add any further information or detail, which is not already conveyed by the pictorial representation. So it is to assume that their function is mainly visual.
An extreme development of this artistic use of writing in the Greek culture are the many hundreds of vases carrying inscriptions, which have no meaning in the Greek language, the so called nonsense inscriptions. It is a very curious phenomenon with a quite limited chronological span, allowing therefore to investigate it as a true artistic trend."
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The decoration of the shield of Herakles, as it is described in the homonymous late archaic poem, collects a series of images, which all together convey a terrifying and spectacular image of war: fighting warriors, lying corpses, horrible... more
The decoration of the shield of Herakles, as it is described in the homonymous late archaic poem, collects a series of images, which all together convey a terrifying and spectacular image of war: fighting warriors, lying corpses, horrible monsters and raging gods generate a gloomy and macabre atmosphere.
This iconography interacts with the main plot of the poem, which narrates the duel between Herakles and Kyknos - the son of Ares -, both being fully equipped in their armours. None would therefore deny that the Scutum Herculis aims at celebrating the spectacle of war in its multifarious dimensions, heroic as well as tragic. This paper focuses on the relationships between the various warlike subjects, which decorate the shield, and their concrete parallels in the contemporary archaic visual art.
The aim of this approach is to show that it is possible to isolate a whole collection of bloody and fearful themes in the art of the archaic ages in Greece, and that it is not just a question of a personal taste for macabre scenes on part of the author of the poem - as it has been suggested for long time - but rather of a whole artistic trend. In detail, new iconographic comparisons with some decorative subjects of the shield will be proposed, like the motif of Ker seizing warriors and that of goddesses/vultures tearing corpses in pieces. These new comparisons are even more interesting in so far as they can offer concrete archaeological records for subjects, which until now were just considered products of the fantasy of the poet of the Scutum. A further step of this inquiry is to outline a growing taste for portraying the darkest and destructive sides of war during the archaic ages: this thread rises from the few hints contained in the Iliad to its full consecration in the Scutum, passing through a series of coeval pieces of figurative art. The whole tendency is here called ‘war as theatre of death’, in opposition to ‘war as theatre of andreia and kleos’, the alternative - and better known - image of war in the Greek epic tradition.
This iconography interacts with the main plot of the poem, which narrates the duel between Herakles and Kyknos - the son of Ares -, both being fully equipped in their armours. None would therefore deny that the Scutum Herculis aims at celebrating the spectacle of war in its multifarious dimensions, heroic as well as tragic. This paper focuses on the relationships between the various warlike subjects, which decorate the shield, and their concrete parallels in the contemporary archaic visual art.
The aim of this approach is to show that it is possible to isolate a whole collection of bloody and fearful themes in the art of the archaic ages in Greece, and that it is not just a question of a personal taste for macabre scenes on part of the author of the poem - as it has been suggested for long time - but rather of a whole artistic trend. In detail, new iconographic comparisons with some decorative subjects of the shield will be proposed, like the motif of Ker seizing warriors and that of goddesses/vultures tearing corpses in pieces. These new comparisons are even more interesting in so far as they can offer concrete archaeological records for subjects, which until now were just considered products of the fantasy of the poet of the Scutum. A further step of this inquiry is to outline a growing taste for portraying the darkest and destructive sides of war during the archaic ages: this thread rises from the few hints contained in the Iliad to its full consecration in the Scutum, passing through a series of coeval pieces of figurative art. The whole tendency is here called ‘war as theatre of death’, in opposition to ‘war as theatre of andreia and kleos’, the alternative - and better known - image of war in the Greek epic tradition.
Bei der Betrachtung der altgriechischen fgurativen Kunst sind die Pfanzenmotive, die so oft und in allen Zeiten vorkommen, meist unbeachtet geblieben. Andere Funktionen als die, den Bildraum aufzufüllen oder zu schmücken wurden ihnen... more
Bei der Betrachtung der altgriechischen fgurativen Kunst sind die Pfanzenmotive, die so oft und in allen Zeiten vorkommen, meist unbeachtet geblieben. Andere Funktionen als die, den Bildraum aufzufüllen oder zu schmücken wurden ihnen nicht zugeschrieben. Die Hauptursache dieser Vernachlässigung liegt wahrscheinlich im Mangel wirklichkeitsgetreuer Darstellungen von Pfanzen in der altgriechischen Bildkunst.
Daher fndet man kaum wissenschaftliche Literatur, die diesem Thema gewidmet ist. Der einzige Text, der sich ausführlich mit der griechischen Pfanzendarstellung beschäftigt, ist die Sammlung der Ringvorlesungen der Nordrhein- Westfälischen Akademie der Wissenschaften im Jahr 2004 von Nikolaus Himmelmann. Dies bedeutet, dass dieses Buch den Ausgangspunkt dieser kurzen Präsentation bildet, und dass man seine These diskutieren muss. Nikolaus Himmelmann lässt die Pfanzen- und Blumendarstellung der verschiedenen Zeiten
der altgriechischen Geschichte vorüberziehen, um darauf fußend die Behauptung aufzustellen, dass man trotz der unterschiedlichen Stile eine Konstante ausmachen kann.
Auch die stilisiertesten Formen, wie die des geometrischen Stils, spielen seiner Meinung nach auf Pfanzenmotive und den Naturhintergrund an. Himmelmann sieht eine beständige
Verwendung in der Kunst ab der mykenischen Zeit, bis zum Hellenismus, die von zwei Hauptmerkmale geprägt wird: der konstanten Mischung deskriptiver und symbolischer
Dimension der Darstellung.
Ein zweiter Aspekt, den man berücksichtigen muss, ist die Beziehung zwischen den Pfanzenmotiven und den fgürlichen Szenen auf der Bildoberfäche, mit besonderem Augenmerk auf die Räumlichkeitsfunktion der Pfanzenelemente. In diesem Sinn ist der Beitrag der jüngsten Studie von Nikolaus Dietrich besonders bemerkenswert.
Hauptliteratur
Baumann, Helmut (1999). Die griechische Pfanzenwelt in Mythos, Kunst und Literatur. München:
Hirmer.
Baumann, Helmut (2007). Flora Mythologica. Griechische Pfanzenwelt in der Antike. Zürich:
Akanthus.
Dietrich, Nikolaus (2010). Figur ohne Raum? Bäume und Felsen in der attischen Vasenmalerei des 6. und
5. Jahrhunderts v. Chr. Berlin: De Gruyter.
Himmelmann, Nikolaus (2005). Grundlagen der griechischen Pfanzendarstellung. Nordrhein-
Westfälische Akademie der Wissenschaften – Vorträge G 393. Paderborn: Ferdinand
Schöningh.
Daher fndet man kaum wissenschaftliche Literatur, die diesem Thema gewidmet ist. Der einzige Text, der sich ausführlich mit der griechischen Pfanzendarstellung beschäftigt, ist die Sammlung der Ringvorlesungen der Nordrhein- Westfälischen Akademie der Wissenschaften im Jahr 2004 von Nikolaus Himmelmann. Dies bedeutet, dass dieses Buch den Ausgangspunkt dieser kurzen Präsentation bildet, und dass man seine These diskutieren muss. Nikolaus Himmelmann lässt die Pfanzen- und Blumendarstellung der verschiedenen Zeiten
der altgriechischen Geschichte vorüberziehen, um darauf fußend die Behauptung aufzustellen, dass man trotz der unterschiedlichen Stile eine Konstante ausmachen kann.
Auch die stilisiertesten Formen, wie die des geometrischen Stils, spielen seiner Meinung nach auf Pfanzenmotive und den Naturhintergrund an. Himmelmann sieht eine beständige
Verwendung in der Kunst ab der mykenischen Zeit, bis zum Hellenismus, die von zwei Hauptmerkmale geprägt wird: der konstanten Mischung deskriptiver und symbolischer
Dimension der Darstellung.
Ein zweiter Aspekt, den man berücksichtigen muss, ist die Beziehung zwischen den Pfanzenmotiven und den fgürlichen Szenen auf der Bildoberfäche, mit besonderem Augenmerk auf die Räumlichkeitsfunktion der Pfanzenelemente. In diesem Sinn ist der Beitrag der jüngsten Studie von Nikolaus Dietrich besonders bemerkenswert.
Hauptliteratur
Baumann, Helmut (1999). Die griechische Pfanzenwelt in Mythos, Kunst und Literatur. München:
Hirmer.
Baumann, Helmut (2007). Flora Mythologica. Griechische Pfanzenwelt in der Antike. Zürich:
Akanthus.
Dietrich, Nikolaus (2010). Figur ohne Raum? Bäume und Felsen in der attischen Vasenmalerei des 6. und
5. Jahrhunderts v. Chr. Berlin: De Gruyter.
Himmelmann, Nikolaus (2005). Grundlagen der griechischen Pfanzendarstellung. Nordrhein-
Westfälische Akademie der Wissenschaften – Vorträge G 393. Paderborn: Ferdinand
Schöningh.
At line 25 of the pseudo-Hesiodic poem Shield of Heracles, the people of Locris are listed among the participants in a mythical war against the Taphians and the Teleboans. Beyond the historical problem of the mention of the Locrians in... more
At line 25 of the pseudo-Hesiodic poem Shield of Heracles, the people of Locris are listed among the participants in a mythical war against the Taphians and the Teleboans. Beyond the historical problem of the mention of the Locrians in this context - that I will explore in a different study - an important question arises with regard to the epithet they are given in line 25. They are characterised in the Iliad as skilful archers and sling fighters who usually maintain a rearwards position on the battlefield. Here, however, we read that the Locrians are “close fighters” (ἀγχέμαχοι < ἀγχί + μάχομαι). Ancient commentators as well express their surprise before such an attribute, but both ancient and modern scholars have not done much more than simply acknowledge the aporia - except for Oldfather, who interpreted this expression as evidence of changing war practices among the Locrians. According to him, the Shield bears witness to a later historical situation, when the Locrians abandoned their bows and adopted the hoplite technique. My paper shows how this argument is actually unable to explain the presence of the epithet in the poem and suggests a new interpretation based on a passage in Eusthatiusʼ commentary on the Iliad,. Instead of pointing to the distance of the fighters from their enemy, the prefix ἀγχί is much more likely to refer to their closed ranks, so that we could interpret the Hesiodic epithet ἀγχέμαχοι as meaning “the Locrians who fight serried”, scil. with their bows.
How would it be if we applied the so called platonic doctrine about art to an artistic mimesis of second degree, as ekphrasis is? For art itself is an imitation of nature, how can the existence of a reproduction of such imitation be... more
How would it be if we applied the so called platonic doctrine about art to an artistic mimesis of
second degree, as ekphrasis is? For art itself is an imitation of nature, how can the existence of a
reproduction of such imitation be accepted? This is the challenge faced by the present paper.
Unfortunately we have no hints at this question in Plato's works, but it would be easy to infer his
double condemnation of the literary device of description, following his definition of artist as
mimetikos, whose activity is already far three degrees from truth, because it consists only in
copying appearances (Rep. X 597a-603c).
On the opposite side stands the ancient rhetorical criticism on ekphrasis, which emphasizes the
necessity of insisting on vividness (enargeia) during the description, as if the portrayed characters
took life and almost leapt out of the picture or the relief. By this view the artist (but also the
describer) seems compared to a demiurge, not to a mere imitator.
The innovative translation of the platonic mimesis as “enactment, recreation, reproduction” instead
of “imitation”, given by Eva Keuls, would surely help us in finding a link between these two so
contrasting views. Yet there are not enough elements that allow a similar conclusion.
Thus remains an irreconcilable hiatus, which divides the philosopher from ancient “art critics”, also
attested by the well known episode of Apelle and the shoemaker (Pl. NH XXXV 84 and Val. Max.
VIII 12). According to it, a painter must be versed in all technai to be able to practise his own techne
and this conception is thoroughly against that of the “platonic” artist, who has not any knowledge of
what he represents.
second degree, as ekphrasis is? For art itself is an imitation of nature, how can the existence of a
reproduction of such imitation be accepted? This is the challenge faced by the present paper.
Unfortunately we have no hints at this question in Plato's works, but it would be easy to infer his
double condemnation of the literary device of description, following his definition of artist as
mimetikos, whose activity is already far three degrees from truth, because it consists only in
copying appearances (Rep. X 597a-603c).
On the opposite side stands the ancient rhetorical criticism on ekphrasis, which emphasizes the
necessity of insisting on vividness (enargeia) during the description, as if the portrayed characters
took life and almost leapt out of the picture or the relief. By this view the artist (but also the
describer) seems compared to a demiurge, not to a mere imitator.
The innovative translation of the platonic mimesis as “enactment, recreation, reproduction” instead
of “imitation”, given by Eva Keuls, would surely help us in finding a link between these two so
contrasting views. Yet there are not enough elements that allow a similar conclusion.
Thus remains an irreconcilable hiatus, which divides the philosopher from ancient “art critics”, also
attested by the well known episode of Apelle and the shoemaker (Pl. NH XXXV 84 and Val. Max.
VIII 12). According to it, a painter must be versed in all technai to be able to practise his own techne
and this conception is thoroughly against that of the “platonic” artist, who has not any knowledge of
what he represents.