Ancient Greek Epic Poetry

The palimpsest manuscript Sin. ar. NF 66 is one of the treasures of the Monastery of Saint Catherine located in the Sinai Peninsula. Nowadays it consists of a few fragmentary parchment sheets, but originally it was a larger codex of ca. 300 folia. Some of these leaves have been purloined from the Sinai and are now kept in Cambridge, Leipzig, and Saint Petersburg, while others have been lost. The codex contained the Lives of Palestinian monastic Saints in Arabic translation and was copied at the Monastery of Mar Saba near Jerusalem in the first quarter of the 10th century. It was later brought, under unknown circumstances, to the Sinai. All preserved folia are palimpsests, with scriptiones inferiores in Greek and Christian Palestinian Aramaic. This article focuses on one of the Greek erased texts – a previously unknown classical text in hexameters of mythological content – and offers its editio princeps. Based on an analysis of codicological and palaeographical features, combined with that of linguistic and stylistic elements, it will be suggested that the Sinai hexameters might originate from the Hieroi Logoi in 24 Rhapsodies, i.e. the longest lost Orphic poem we know of.

Chs. 13-15 Agamemnon was a great man with white body, strong of limb, eloquent, discreet, noble, rich. Menelaus, Dares says, was of moderate stature, ruddy, fit, agreeable, pleasant. Achilles was broad chested with attractive demeanor, strong and great members, with crested head and curly hair, compassionate, fiercest with arms, generous, of cheerful disposition, hospitable, with hair of myrtle. Patroclus had a handsome body, blue eyes, great strength, was shy, determined, moderate, hospitable. Oilean Ajax was square with strong limbs, an aquiline body, agreeable, brave. Telamonian Ajax was strong with a clear voice, black curly hair, a simple soul, savage against the enemy. Ulysses was steadfast, cunning, with a lively look, of medium stature, eloquent, wise. Diomedes was brave, square, had a respectable body, an austere countenance, was fiercest in battle, loud with a hot head, impatient, audacious. Nestor was a great man with a long, hooked nose. He was broad, brilliant, a counselor, sensible. Protesilaus had a brilliant body with a respectable face. He was swift, confident, rash. Neoptolemus, he says, was a great man, violent, wrathful, lisping, noble in appearance with an aquiline bent, round eyes, arrogant. Palamedes was tall and slim, wise, magnanimous, smooth. Podalirius was thick, strong, haughty, sad. Machaon was brave, great, sure, sensible, patient, merciful. Meriones was ruddy, of moderate stature, with a round

Though much of a hoplite's gear changed over time, his spear and round double-grip aspis remained a constant that defined him. Unfortunately, however, we remain unsure how they were used. Scholars debate whether the aspis's weight and breadth restricted movement, thereby making it suitable only for compact phalanx tactics, or whether it was lighter than many have estimated, thereby allowing enough mobility for single combat and a looser phalanx.
      But this debate suffers from three critical problems: First, it invariably discusses the aspis independently from the spear, when they likely worked together (which changes the aspis's handling). Certainly, the evidence supports treating them as a unit. Second, the scholars debating what is feasible for hoplite combat have little practical experience with ancient weapons (understandably enough). Thirdly, scholars often reverse engineer the aspis's use from ancient sources that can be interpreted different ways (again, understandably).
      This presentation attempts to address these problems. Starting from (researched reconstructions of) the aspis and spear, I investigate their use with an eye to combat practicality, drawing upon my training with ancient weapons. (Though proficient in "Eastern" styles, I am conversant with "Western" traditions, and my approach uses principles basic to both). In particular, I factor the spear's complementary role into the aspis's defensive posture and suggest a new understanding of their use and design. Finally, after verifying that my results conform to our ancient sources, I propose that: 1) the aspis and spear work together well in single combat; 2) the double-grip aspis design does allow for a gradual transition between single- and phalanx- combat styles; thus, 3) early phalanxes, at least, may have been loosely arranged. Finally, 4) the early styrax (butt-spike) may even owe its pointy design to the possibility of single combat -- as a deterrent to attacks from behind.

Tercera edición ampliada de la traducción anotada del Canto 1 de Ilíada publicada en iliada.com.ar, junto con una introducción que recorre algunos de los temas centrales en las discusión sobre los poemas homéricos. Los invito a visitar el sitio y suscribirse a nuestro newsletter.

El archivo ha sido actualizado en diciembre de 2023, con ampliaciones y correcciones.

Traducción comentada y con texto griego en paralelo del canto 16 de Ilíada, publicada online en el sitio iliada.com.ar. Los invito a visitar el sitio y suscribirse a nuestro newsletter.

El archivo ha sido actualizado en diciembre de 2023, con ampliaciones y correcciones.

Las Jornadas homéricas forman parte del conjunto de actividades diversas ―artísticas, didácticas, de investigación―organizadas por el Grupo Homérica (Proyecto de Innovación y Mejora de la Calidad Docente durante los cursos 2007-8, 2009-10, 2010-11, 2012-3, 2014: “Vivir y recrear el mundo griego” y 2017-8 y 2019-20, 2020-21: “Homérica: estudiar y vivir el mundo griego”), asociado al Seminario de Icono-grafía Clásica. Las Jornadas homéricas son jornadas científicas dedicadas al mundo homérico, abiertas a los temas y personajes del ciclo troyano, otros ciclos relacionados y a la épica en general. Todo ello examinado desde muy diversas perspectivas: mitológica, literaria, filológica, iconográfica, arqueológica, de pensamiento, así como su pervivencia en la literatura y el arte hasta nuestros días. Se fundaron en el año 2003 con motivo de la creación del grupo de teatro “Homérica”, con el propósito de poner en conexión el espectáculo teatral con la labor didáctica y, por otra parte, con la investigación, al participar en estas conferencias profesores especialistas en distintas áreas. En años sucesivos se han  seguido celebrando dichas Jornadas asociadas a la puesta en escena de obras de tema mitológico, como es el caso en el presente curso.

According to Felice Vinci's revolutionary theory of the Nordic origins of the Homeric poems, the Achaeans who migrated to the Aegean Sea to found the Mycenaean civilization – whose language actually was an Ionian dialect, similar to that of Homer – were the Iaones, deriving their origin from Sweden. The Italian scholar offers significant analogies to prove his hypothesis, drawing them from several scientific disciplines, such as history (the movement appears similar to that of Varangians, who in the Middle Ages moved from Sweden to found the kingdom of Rus'), geography (the promontory of Cape Sounion, located 43 miles south-southeast of Athens, seems to be a souvenir of the same name), archaeology (the spiral shape, one of the most popular ones in the volutes of the Ionic capitals, was a common decoration also during the Nordic bronze age), literature (especially a remarkable quotation taken from Plato, Critias 111e). In my contribution I try to check his interpretation through a careful survey in ancient literature and linguistics, in order to verify the etymological connections between the ancient people of Iaones and the Tacitean Suiones.

In order to consult with the Tiresias vate, Odisseus goes to Hades following instructions from the goddess Circe to learn how he could return to Ithaca after more than ten years away from home. Upon arriving in the Kingdom of the dead he meets the souls of known people and even loved ones, as their own mother. Souls describe their deaths, provide details of their stay in Hades. Tiresias who had their gift of seeing the future preserved even in the world of the dead gives advice to Odisseus about his return. Similarly, Agamemnon due to his tragic death perpretated by his wife, Clitmenestra, also urges that Odysseus must be careful in his return to Ithaca so that he does not suffer the same fate in the hands of Penelope. There is still a talk with the heroic Achilles, who regrets his premature death. Such reports are found in Book XI of the Odyssey and its analysis can provide us with an image of Hades through Homeric view. This view, which is one of the main sources of our knowledge of the Greek mythological world, so that by understanding it we can have a glimpse of the vast corpus of ancient Greek mythology present in the work of Homer. There are some peculiar characteristics in those souls, which allows us to classify them as ghostly. The elements that stand out here in relation to these characteristics are: the lack of bones and flesh, impossibility to be touched, as a kind of ectoplasm; The remembrance that the dead have of their life before Hades and the feeling of sadness and repentance that is present in these characters; and the thirst for blood demonstrated before the sacrifice offered by Odisseus, as a representation of their thirst for life. This conception represents a pre-scientific mode of thought that is characteristic of the time, and therefore with religious appeal in a way that is subsequently criticized by Plato in the Republic. In this sense, we will see that the Platonic criticism is specifically related to the consequences in the pedagogical context that this conception entails, but that does not invalidate the description made by Homer of the current belief at the time in the form of the ancient Greek religion.

This paper offers a significant re-evaluation of the famous law on the Kosmos from Cretan Dreros, dating to the 2nd half of the 7th century BCE. The scenario behind the law is interpreted in the light of Homeric epic and other sources from early Greece – with far-reaching consequences for our understanding of roles of prominence and institutionalization, of personal and institutional power in the Archaic Age.

In book 5 of the Iliad Sarpedon suffers so greatly from a wound that his ‘‘ψυχή leaves him’. Rather than dying, however, Sarpedon lives to fight another day. This paper investigates the phrase τὸν δὲ λίπε ψυχή in extant archaic Greek poetry to gain a sense of its traditional referentiality and better assess the meaning of Sarpedon’s swoon. Finding that all other instances of the ψυχή leaving the body signify death, it suggests that the Iliad exploits a traditional unit of utterance to flag up the importance of Sarpedon to this version of the Troy story.

This study combines two elements related to music in ancient Greece: musicians and musical instruments of Classical Greece. The main research questions answered in this study are: "What were the musicians of Classical Greece?" and "What were the most important musical instruments of Classical Greece?". The study of the musicians of Classical Greece showed that the words "music" and "musician" are not entirely representative of the ones used in the antique context and therefore a clearer framein which we use these two terms for the purposes of a contemporary studyhas to be given. There are a lot of limitations in the research of musicians in early and late antiquity due to the fragmentary sources and the absence of sufficient and reliable archaeological evidence.

Dans la partie centrale de l’Éryxias, Socrate se fait arbitre du débat entre Éryxias et Critias sur le statut de la richesse : son rôle, qui est construit sur le modèle du Lachès de Platon, s’enrichit de la comparaison avec le héros Nestor, qui pousse l’auteur vers la mise en scène d'une subtile parodie de la contentio inter duces du premier livre de l’Iliade (Erx. 397b8-c4).

The article deals with Sirius, the brightest star in the sky, and its supposed connection with the period of summer heat, known as dog days, which started after the star’s heliacal rising. It was believed that Sirius, known by the Greeks and Romans as the Dog or Dog Star, caused the heat by inflaming fire of the Sun and had other baleful effects on plants, humans and especially dogs. Therefore ancient poets, starting with Homer, gave the star epithets such as fiery, flaming, parching, dry, sultry, thirsty, etc. The Dog was used more frequently as its nickname and was so ancient that nobody knew where it came from. This was explained by several myths and the star was identified as Orion’s dog, dog Laelaps or dog Maera. Moreover, some obscure festivals and dog sacrifices in Greece and Italy might have been connected with the star’s rising and setting.

It has been noted by scholars that Plutarch’s Amatorius draws from two different genres, the dialogue and the drama, in acknowledgement of their significance for the Greek discourse on love. This chapter argues that there is a third important literary tradition that Plutarch recognizes as central to the development of conceptions of love and which plays a substantial role in the Amatorius: it is didactic hexameter poetry, and in particular Hesiod and Empedocles, with whom the dialogue establishes complex, intertextual relations.

Penser le monde comme un objet fabriqué fut une nouveauté d’ordre cosmologique dont l’arrière-plan poétique passe souvent inaperçu dans l’histoire de la philosophie. De fait, avant qu’il ne sert à caractériser l’action de certaines divinités démiurgiques, le savoir-faire de l’artisan fournit aux poètes archaïques le paradigme de leur propre travail sur le matériau du langage : on construit un chant comme on bâtit un char, comme on tisse une toile. Comment la technique, thème par excellence de la réflexion poétologique, devient-elle aussi le paradigme qui rend intelligible l’origine du monde ? C’est la question à laquelle tente de répondre cet ouvrage à partir de textes d’Homère, Hésiode, Parménide et Empédocle.

Mettre le noos en relation avec les idées de « panaristos » et de « méga nèpios » permet d’étudier les spécificités du concept noétique chez Hésiode lequel est le plus souvent amalgamé, dans les recherches sur l’évolution historique du noos/noein, à Homère. La présente étude propose d’articuler davantage le noos/noein dans les objectifs poétiques propres aux Travaux et Jours d’où émerge une vision particulière de l’activité psychique de l’individu grec archaïque, depuis le sot ignorant (Persès et les mauvais rois) jusqu’au poète sachant (Hésiode lui-même). Il convient également de montrer comment Hésiode établit une nouvelle hiérarchie des créatures sur la base du noos qui devient consubstantiel à la dikè. Ensemble, ces deux paramètres sont insérés dans un discours à la fois poétique et politique où s’illustre entre autre
le mythe des races. Le noos sert tout particulièrement l’autorité poétique d’Hésiode contre celle des rois et révèle une vision à part de l’intelligence.

By studying the history of noos/noein in Greek archaic thought, researchers often read Hesiod like Homer but there seem to be some Hesiodic charasteristics in description of noos. Although he belongs to the same epic tradition as Homer, Hesiod is worth to be approached in a new way, in the light of our subject asking the peculiar place of his thought in the archaic history of Greek noos/noein. If S. Darcus Sullivan has already treated Hesiodic noos, integrating it in a general approach of archaic epic, the present article goes thoroughly, considering the Works and Days which offers the majority of references to hesiodic noos/noein in their didactic purpose. Now, this well-known poetic dimension has an impact on the description and treatment of noos/
noein. In order to clarify a system of values that emerge from this, I chose to stress more specifically three points characterizing noos/noein in the Works and Days : its association with the panaristos (v. 293), the perfectly good man thinking rightly thanks to a perfect use of noos ; its opposition to the nepios, the ignorant if not fool man ; and the noos belonging to Zeus. The linguistic approach that was in so far done by the researchers is, then, directed toward a rhetoric approach which interests the historian. A first step sees how Hesiod is placed, compared with Homer, between heritages and appropriations : Hesiod has the same approach of psychic behavior than Homer and takes in outline the attributes of Zeus’s noos in the Iliad. But in the same time Hesiod has to elaborate a speech both against Perses and a trial, a peculiar situation which give to the traditional epic approach of noos, already connected by S. Darcus Sullivan with dike, a dimension apart. Indeed, noos is a crucial issue, both ethical and social, including a kind of philosophical discourse. One stake consists to push Perses ignorants side as the word nepios shows, signifying the failure of Perses to use his noos in a good way. In the same time the poet, who is integrated in a didactic process, seeing better what the common sense (and above
all Perses) not understands, must certainly be identified as the panaristos : he is the only one able to say that the correct use of noos is, in fact, the application of justice and a future pledge. Serving this point of view, an original poetic creativity must be emphasized, bringing in its wake the just and unjust cities (v. 225-247) or the fable of the hawk and Nightingale (v. 202-212). These passages in turn are a kind of philosophical reflection focused on a hierarchy of creatures based around noos and the respect for dike, those who have (or act with justice) being men, those who do not (or act wrongly) being animals. Again the atmosphere could be trivially epic because these ideas were already Homeric. But considering that a concrete and social challenge is the key of the Works and Days, this philosophical point of
view is likely to involve the kings, directly responsible in the trial between Hesiod and Perses. As shown in the complete list of Hesiodic references to noos/noein this study establishes, the poetic use of noos is clearly connected with the judges and devouring gifts kings (v. 260-261 ; 267 and 793). A less explicit association appears in v. 129 concerning the silver men in the myth of the five races. It seems a last original poetic creation this article propose to explain : the silver men, living hundred years near their mother and far of the respect for justice, doing a wrong use of their noos, considered like childs and nepioi, look like, point by point, the bad kings described elsewhere in the poem. It seems that Hesiod depicted the elite members of his time in a way showing them deprived of the good use of noos, deprived also of a standard
human status. The poet, on the contrary, being able to see these things and directly associated to the Muses and Zeus himself, announces the future and the god's wrath. Against the ignorants and unjust men, the eye and the noos of Zeus, put together in the same field of light and long-range vision, will exercises the punishment whereas Hesiod, provided with an exceptional noos, affirms his poetic and status against that of kings.

Modern scholars have often been skeptical, even dismissive, of the view that Xenophanes significantly influenced Parmenides.  Though it cannot be denied that both wrote in meter, Xenophanes has been dismissed as a poet who dallied in philosophical speculation, while Parmenides was a much more serious thinker who just happened to use epic hexameter closely mimicking Homer and Hesiod.  Similarly, though there appear to be clear parallels between Xenophanes’ theism and Parmenides’ “what is,” this apparent similarity has been dismissed on the grounds that since Parmenides never says “what is” is divine, it is not.

However, the evidence from ancient sources strongly suggest a strong intellectual influence between these thinkers.  Furthermore, Palmer’s recent and compelling defense of the modal interpretation of Parmenides and its theistic implications challenges the minimization of a Xenophanean influence.  Significantly modifying Palmer’s modal interpretation, I advocate an even more radical approach to understanding Parmenides’ poem overall, resulting in an even stronger case for Xenophanean influence on Parmenides, while avoiding many persistent interpretative problems.  I suggest that Parmenides only offers one positive thesis in his poem:  that “what is” must necessarily possess the perfect properties argued for in DK 8, as that is what is essential to any necessary, and thus divine, being.  The Doxa is a didactic example of how mortals err by attributing (“naming”) any properties other than those in DK 8 to divine beings.  The parallels between Doxa and the Proem support this view, and together explain Parmenides’ close emulation and mimicry of Homer and Hesiod.  These mythopoetic authors are his main targets, as they are the primary sources for traditional—though deeply mistaken—views of divinity.  Thus, Parmenides is not only a novel metaphysician, but a radical philosopher of religion from Elea, who advanced the Ionian-based speculation of Xenophanes via deductive argumentation.

The aim of this paper is to present a short history of the language(s)
of the Greek epigraphic epigram after 400 BC, focussing on the
absence/presence of features that are commonly termed ‘epic’. While
CEG 830 reflects the increasing influence of Attic in the fourth century,
the dialectal mixture of GV 755 and the use of the epic-Ionic
dialect in GV 1907 illustrate the later development of the epigrammatic
language. Moreover, these epigrams were selected as their authors seem
to have consciously engaged in a dialogue with the epic model, or to
have deliberately refused to do so.

The ethological behaviour of the saddleback (Philesturnus carunculatus rufusater) demonstrates not onlyh ow as ong tradition can be constructed and modified, but also how meaningful its functional role can be from a social and cultural point of view. Since such a song tradition is completely oral, it offers stimulating analogies with ancient Greek epics, analogies that can be positively used to rethink and reassess old philological questions.

Τὸ κάλλος is an objective quality that is approbated depending on the context of the person viewed and by the viewers. Konstan (OUP 2015) has argued that the term bridges the gap between beauty and desire. Both Helen and Achilles in Homer are acknowledged for their extraordinary beauty. Helen demonstrates its effect, notably conveyed in (Il.III.156-158) by the comments from the Trojan elders. Achilles is similarly acknowledged for his superlative beauty – (κάλλιστος Il.II.673-4). While τὸ κλέος is a fundamental concept which drives the characters in Homeric epic, the focus in the study of Greek values has largely been on the actions of male individuals and how their actions are viewed by others. Adkins (OUP 1960) focuses on specific qualities culminating in τὸ κλέος, and divides them into two groups, competitive and co-operative. Cairns (OUP 1993) examines ἠ αἰδώς, its cognates and literary and cultural application in Homer. Building upon the concept of how individuals are viewed and thus valued in Homer, this paper seeks to address the fact that τὸ κάλλος, a quality appreciated in and by both men and women, is also a contributing factor in achieving τὸ κλέος. In this, an individual is not involved in any action; he or she is appreciated for physical attractiveness and its contextual effect upon the viewer. Both Helen and Achilles are remembered amongst other attributes for their beauty. Tὸ κάλλος forms a part of how they are remembered, and it is in remembrance that τὸ κλέος is ultimately achieved.

In diesem Aufsatz geht es um demokratische und nicht-demokratische Kulturen der politischen Rede. Mich interessiert, welche Modelle politischer Kommunikation in antiken Gesellschaften zur Verfügung standen, und wie diese Modelle in kanonischen Texten niedergelegt und weitervermittelt wurden. Mein Schwerpunkt liegt auf Homer's Ilias im klassischen Athen und Enūma eliš im Babylon des ersten Jahrtausends vor Christus. Was diese zwei Gedichte zur Ausformung einer demokratischen Streitkultur einerseits und einer autokratischen Beschwichtungs-und Beratungskultur andererseits beitrugen, das ist die Frage, der ich hier nachgehen möchte.

Capítulo de abertura do livro "A memória na Antiguidade", este texto versa sobre a questão da memória no mundo antigo de língua grega. Atendo-se basicamente ao texto da Ilíada, explorando passagens e usos verbais que demonstram o caráter ambíguo da memória - porque uma construção dinâmica e contínua entre lembrar e esquecer - visa-se a delineação da natureza e do caráter de Mnemosýne no período homérico, revelando-se igualmente o quanto a referida construção da memória, necessidade e premissa dos Poemas Homéricos, consiste numa escolha de ordem também moral, apontando a um só tempo o que deve permanecer esquecido e o que deve ser lembrado, um autêntico imperativo da poesia homérica e da cultura na qual ela floresceu e da qual ela representa, em larga escala, a sua própria fundação.