The chapter is an historical investigation on the effects of the rescission of the protection agreements established with two northern Somalia protectorates by the Italian colonialism under Fascism
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Using the cases of coups d'état in Africa in the period 2000-2022, it is argued that in democratic regimes the coup is connected to the conditions of weak political institutionalisation and of centralisation of executive power. Some... more
Using the cases of coups d'état in Africa in the period 2000-2022, it is argued that in democratic regimes the coup is connected to the conditions of weak political institutionalisation and of centralisation of executive power. Some indicators of the institutionalisation of the political process (i.e. election regularity and relatively significant levels of government turnover) are associated with the unlikelihood of a coup or in any case with its probable failure. Conversely, where the political process is poorly institutionalised and the system features a high level of centralisation of executive power (i.e. "strong" presidents), coups d'état are more frequent and successful. In the case of authoritarianisms, some "factors of the regime" (a party, a closed bureaucracy, the military body or the apparatus of violence), in various combinations in concrete cases, can succeed in re-stabilising the political regime and prevent the coup or reduce its success rate. Coups d'état as "critical junctures" in democracy have effective consequences only in conditions of low institutionalisation of the regime and/or of high centralisation of the executive powers.
(*) Università degli Studi di Trieste. (1) C. Clapham, Africa and the International System. The Politics of State Survival, Cam-bridge, Cambridge University Press, 1996, p. 247. (2) In particolare tutta la scuola facente capo a «Politique... more
(*) Università degli Studi di Trieste. (1) C. Clapham, Africa and the International System. The Politics of State Survival, Cam-bridge, Cambridge University Press, 1996, p. 247. (2) In particolare tutta la scuola facente capo a «Politique Africaine» - J.-F. BAY ART, L'Etat en Afrique: la ...
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Since the beginning of the 2000s, a literature suggesting that development is an achievable goal for African states has emerged. Arguments like those that consider 'neo-patrimonialism' as an insurmountable obstacle to development... more
Since the beginning of the 2000s, a literature suggesting that development is an achievable goal for African states has emerged. Arguments like those that consider 'neo-patrimonialism' as an insurmountable obstacle to development have been cast-off in case states embark to reinvest rents in a long-term strategy (Khan and Sundaram 2000; Mkandawire 2001). This paper focuses on Angola, and it tries to determine whether oil rents have been so far employed according to a developmental strategy or for short-term consumption. It further argues that short-term consumption was initially encouraged and tolerated as part of an effort after the end of the civil war (2002) to foster elite cohesion, and it was later on demoted when the government adopted a comprehensive long-term development strategic vision, in 2007. However, the financial crisis of 2007-08 and the recent drop of oil prices have badly impacted on this strategy. As a result, the government is growingly turning to Chinese ...
Research Interests: Political Science, Africa, Angola, Statehood, Neo-Patrimonialism, and 4 moreElite, Rents, élite, and Statualità
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The present analysis disaggregates election results and voter turnout according to the voters’ ethnic background during a time span which covers three electoral processes (1997–2007) in Kenya. The two data combined produced an index which... more
The present analysis disaggregates election results and voter turnout according to the voters’ ethnic background during a time span which covers three electoral processes (1997–2007) in Kenya. The two data combined produced an index which was called the ‘degree of mobilization index’. Given that most of the Kenyan parties proved to be ethnic or made of ethnic alliances, voter turnout was found crucial in differentiating the degree of ethnic mobilization. Ethnicity alone, however, failed to explain these differences. The findings were likely linked to the past record of patronage for the five selected ethnic groups and the ability of such groups to provide a cohesive ethnic leadership.
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Copyright cс2004 by the authors. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be re-produced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or... more
Copyright cс2004 by the authors. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be re-produced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior written ...
Research Interests: Law and Political Science
Proprietà letteraria riservata. I diritti di traduzione, memorizzazione elettronica, di riproduzione e di adattamento totale e parziale di questa pubblicazione, con qualsiasi mezzo (compresi i microfilm, le fotocopie e altro) sono... more
Proprietà letteraria riservata. I diritti di traduzione, memorizzazione elettronica, di riproduzione e di adattamento totale e parziale di questa pubblicazione, con qualsiasi mezzo (compresi i microfilm, le fotocopie e altro) sono riservati per tutti i paesi. ... EUT - Edizioni Università ...
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Copyright c 2001 by the authors. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be re-produced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or... more
Copyright c 2001 by the authors. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be re-produced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior written ...
Research Interests: Law and Legal system
... Once the conflict was over and peace regained, what attracted the attention of the local public was the splitting of the SSDF between the two most important military/political leadersGen. Mohamed Abshir Muse, the chairman of the... more
... Once the conflict was over and peace regained, what attracted the attention of the local public was the splitting of the SSDF between the two most important military/political leadersGen. Mohamed Abshir Muse, the chairman of the organization, and Col. Abdullahi Yusuf. ...
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The paper aims at analyzing three Arab regimes which since 2011 have experienced mass protests. Before the outbreak of such protests, Tunisia, Egypt and Syria shared some common characteristics which made these countries eligible for... more
The paper aims at analyzing three Arab regimes which since 2011 have experienced mass protests. Before the outbreak of such protests, Tunisia, Egypt and Syria shared some common characteristics which made these countries eligible for broad comparison: the existence of a hegemonic party, broad repressive apparatuses and an important public sector. By exploring the different relations between the state, the party and the military before the crisis it should be possible to assess whether the establishment of a liberal democracy is a real perspective or not. How the properties of previous regimes impact on the eventual outcome of a political crisis is one of the most debated topics in the literature. As working hypotheses, we could pose that the limited role of the army is more likely to favor a democratic evolution in the Tunisian case, whereas the absent or even partial separation of the military from state and party institutions in the other two cases makes this perspective more unce...
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This article explores the differences between two North African military regimes—Egypt and Algeria—which have been selected due to the continuity of military dominance of the political systems. Still, variations have marked their... more
This article explores the differences between two North African military regimes—Egypt and Algeria—which have been selected due to the continuity of military dominance of the political systems. Still, variations have marked their political development. In particular, the Algerian army’s approach to civilian institutions changed after a civilian president was chosen in 1999. This was not the case in Egypt after the demise of the Hosni Mubarak regime of 2011. Other important variations are to be found in the way power has been distributed among the military apparatuses themselves. In the case of Egypt, a principle of collegiality has been generally preserved within a body, the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF), which is absent in the case of Algeria, where conflicts between military opposed factions are more likely to arise in case of crisis. How differences generally impact the stability of military rule in these two cases is the main contribution of this paper.
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The aim of this paper is twofold. Firstly, there is an attempt to provide a detailed description of the political manifestos of the new parties, which have emerged in Tunisia since the breakdown of the authoritarian regime and the... more
The aim of this paper is twofold. Firstly, there is an attempt to provide a detailed description of the political
manifestos of the new parties, which have emerged in Tunisia since the breakdown of the authoritarian regime
and the establishment of democracy. The array of policies dealt with by the party manifestos is surprisingly
wide and the secular-confessional dimension is present together with others. Secondly, the structuring
of the party cleavages is addressed. It is argued that it could be hardly reduced to the classic cleavage theory
formulated by Lipset and Rokkan. The re-alignment of the Tunisian party system has taken the form of two
opposing coalitions although deep regional and socio-economic cleavages have not helped political integration.
Three regions are identified in terms of political continuity and socio-economic development, Sahel and
Tunis, the South (Sfax and Kairouan), finally the Western underdeveloped areas at the border with Algeria.
The current development of the Tunisian party system is described, referring to its dynamics and the general
perspective of the democratization process.
manifestos of the new parties, which have emerged in Tunisia since the breakdown of the authoritarian regime
and the establishment of democracy. The array of policies dealt with by the party manifestos is surprisingly
wide and the secular-confessional dimension is present together with others. Secondly, the structuring
of the party cleavages is addressed. It is argued that it could be hardly reduced to the classic cleavage theory
formulated by Lipset and Rokkan. The re-alignment of the Tunisian party system has taken the form of two
opposing coalitions although deep regional and socio-economic cleavages have not helped political integration.
Three regions are identified in terms of political continuity and socio-economic development, Sahel and
Tunis, the South (Sfax and Kairouan), finally the Western underdeveloped areas at the border with Algeria.
The current development of the Tunisian party system is described, referring to its dynamics and the general
perspective of the democratization process.
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... | Ayuda. Islam e stato, territorio e uso del suolo in Somalia: dal colonialismo all'età contmeporanea. Autores: Federico Battera; Localización: Storia urbana, ISSN 0391-2248, Vol. 25, Nº. 95, 2001 , pags. 93-118. © 2001-2010... more
... | Ayuda. Islam e stato, territorio e uso del suolo in Somalia: dal colonialismo all'età contmeporanea. Autores: Federico Battera; Localización: Storia urbana, ISSN 0391-2248, Vol. 25, Nº. 95, 2001 , pags. 93-118. © 2001-2010 Universidad ...
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... | Ayuda. Islam e stato, territorio e uso del suolo in Somalia: dal colonialismo all'età contmeporanea. Autores: Federico Battera; Localización: Storia urbana, ISSN 0391-2248, Vol. 25, Nº. 95, 2001 , pags. 93-118. © 2001-2010... more
... | Ayuda. Islam e stato, territorio e uso del suolo in Somalia: dal colonialismo all'età contmeporanea. Autores: Federico Battera; Localización: Storia urbana, ISSN 0391-2248, Vol. 25, Nº. 95, 2001 , pags. 93-118. © 2001-2010 Universidad ...