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The majority of studies of emotion perception have relied on static isolated facial expressions. These expressions differ markedly from real-world expressions that include movement and multiple cues (e.g., bodies), leaving our... more
The majority of studies of emotion perception have relied on static isolated facial expressions. These expressions differ markedly from real-world expressions that include movement and multiple cues (e.g., bodies), leaving our understanding of how expression perception develops incomplete. We examined the looking patterns of younger children (4- and 5-year-olds), older children (8- and 9-year-olds), and adults while watching dynamic video clips or static images of four different emotional expressions: happiness, sadness, anger, and fear. Expressions were presented in three conditions: face only, body only, and whole person (face and body). Children's and adults' looking patterns were affected by whether stimuli were static or dynamic and by which cues were available. Children looked to the head less for static stimuli than for dynamic stimuli, but this difference did not emerge for adults. Children and adults attended to different expression cues when presented with static i...
Evidence does not support the claim that observers universally recognize basic emotions from signals on the face. The percentage of observers who matched the face with the predicted emotion (matching score) is not universal, but varies... more
Evidence does not support the claim that observers universally recognize basic emotions from signals on the face. The percentage of observers who matched the face with the predicted emotion (matching score) is not universal, but varies with culture and language. Matching scores are also inflated by the commonly used methods: within-subject design; posed, exaggerated facial expressions (devoid of context); multiple examples of each type of expression; and a response format that funnels a variety of interpretations into one word specified by the experimenter. Without these methodological aids, matching scores are modest and subject to various explanations.
Prior research has identified a facial expression for positive pride, but no expression for negative pride, hubris. In the present study, professional actors created expressions intended to convey hubris. In Study 1 (N = 52), participants... more
Prior research has identified a facial expression for positive pride, but no expression for negative pride, hubris. In the present study, professional actors created expressions intended to convey hubris. In Study 1 (N = 52), participants were shown dynamic expressions and attributed confidence, positive valence, and positive personality traits to the positive pride expression, but conceit, neutral valence, and negative personality traits to the hubris expression. In Study 2 (N = 60), participants were more likely to attribute conceit to a dynamic hubris expression than a static one; no such difference was found for positive pride.
... Emotion than are Facial Expressions Kate Hudspeth*, Nicole L. Nelson, & James A. Russell Boston College Presented at the Society for Research in Child Development Biennial Meeting, Denver, April, 2009 ... It was... more
... Emotion than are Facial Expressions Kate Hudspeth*, Nicole L. Nelson, & James A. Russell Boston College Presented at the Society for Research in Child Development Biennial Meeting, Denver, April, 2009 ... It was Rosie's birthday. ...
Recent research has indicated that language provides an important contribution to adults' conceptions of emotional expressions and their associated categories, but how language influences children's expression category acquisition has yet... more
Recent research has indicated that language provides an important contribution to adults' conceptions of emotional expressions and their associated categories, but how language influences children's expression category acquisition has yet to be explored. Across two studies, we provide evidence that when preschoolers (2–4 years) encounter a novel label, they use a process of elimination to match it with its expected expression. Children successfully used a process of elimination to match a single expression to one of several labels (Study 1) and to match a single label to one of several expressions (Study 2). These data highlight one possible mechanism that children may use to learn about the expressions they encounter and may shed light on the ways in which children's expression categories are constructed.
In a classic study, children were shown an array of facial expressions and asked to choose the person who expressed a specific emotion. Children were later asked to name the emotion in the facewith any label they wanted. Subsequent... more
In a classic study, children were shown an array of facial expressions
and asked to choose the person who expressed a specific emotion.
Children were later asked to name the emotion in the facewith
any label they wanted. Subsequent research often relied on the
same two tasks—choice from array and free labeling—to support
the conclusion that children recognize basic emotions from facial
expressions. Here five studies (N = 120, 2- to 10-year-olds) showed
that these two tasks produce illusory recognition; a novel nonsense
facial expression was included in the array. Children ‘‘recognized’’ a
nonsense emotion (pax or tolen) and two familiar emotions (fear
and jealousy) from the same nonsense face. Children likely used a
process of elimination; they paired the unknown facial expression
with a label given in the choice-from-array task and, after just
two trials, freely labeled the new facial expression with the new
label. These data indicate that past studies using this method may
have overestimated children’s expression knowledge.
Adults distinguish expressions of hubris from those of positive pride. To determine whether children (N 183; 78 –198 months old) make a similar distinction, we asked them to attribute emotion labels and a variety of social characteristics... more
Adults distinguish expressions of hubris from those of positive pride. To determine whether children (N 183; 78 –198 months old) make a similar distinction, we asked them to attribute emotion labels and a variety of social characteristics to dynamic expressions intended to convey hubris and positive pride. Like adults, children attributed different emotion labels to the expressions, and this tendency increased with age. Girls were more likely to distinguish between the expressions than boys were. Children also associated more positive social characteristics with the expression of positive pride and more negative characteristics with the expression of hubris.
Prior research has identified a facial expression for positive pride, but no expression for negative pride, hubris. In the present study, professional actors created expressions intended to convey hubris. In Study 1 (N 52), participants... more
Prior research has identified a facial expression for positive pride, but no expression for negative pride, hubris. In the present study, professional actors created expressions intended to convey hubris. In Study 1 (N 52), participants were shown dynamic expressions and attributed confidence, positive valence, and positive personality traits to the positive pride expression, but conceit, neutral valence, and negative personality traits to the hubris expression. In Study 2 (N 60), participants were more likely to attribute conceit to a dynamic hubris expression than a static one; no such difference was found for positive pride.
The accuracy and speed with which emotional facial expressions are identified is influenced by body postures. Two influential models predict that these congruency effects will be largest when the emotion displayed in the face is similar... more
The accuracy and speed with which emotional facial expressions are identified is influenced by body postures. Two influential models predict that these congruency effects will be largest when the emotion displayed in the face is similar to that displayed in the body: the emotional seed model and the dimensional model. These models differ in whether similarity is based on physical characteristics or underlying dimensions of valence and arousal. Using a 3-alternative forced-choice task in which stimuli were presented briefly (Exp 1a) or for an unlimited time (Exp 1b) we provide evidence that congruency effects are more complex than either model predicts; the effects are asymmetrical and cannot be accounted for by similarity alone. Fearful postures are especially influential when paired with facial expressions, but not when presented in a flanker task (Exp 2). We suggest refinements to each model that may account for our results and suggest that additional studies be conducted prior to drawing strong theoretical conclusions.
Past studies found that, for preschoolers, a story specifying a situational cause and behavioural consequence is a better cue to fear and disgust than is the facial expression of those two emotions, but the facial expressions used were... more
Past studies found that, for preschoolers, a story specifying a situational cause and behavioural consequence is a better cue to fear and disgust than is the facial expression of those two emotions, but the facial expressions used were static. Two studies (Study 1: N = 68, 36–68 months; Study 2: N = 72, 49–90 months) tested whether this effect could be reversed when the expressions were dynamic and included facial, postural, and vocal cues. Children freely labelled emotions in three conditions: story, still face, and dynamic expression. Story remained a better cue than still face or dynamic expression for fear and disgust and also for the later emerging emotions of embarrassment and pride.
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests: