James Russell
Boston College, Psychology, Faculty Member
In daily experience, children have access to a variety of cues to others' emotions, including face, voice, and body posture. Determining which cues they use at which ages will help to reveal how the ability to recognize emotions develops.... more
In daily experience, children have access to a variety of cues to others' emotions, including face, voice, and body posture. Determining which cues they use at which ages will help to reveal how the ability to recognize emotions develops. For happiness, sadness, anger, and fear, preschoolers (3-5 years, N = 144) were asked to label the emotion conveyed by dynamic cues in four cue conditions. The Face-only, Body Posture-only, and Multi-cue (face, body, and voice) conditions all were well recognized (M > 70%). In the Voice-only condition, recognition of sadness was high (72%), but recognition of the three other emotions was significantly lower (34%).
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Recent research has indicated that language provides an important contribution to adults' conceptions of emotional expressions and their associated categories, but how language influences children's expression category acquisition... more
Recent research has indicated that language provides an important contribution to adults' conceptions of emotional expressions and their associated categories, but how language influences children's expression category acquisition has yet to be explored. Across two studies, we provide evidence that when preschoolers (2-4years) encounter a novel label, they use a process of elimination to match it with its expected expression. Children successfully used a process of elimination to match a single expression to one of several labels (Study 1) and to match a single label to one of several expressions (Study 2). These data highlight one possible mechanism that children may use to learn about the expressions they encounter and may shed light on the ways in which children's expression categories are constructed.
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Two correlational studies (ns = 400; 90) examined the association of judgments of immorality and disgust (hypothesized in much current research and theory). Across 40 scenarios in Study 1, immorality was positively correlated with... more
Two correlational studies (ns = 400; 90) examined the association of judgments of immorality and disgust (hypothesized in much current research and theory). Across 40 scenarios in Study 1, immorality was positively correlated with negative emotions, especially anger. With anger partialed, disgust was significantly, but weakly, correlated with immorality, r(38) = 0.22, p < 0.05. Study 2 asked whether the immorality-disgust correlation is due to a confound: immoral events often include elements implicitly or explicitly implying pathogens, such as blood or semen. Across 22 scenarios, those implying pathogens were associated with disgust, but those without pathogens, whether moral or immoral, rarely were. We propose that the relation between disgust and immorality is largely coincidental, resulting from (a) using the word disgust to express anger with or even dislike of immoral acts and (b) the presence of incidental elements capable of eliciting disgust.
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Consensus scoring occurs when the scoring key for a test is based upon the responses of the norm group. Consensus scoring is an attractive alternative to traditional methods of creating a scoring key for ability tests, especially useful... more
Consensus scoring occurs when the scoring key for a test is based upon the responses of the norm group. Consensus scoring is an attractive alternative to traditional methods of creating a scoring key for ability tests, especially useful when experts disagree about the correct answers to test items, as they do in the area of emotions and emotion perception. Of the many variations of consensus scoring, mode consensus scoring (the most frequent response in a norm group is given a score of 1, and all other responses a score of 0) and proportion consensus scoring (each respondent's score on an item is equal to the proportion of the norm group who match the respondent's answer) are the most widely used and the most psychometrically promising. This paper demonstrates that mode consensus scoring is biased against smaller sub-groups within the norm group: when sub-groups differ in their modal responses, the size of the sub-groups will influence the average group score. No known scori...
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A flurry of theoretical and empirical work concerning the production of and response to facial and vocal expressions has occurred in the past decade. That emotional expressions express emotions is a tautology but may not be a fact.... more
A flurry of theoretical and empirical work concerning the production of and response to facial and vocal expressions has occurred in the past decade. That emotional expressions express emotions is a tautology but may not be a fact. Debates have centered on universality, the nature of emotion, and the link between emotions and expressions. Modern evolutionary theory is informing more models, emphasizing that expressions are directed at a receiver, that the interests of sender and receiver can conflict, that there are many determinants of sending an expression in addition to emotion, that expressions influence the receiver in a variety of ways, and that the receiver's response is more than simply decoding a message.
Research Interests: Marketing, Psychology, Cognitive Science, Communication, Perception, and 15 moreSocial Interaction, Face, Nonverbal Communication, Facial expression, Medicine, Emotions, Affect, Evolutionary theory, Humans, Personal Construct Theory, Interpersonal Relations, Emotional Expression, Non Verbal Communication, EXPRESSED EMOTION, and Nonverbal
Context-the external situation-overrides facial information when judging the emotion from spontaneous facial expressions, even on valence. Observers (N = 60) judged the emotion in each of 15 facial expressions of athletes in the 2012... more
Context-the external situation-overrides facial information when judging the emotion from spontaneous facial expressions, even on valence. Observers (N = 60) judged the emotion in each of 15 facial expressions of athletes in the 2012 Olympics who had just won or lost their respective event. Observers were given either correct, incorrect, or no information about the results of the event. Context consistently overrode facial information, regardless of what the facial expression displayed. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2015 APA, all rights reserved).
Research Interests: Psychology, Cognitive Science, Emotion, Perception, Context, and 10 moreFacial expression, Medicine, Emotions, Thinking, Humans, Cues, Female, Male, Young Adult, and Athletes
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The common within-subjects design of studies on the recognition of emotion from facial expressions allows the judgement of one face to be influenced by previous faces, thus introducing the potential for artefacts. The present study... more
The common within-subjects design of studies on the recognition of emotion from facial expressions allows the judgement of one face to be influenced by previous faces, thus introducing the potential for artefacts. The present study (N=344) showed that the canonical “disgust face” was judged as disgusted, provided that the preceding set of faces included “anger expressions”, but was judged as angry when the preceding set of faces excluded anger but instead included persons who looked sad or about to be sick. Chinese observers showed lower recognition of the “disgust face” than did American observers. Chinese observers also showed lower recognition of the “fear face” when responding in Chinese than in English.
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That all humans recognize certain specific emotions from their facial expression-the Universality Thesis-is a pillar of research, theory, and application in the psychology of emotion. Its most rigorous test occurs in indigenous societies... more
That all humans recognize certain specific emotions from their facial expression-the Universality Thesis-is a pillar of research, theory, and application in the psychology of emotion. Its most rigorous test occurs in indigenous societies with limited contact with external cultural influences, but such tests are scarce. Here we report 2 such tests. Study 1 was of children and adolescents (N = 68; aged 6-16 years) of the Trobriand Islands (Papua New Guinea, South Pacific) with a Western control group from Spain (N = 113, of similar ages). Study 2 was of children and adolescents (N = 36; same age range) of Matemo Island (Mozambique, Africa). In both studies, participants were shown an array of prototypical facial expressions and asked to point to the person feeling a specific emotion: happiness, fear, anger, disgust, or sadness. The Spanish control group matched faces to emotions as predicted by the Universality Thesis: matching was seen on 83% to 100% of trials. For the indigenous soc...
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... COGNITIVE SET AND THE PERCEPTION OF PLACE LAWRENCE M. WARD is Associate Professor of Psychology at the University of British Columbia. ... and Postman (eg, Bruner, 1957; Bruner and Postman, 1947; Postman et al., 1948) and to more... more
... COGNITIVE SET AND THE PERCEPTION OF PLACE LAWRENCE M. WARD is Associate Professor of Psychology at the University of British Columbia. ... and Postman (eg, Bruner, 1957; Bruner and Postman, 1947; Postman et al., 1948) and to more recent work by Leff and his ...
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Theory and research show that humans attribute both emotions and intentions to others on the basis of facial behavior: A gasping face can be seen as showing “fear” and intent to submit. The assumption that such interpretations are... more
Theory and research show that humans attribute both emotions and intentions to others on the basis of facial behavior: A gasping face can be seen as showing “fear” and intent to submit. The assumption that such interpretations are pancultural derives largely from West- ern societies. Here, we report two studies conducted in an indige- nous, small-scale Melanesian society with considerable cultural and visual isolation from the West: the Trobrianders of Papua New Guinea. Our multidisciplinary research team spoke the vernacular and had extensive prior fieldwork experience. In study 1, Trobriand adolescents were asked to attribute emotions, social motives, or both to a set of facial displays. Trobrianders showed a mixed and variable attribution pattern, although with much lower agreement than studies of Western samples. Remarkably, the gasping face (tra- ditionally considered a display of fear and submission in the West) was consistently matched to two unpredicted categories: anger and threat. In study 2, adolescents were asked to select the face that was threatening; Trobrianders chose the “fear” gasping face whereas Spaniards chose an “angry” scowling face. Our findings, consistent with functional approaches to animal communication and observa- tions made on threat displays in small-scale societies, challenge the Western assumption that “fear” gasping faces uniformly express fear or signal submission across cultures.
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Past studies found that, for preschoolers, a story specifying a situational cause and behavioural consequence is a better cue to fear and disgust than is the facial expression of those two emotions, but the facial expressions used were... more
Past studies found that, for preschoolers, a story specifying a situational cause and behavioural consequence is a better cue to fear and disgust than is the facial expression of those two emotions, but the facial expressions used were static. Two studies (Study 1: N = 68, 36–68 months; Study 2: N = 72, 49–90 months) tested whether this effect could be reversed when the expressions were dynamic and included facial, postural, and vocal cues. Children freely labelled emotions in three conditions: story, still face, and dynamic expression. Story remained a better cue than still face or dynamic expression for fear and disgust and also for the later emerging emotions of embarrassment and pride.
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Recent research has indicated that language provides an important contribution to adults' conceptions of emotional expressions and their associated categories, but how language influences children's expression category acquisition has yet... more
Recent research has indicated that language provides an important contribution to adults' conceptions of emotional expressions and their associated categories, but how language influences children's expression category acquisition has yet to be explored. Across two studies, we provide evidence that when preschoolers (2–4 years) encounter a novel label, they use a process of elimination to match it with its expected expression. Children successfully used a process of elimination to match a single expression to one of several labels (Study 1) and to match a single label to one of several expressions (Study 2). These data highlight one possible mechanism that children may use to learn about the expressions they encounter and may shed light on the ways in which children's expression categories are constructed.
In a classic study, children were shown an array of facial expressions and asked to choose the person who expressed a specific emotion. Children were later asked to name the emotion in the facewith any label they wanted. Subsequent... more
In a classic study, children were shown an array of facial expressions
and asked to choose the person who expressed a specific emotion.
Children were later asked to name the emotion in the facewith
any label they wanted. Subsequent research often relied on the
same two tasks—choice from array and free labeling—to support
the conclusion that children recognize basic emotions from facial
expressions. Here five studies (N = 120, 2- to 10-year-olds) showed
that these two tasks produce illusory recognition; a novel nonsense
facial expression was included in the array. Children ‘‘recognized’’ a
nonsense emotion (pax or tolen) and two familiar emotions (fear
and jealousy) from the same nonsense face. Children likely used a
process of elimination; they paired the unknown facial expression
with a label given in the choice-from-array task and, after just
two trials, freely labeled the new facial expression with the new
label. These data indicate that past studies using this method may
have overestimated children’s expression knowledge.
and asked to choose the person who expressed a specific emotion.
Children were later asked to name the emotion in the facewith
any label they wanted. Subsequent research often relied on the
same two tasks—choice from array and free labeling—to support
the conclusion that children recognize basic emotions from facial
expressions. Here five studies (N = 120, 2- to 10-year-olds) showed
that these two tasks produce illusory recognition; a novel nonsense
facial expression was included in the array. Children ‘‘recognized’’ a
nonsense emotion (pax or tolen) and two familiar emotions (fear
and jealousy) from the same nonsense face. Children likely used a
process of elimination; they paired the unknown facial expression
with a label given in the choice-from-array task and, after just
two trials, freely labeled the new facial expression with the new
label. These data indicate that past studies using this method may
have overestimated children’s expression knowledge.
Adults distinguish expressions of hubris from those of positive pride. To determine whether children (N 183; 78 –198 months old) make a similar distinction, we asked them to attribute emotion labels and a variety of social characteristics... more
Adults distinguish expressions of hubris from those of positive pride. To determine whether children (N 183; 78 –198 months old) make a similar distinction, we asked them to attribute emotion labels and a variety of social characteristics to dynamic expressions intended to convey hubris and positive pride. Like adults, children attributed different emotion labels to the expressions, and this tendency increased with age. Girls were more likely to distinguish between the expressions than boys were. Children also associated more positive social characteristics with the expression of positive pride and more negative characteristics with the expression of hubris.
Prior research has identified a facial expression for positive pride, but no expression for negative pride, hubris. In the present study, professional actors created expressions intended to convey hubris. In Study 1 (N 52), participants... more
Prior research has identified a facial expression for positive pride, but no expression for negative pride, hubris. In the present study, professional actors created expressions intended to convey hubris. In Study 1 (N 52), participants were shown dynamic expressions and attributed confidence, positive valence, and positive personality traits to the positive pride expression, but conceit, neutral valence, and negative personality traits to the hubris expression. In Study 2 (N 60), participants were more likely to attribute conceit to a dynamic hubris expression than a static one; no such difference was found for positive pride.
A set of 105 commonly used adjectives descriptive of the affective quality of molar physical environments was developed and factor analyzed (based on 323 subjects&amp;amp;amp;#x27; ratings, each of a different environment). Two,... more
A set of 105 commonly used adjectives descriptive of the affective quality of molar physical environments was developed and factor analyzed (based on 323 subjects&amp;amp;amp;#x27; ratings, each of a different environment). Two, independent, bipolar factors of affective qualitypleasing and ...
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How do people internally represent the external physical setting in which they find themselves at any given time? This question can be thought of as part of a more general concern with the meaning attributed to any molar physical... more
How do people internally represent the external physical setting in which they find themselves at any given time? This question can be thought of as part of a more general concern with the meaning attributed to any molar physical environment (place) whether one actually ...
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... A series of 6 studies examined 1 basic-level concept in the domain of emotion, love, and found that it is better understood from a prototype than a classical perspective. The ... In this article, we focus on love as an emotion. Indeed... more
... A series of 6 studies examined 1 basic-level concept in the domain of emotion, love, and found that it is better understood from a prototype than a classical perspective. The ... In this article, we focus on love as an emotion. Indeed ...
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Three studies assessed the relationship between language and the perception of emotion. The authors predicted and found that the accessibility of emotion words influenced participants' speed or accuracy in perceiving facial behaviors... more
Three studies assessed the relationship between language and the perception of emotion. The authors predicted and found that the accessibility of emotion words influenced participants' speed or accuracy in perceiving facial behaviors depicting emotion. Specifically, emotion words were either primed or temporarily made less accessible using a semantic satiation procedure. In Studies 1 and 2, participants were slower to categorize facial behaviors depicting emotion (i.e., a face depicting anger) after an emotion word (e.g., " anger ") was satiated. In Study 3, participants were less accurate to categorize facial behaviors depicting emotion after an emotion word was satiated. The implications of these findings for a linguistically relative view of emotion perception are discussed.
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Two correlational studies (ns = 400; 90) examined the association of judgments of immorality and disgust (hypothesized in much current research and theory). Across 40 scenarios in Study 1, immorality was positively correlated with... more
Two correlational studies (ns = 400; 90) examined the association of judgments of immorality and disgust (hypothesized in much current research and theory). Across 40 scenarios in Study 1, immorality was positively correlated with negative emotions, especially anger. With anger partialed, disgust was significantly, but weakly, correlated with immorality, r (38) = .22, p <.05. Study 2 asked whether the immorality-disgust correlation is due to a confound: immoral events often include elements implicitly or explicitly implying pathogens, such as blood or semen. Across 22 scenarios, those implying pathogens were associated with disgust, but those without pathogens, whether moral or immoral, rarely were. We propose that the relation between disgust and immorality is largely coincidental, resulting from (a) using the word disgust to express anger with or even dislike of immoral acts and (b) the presence of incidental elements capable of eliciting disgust.