Antón Losada

Pesquisas anteriores caracterizaram a literatura mais antiga (anterior a 2010) acerca da relação política-administração, concluindo que a estrutura de conhecimento dessa literatura se podia classificar como pré-paradigmática, pouco estruturada e muito assente em ensaios e não em evidência recolhida a partir de estudos empíricos. O conhecimento acerca da relação política-administração é fundamental para melhorar a eficiência da Administração Pública, assegurar o controlo democrático e a neutralidade da mesma, etc. O estudo que agora se apresenta retoma essas investigações anteriores, mas agora centrando-se na literatura mais recente, e tem por objetivo avaliar a literatura mais recente sobre o tema e perceber se se observam evoluções de natureza paradigmática face à literatura de períodos anteriores. O estudo incidiu sobre uma amostra de 20 artigos, publicados após 2010, e obtidos por pesquisa na Web of Science. Conclui-se que depois de 2010, o novo conhecimento resulta principalment...

Language public policy is a key issue in Galician politics. Its symbolic uses have proven to be a powerful political resource in partisan competition. This article analyzes the strategies of the three main Galician political parties to test three related hypotheses about how political competition and language public policy are linked: (i) adversary language public policy works as a valid strategy for opposition and electoral campaigning, but (ii) it becomes a major policy problem once in office, both for nationalist and non-nationalist parties, and (iii) advocating for careful balance between languages is the best political strategy for language public policy once in office. The Spanish and Galician right-wing party, Popular Party—PP/PPdeG—which was in office between 1989 and 2005, has strategically promoted language public policies based on an alleged equilibrium between the Spanish language—Castellano—and the Galician language—Galego—to gain nationalist conservative voters and to divide the nationalist political space. During this period, the nationalist—Bloque Nacionalista Galego (BNG)—and socialist—Partido dos Socialistas de Galicia (PSdeG/PSOE)—opposition have supported positive discrimination for the Galego language. Political change in 2005 switched their positions; PP stood for increasing protection for Castellano, while the new nationalist and left-wing government promoted a stronger status for Galego. PP’s return to office in 2009 has switched the positions again.

This article asseses the evolution end recent trends in public management. Its main objective is to review the state of the art of the so called New Public Manage- ment an to asses the emergence of total quality models in public administration. The article will also make some questions about (i) what role can Political Science play in analysing this issues and improving public issues management, (ii) which is the net value that total quality models can give to the public sector management.

Language public policy is a key issue in Galician politics. Its symbolic uses have proven to be a powerful political resource in partisan competition. This article analyzes the strategies of the three main Galician political parties to test three related hypotheses about how political competition and language public policy are linked: (i) adversary language public policy works as a valid strategy for opposition and electoral campaigning, but (ii) it becomes a major policy problem once in office, both for nationalist and non-nationalist parties, and (iii) advocating for careful balance between languages is the best political strategy for language public policy once in office. The Spanish and Galician right-wing party, Popular Party—PP/PPdeG—which was in office between 1989 and 2005, has strategically promoted language public policies based on an alleged equilibrium between the Spanish language—Castellano—and the Galician language—Galego—to gain nationalist conservative voters and to divide the nationalist political space. During this period, the nationalist—Bloque Nacionalista Galego (BNG)—and socialist—Partido dos Socialistas de Galicia (PSdeG/PSOE)—opposition have supported positive discrimination for the Galego language. Political change in 2005 switched their positions; PP stood for increasing protection for Castellano, while the new nationalist and left-wing government promoted a stronger status for Galego. PP’s return to office in 2009 has switched the positions again.

La gestión de crisis es un campo de trabajo al que cada vez más organizaciones, conscientes de la necesidad de atender a estas situaciones especiales, prestan atención. El presente estudio tiene como intención realizar un análisis general de la gestión de crisis y examinar el caso concreto de la crisis de la justicia gallega. Se realiza una aproximación a los estudios de Augustine y se completa con entrevistas a actores implicados en la crisis de estudio para entender cuales son los principales elementos a los que hay que prestar atención para la gestión de crisis y ver cuales fueron los aciertos y errores del Gobierno gallego.

En la ultima decada, y con el Brexit como punto de inflexion, el descontento y la desconfianza hacia las instituciones de la UE, asi como el crecimiento de fuerzas politicas euroescepticas, han puesto en entredicho tanto la legitimidad del proceso de integracion de la Union Europea como la identidad europea comun. En esto contexto son muchas las voces que asumen que ese crecimiento de partidos politicos de caracter euroesceptico, o incluso anti-UE, va parejo de una perdida de la identificacion con el proyecto europeo. En ese articulo, sin embargo, cuestionamos que el crecimiento de estas formaciones politicas haya sido paralelo a la disminucion del sentimiento de pertenencia a la UE y de identificacion de los ciudadanos europeos como tales. Para contrastar nuestra hipotesis analizamos distintas series temporales sobre preguntas clave en torno a la identidad y competencias de la UE del Standard Eurobarometer, llevado a cabo por la Comision Europea. Se aportan abundantes datos que ref...

The transformation of the Welfare State is not a standardized response to globalization or a by-product of European Union policies, but rather ‘what parties make of it’ (Burgoon, 2006). Different welfare regimes and welfare cultures contribute to the maintenance of diverse national responses to global and regional integration in terms of their public welfare systems, but there are also meso-level variables, such as parties´ ideologies, that may have an impact on the volume and distribution of welfare expenditure. This article presents a new scheme and procedure to code party manifesto statements in favor of social spending and retrenchment; it applies them in Britain, France and Spain in order to show the possibilities of the new data. The preliminary results indicate that ideologies are linked to parties´ preferences regarding the distribution of social spending between programs, the emphasis on different age groups as beneficiaries of welfare expenditure, and the rationale for soc...

This article compares parliamentary preferences on welfare expenditure in Austria, Belgium, Denmark, Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Ireland, Italy, Luxembourg, Netherlands, Portugal, Sweden, and the United Kingdom between 1996 and 2013. The analysis is focused on the relationship between the type of welfare regime and the programmatic offer on the volume of social spending. Two indexes were calculated: social spending and social retrenchment. Upon emergence from the recession, an increasingly homogeneous conception is detected of social policies as being subordinated to economic policies; convergence has occurred within each of the worlds of welfare, maintaining the variation among them found prior to the Crisis.

Spanish autonomous communities have extensive powers in education, gradually extended since the 1980s. These have been used to engage in region and nation-building at the level of the autonomous communities. There is also a division between the main state-wide parties over secularism and the degree of inequality in the education system. Under the government of the Popular Party (1996–2004) there

Page 1. 1 DESCENTRALIZATION AND HEALTH POLICY IN SPAIN Antón Losada Paper for ECPR 2001 Grenoble Departamento de CC Política e da Administración Facultade de Ciencias Políticas Campus Universitario Sur 15782. Santiago de Compostela Spain-España ...

The article assesses from a critical point of view most recent developments in Literature about the state of the arts of public policy analysis and public management. The main point made by the article is that the so call “turn to public policies” and the increasing interest, scope and quality of public management studies using a political science perspective are making a major contribution to the academic future of political science, but especially to the professional future of the people that have or will have a political science curricula.

1. Institutions matter: the politics of recognition and nation-building. Recently various European regions or nationalities "without a state" have achieved levels of self-government long sought after. The appearance of various recognition policies due to the pressure of regionalist or nationalist mobilisation have led some scholars to -all too often- non-critically accept the positions of the nationalist leaders; i.e.: the underlying assumption that the nation is an objective fact historically consolidated around the presence of a series of "objective" factors (linguistic, cultural, geographical, economic, etc.). Thus nationalist movements and the institutions of self-government that they eventually achieve merely constitute the external expression of that pre-existing collective identity. In contrast, the most recent research on the field manifests the social and political constructed, non-essentialist nature of nations from the "raw material" of a pre...

e Reino Unido entre 1996 e 2013. A análise concentra-se na relação entre o tipo de regime de bem-estar e a oferta programática sobre o volume de gastos sociais. Foram calculados dois índices: gasto social e contenção social. Ao sair da recessão, detecta-se uma concepção cada vez mais homogênea das políticas sociais como subordinadas às políticas econômicas; a convergência ocorreu dentro de cada um dos mundos de bem-estar, mantendo a variação entre eles encontrada antes da Crise. PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Preferências políticas; Projeto Manifesto; gasto social; contenção social; regimes de bem-estar; reformas do estado de bem-estar. ABSTRACT: This article compares parliamentary preferences on welfare expenditure in Austria,

The transformation of the Welfare State is not a standardized response to globalization or a by-product of European Union policies, but rather 'what parties make of it' (Burgoon, 2006). Different welfare regimes and welfare cultures contribute to the maintenance of diverse national responses to global and regional integration in terms of their public welfare systems, but there are also meso-level variables, such as parties' ideologies, that may have an impact on the volume and distribution of welfare expenditure. This article presents a new scheme and procedure to code party manifesto statements in favor of social spending and retrenchment; it applies them in Britain, France and Spain in order to show the possibilities of the new data. The preliminary results indicate that ideologies are linked to parties' preferences regarding the distribution of social spending between programs, the emphasis on different age groups as beneficiaries of welfare expenditure, and the rationale for social cuts.

GESTIÓN Y COMUNICACIÓN EN SITUACIONES DE CRISIS. ESTUDIO DEL CASO DE LA HUELGA DE LA JUSTICIA GALLEGA. Management and communication in crisis situations. Study of the Galician justice strike case. BIEITO CAMBEIRO Resumen: La gestión de crisis es un campo de trabajo al que cada vez más organizaciones, conscientes de la necesidad de atender a estas situaciones especiales, prestan atención. El presente estudio tiene como intención realizar un análisis general de la gestión de crisis y examinar el caso concreto de la crisis de la justicia gallega. Se realiza una aproximación a los estudios de Augustine y se completa con entrevistas a actores implicados en la crisis de estudio para entender cuáles son los principales elementos a los que hay que prestar atención para la gestión de crisis y ver cuáles fueron los aciertos y errores del Gobierno gallego. Abstract: Crisis management is a fi eld of work to which more and more organizations, aware of the need to attend to these special situations, pay attention. The intention of this study is to carry out a general analysis of crisis management and to examine the specifi c case of the Galician justice crisis. An approach to Augustine's studies is carried out and is completed with interviews with actors involved in the study crisis to understand what are the main elements to pay attention to in crisis management and analyse the successes and the mistakes of the Galician government. Palabras clave: gestión de crisis, comunicación política, confl icto laboral, crisis.

"LA crisis del COVID-19 ha situado en el centro del respeto y la admiración colec­tiva a una sanidad pública que ha sabido responder con compromiso, profesionalidad y eficiencia a un desafío colosal. Se ha convertido en un lugar común afirmar que las sociedades han tomado conciencia del valor de los servicios públicos y del daño causado por los procesos de privatización ¿Realmente es así? ¿Ha cambiado la valoración de lo público? ¿Termina la era de las privatizaciones o simplemente han cambiado las tácticas para privatizar?

Los medios de comunicación se han convertido en sospechosos habituales para la política y por políticos, pero también para la ciencia política y los politólogos. Se les atribuyen todo tipo de habilidades y capacidades, a veces ciertamente mágicas. Acaso con demasiada frecuencia se recurre a su enorme influencia para explicar aquellos resultados que no se sabe muy bien cómo desentrañar de otra manera. Pocas veces parece haber estado tan vigente la visión de la opinión pública como una "fuerza mística" ya retratada por Lippman en los años cincuenta. Seguramente pocas veces la prensa se ha visto con tanta certeza como su constructora y ha llegado a creerse con tanta fe esa imagen. Paradójicamente todos seguimos tendiendo a infravalorar la influencia real que los medios de comunicación pueden tener sobre nosotros mismos. Casi siempre nos referimos a este asunto en tercera persona: uno mismo rara vez se reconoce influido por la prensa mientras que reconoce con extrema facilidad esa influencia en los demás. Se infravalora el efecto propio y se sobreestima aquél causado sobre los demás. El debate sobre el papel de los medios de comunicación en la formación de la agenda pública se ha convertido en un clásico. han acreditado con trabajada evidencia empírica la larga influencia que los medios de comunicación ejercen de manera constatable sobre el funcionamiento de la agenda de los poderes públicos. La literatura ha destacado de manera especial su papel decisivo a la hora de convertir una situación problemática en un "asunto noticia" o "issue". Aunque buena parte del debate ha terminado girando precisamente en torno a la dificultad de determinar si es la atención de los medios aquello que convierte un problema en un issue público o es primero el interés social por un problema aquello que fija u obliga a fijar la atención de los medios (Subirats, 1992). Las evidencias aportadas por la literatura sobre medios y agenda acreditan como los medios de comunicación juegan un papel crucial a la hora de establecer los criterios, prioridades y valores predominantes en el debate público y en el proceso de formación de la agenda pública. Más que por su capacidad para marcar la agenda pública de manera directa, los medios importan por su evidente capacidad para "indexarla" y marcar los límites del debate e incluir o excluir opciones (Graber, 1997). También contribuyen de marea decisiva a dar o quitar estatus y legitimidad a los diferentes actores. Los medios influyen cada vez más sobre quién resulta percibido como víctima o verdugo, quién es responsable, culpable, afectado o beneficiado, quién puede o no participar en el debate o en el proceso de toma de decisiones, a título de qué y bajo qué condiciones. El efecto de los medios sobre la conformación de la agenda pública se vuelve aún más notorio respecto al tratamiento simbólico de los diferentes issues que respecto a la acción institucional. La actitud de los medios de comunicación resulta determinante a la hora de activar o desactivar fenómenos que han probado sobradamente su capacidad para determinar la opinión pública. Las líneas editoriales de los medios resultan imprescindibles para que se pueda producir o no la llamada "espiral de silencio"

Language policy is a key issue in Galician political competition. Its symbolic uses have proved to be a powerful political resource. Spanish and Galician right wing party, Popular Party-PP-, has kept government between 1989 and 2004 by strategically promoting language policies based on equilibrium between Spanish and Galician languange as a means to reach nationalists conservative voters and to divide nationalisme. During this period, nationalist-BNG-and socialist-PSOE-opposition supported positive discrimination for "Galego". Political change in 2005 switched roles. PP stood for increasing protection for Spanish, while the new nationalist left wing government promoted bilingualism. PP´s return to office in 2009 has switched roles again. Adversary language policy seems to work as strategy for opposition and electoral campaigning, but becomes a major policy problem once in government, both for nationalists and non-nationalist parties. Advocate for balance between both languages has proved to be the best strategy for keeping power. The paper analise the strategies of three main polítical parties to test if adversary language policy works as a valid strategy for opposition and electoral campaigning, but becomes a major policy problem once in government, both for nationalists and non-nationalist parties and advocating for balance between both languages has proved to be the best strategy for keeping power.