Ethnic conflicts and ethno-nationalism politics

This newspaper column from 2003 examines how Indians in Trinidad and Tobago are misled, guided by so many fears, the encouragement of feelings of victimhood, and smallness of vision. There is an important contribution for Indians to make to the building of this New World civilisation, which is still in its infancy and only half-made. What is needed is a vision, mission and leadership not griping about “discrimination”, but looking fearlessly to the future.

In 2017, for the first time in the history of documenta, curator Adam Szymczyk made the decision to site the quinquennial in two locations: Kassel, Germany, and Athens, Greece. Szymczyk's intention was to "decentralize" documenta's Western European gaze, turning the exhibition into an opportunity to foreground Greco-German relations in the wake of Greece's debt crisis. This essay examines documenta 14 through the overlapping frames of education, ethno-nationalism, and wealth—three real-world currents made visible by not only the works of art chosen, but in the protracted controversy over the exhibition's budget shortfall, which reinscribed some of the very dynamics Szymczyk set out to critique with his curatorial decision to site half of documenta in Athens.

The article focuses on two sets of autonomist demands that the far-right Sudeten German Party (SdP) in Czechoslovakia put forward during 1937–38. Its central thesis being that both sets were marked by a profoundly close interplay between territorial and non-territorial approaches at accommodating national diversity, it sets to explore this relationship, highlighting the underlying dynamic. Although the 1937 Volksschutzgesetze posed as an ostensibly “pure” case of non-territorial autonomy, whereas the 1938 Skizze über Neuordnung der innerstaatlichen Verhältnisse entailed major territorial provisions, in both cases the practical end-goal implied territorial autonomy. A closer look into their inner logic and intellectual origins however, also reveals a shared, essentially non-territorial underpinning. While the SdP agenda was firmly centered on national territory, its specific völkisch and organicist understanding of nationality manifested a clear preponderance of non-territoriality. Both sets of autonomist demands may thus be treated as a potentially maximalist combination of territorial and non-territorial arrangements resting on a fundamentally non-territorial notion of Volkspersönlichkeit. Encompassing all the members of the national group, the latter was simultaneously conceived as the basic carrier of political will. Volksschutzgesetze and Skizze thus represented clear examples of illiberal (re-)conceptualization of national autonomy, informed by contemporary völkisch sociological, legal, and political thought.

Тази книга предлага един по-нетрадиционен поглед върху проблема за българо-гръцкия национален сблъсък в Македония. 
          В първия дял на изследването авторката излага (като резултат на своите проучвания) заключението си, че началото на българо-гръцкия сблъсък е положено още през Първото българско царство, във връзка с особеностите на Българската църква.
          Важна съставна част на книгата е аналитичното разглеждане, въз основа на писанията на някои български възрожденци, как паметта за корените на българо-гръцкия национален сблъсък и за началата на Българската църква, проговаря на самите тях и какви виждания изказват те.
          Нататък се търси се отговор на въпроса: „Защо именно Македония се оказва най-конфликтният район на Балканите.” Разглеждат се и различията в наследството, с което българи и гърци влизат в епохата на нациите. Както и как тези различия, заедно с някои други обстоятелства, предопределят съответните специфики в гръцкия и българския национализъм.
          Втората част на труда е посветена на конкретното развитие на българо-гръцкия национален сблъсък. Изяснява се еволюцията в гръцките виждания по Македонския въпрос, както и по отношение на тактиката и стратегията за налагане на гръцките аспирации в областта.
          Изложението е така построено, че самият разказ да проговори на читателя в следната насока: Как и защо от гръцка страна се стига до изкривеното разбиране за естеството на българското национално движение в Македония; Как и защо българите се превръщат в главния враг на гърцизма в областта,  считана според Мегали идея, за гръцка; Как и защо се стига до тази ескалация във взаимната омраза между гърци и българи.
          Успоредно с това, се проследяват основните конкретни прояви на този сблъсък: по-важните насоки в гръцките действия за спечелване на Македония за Гърция, както и  някои аспекти на българския отговор.

The article sheds light on minority patriotism in ethno-national states. It utilizes the experience of the Arab minority in Israel demonstrating that patriotism develops in clear interdependence with the dominant ethos of the state. The ethnic citizenship model dominant in Israeli political culture does not incorporate the national or cultural identity of all Israeli citizens equally, rendering Israeli patriotism among Arab citizens more questionable. As a result, Arab patriotic attachment has gradually shifted from civic Israeli to Palestinian patriotism.

Although scholars of Somali Studies have engaged themselves in examining the Somali society from several perspectives, colonial and early Somali writers mainly observed the Somali people as homogenous, egalitarian and nomadic pastoral. Themes on multi-ethnicity, multiculturalism, and linguistic diversity were ignored as topics that sully the myth of the selfsame ideology colorfully embroidered in the official historiography. The notion also deluded pioneering Somali scholars from critically studying their people and analyzing colonial writing; at least not beyond the western scholars' knowledge boundary. Accordingly, the Horn of Africa was exemplified as a unique African nation where citizens enjoy equality and share an all-in-one identity: culturally, ethnically, historically, and linguistically. Contrary to that notion, though, the everyday social situation makes the primordial ideology of selfsameness unsustainable. To establish the evidence, this essay discusses about how the Bantu Jareer agrarian community, a section among the different groups of subalterns in the country, views its environment and social space within the boundary of deeply offensive segregation by an extremely suppressive Somali society.

Depuis une vingtaine d’années, le fait régional et l’action régionale semblent s’être fortement développés en Europe. La promotion de l’Europe des régions a été sur le devant de la scène dans la conclusion de nouveaux traités jalonnant la construction européenne depuis quinze ans. Et, de manière emblématique, a été établi un Comité des régions. Celui-ci reste à ce jour doté d’une influence formelle modeste mais son établissement atteste d’un intérêt renouvelé pour l’échelon régional, quand bien même celui-ci recouvre des réalités différentes dans les Etats membres de l’Union européenne.    En parallèle à cette affirmation du fait régional, des mouvements et des partis de revendication régionaliste ont marqué les esprits par leur percée dans certains Etats. En Grande-Bretagne, en France, en Espagne ou en Italie, pour ne citer que quelques exemples, des partis régionalistes ont fait la une par leurs performances électorales et politiques, ou par leur propos : songeons au parti nationaliste basque, au Sinn Fein, à la Ligue du Nord, au Vlaams Belang, ou au parti national écossais.    L’objet du livre est d’analyser l’essence de ces partis régionalistes, d’examiner leurs rôles et leurs performances dans les sociétés européennes, de questionner la nouveauté du phénomène et d’étudier dans quelle mesure ils appartiennent à une même famille. Ce travail est réalisé avec la contribution de plusieurs des meilleurs spécialistes de ces problématiques en Europe.

Nationalism and multiculturalism are often perceived as polar opposites with the former viewed as the disease and the latter the cure. Contrary to this view, this article argues that a strong national identity, albeit of a particular kind, is prerequisite to a stable and functioning multicultural society. The article seeks to identify both the causes and the implications of the absence of an overarching, civic national identity in Britain, further to the goal of seeking a meaningful solution. It is our contention that the problem lies in the difficulty involved in reconciling current pressures on British identity with a coherent narrative of British history, especially its imperial past.

В статията, въз основа на писаното от самия Раковски, се разглеждат вижданията на възрожденския деец за култовите корени на Българската църква, за нейните специфики, родствени с  раннохристиянските апостолски традиции. А също за характера и съдбата на Охридската архиепископия, както и за причините и естеството на българо-гръцката църковна разпра.
Според големия българин Българската църква е пряко продължение на ранноапостолските църкви, основани от апостол Павел на Балканите. В този контекст Раковски обяснява защо местното тракийско население, наречено от него българо-македонско и славянско, с такава лекота и готовност да приеме Христовото Слово като нещо познато. Възрожденецът подчертава истината за устройството на раннохристиянските църкви, при които не е имало избрани народи, но всички са били равни пред Бога. Така той оборва претенциите на Патриаршията да си присвоява цялата власт на местните църкви и да ги лишава от самостойност. Раковски изяснява демократичните основи, на които се гради раннохристиянската църква, от чиито порядки той черпи вдъхновение за устройството на Българската възрожденска църква. Големият възрожденец също така смята, че не нова църква трябва да се учредява, а просто да се възстановят Търновската патриаршия и Охридската архиепископия, които според него са неправомерно закрити и присвоени от Цариградската патриаршия. 
Раковски отделя много внимание на паразитното фанариотско съсловие, като го иронизира и изобличава. Особено обстойно се спира на начина, по който е закрита Охридската архиепископия и ролята на фанариотския род Ипсиланти в това отношение.
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Georgi St. Rakovski on the Origins and Ancient Roots of the Bulgarian Church and on the Bulgarian-Greek Ecclesiastical Strife
Summary:
The article, based on the writings of Rakovski himself, examines the views of the Bulgarian National Revival activist on the cult roots of the Bulgarian Church, on its specifics kindred to the early Christian apostolic traditions. And also on the character and destiny of the Ohrid Archbishopric, as well as on the causes and nature of the Bulgarian-Greek ecclesiastical strife.
According to the great Bulgarian, the Bulgarian Church was a direct successor of the early apostolic churches founded by the Apostle Paul in the Balkans. Rakovski refuted the claims of the Patriarchate to usurp the entire power of the local churches and deprive them of their independence using as its basis the democratic foundations on which the early Christian Church had been built. He denounced both Rome and the Patriarchate of Constantinople for grossly distorting the Word and the true traditions of the early Christian churches. The Bulgarian National Revival figure also believed that no new church should be established, but simply the unlawfully closed Tarnovo Patriarchate and Ohrid Archbishopric should be restored. Rakovski devoted a great deal of attention to the parasitic Phanariot class, deriding it and exposing its true face. He elaborated particularly on the way in which the Ohrid Archbishopric had been closed and on the role of the Phanariot Ypsilanti family  in this respect.

The study set out to examine the role of peace education in reducing youth radicalization in the sub-counties of Maliba, Karusandala and Mubuku town council of Kasese district. Specifically, the study sought to examine the role of peace education in reducing youth radicalization and promoting respect for others; the importance of peace education in fostering inclusion and civic participation; and finally, how peace education promotes the use of peaceful strategies of conflict resolution and social cohesion. The study employed a qualitative design with a single case study, using key informant interviews, Focus Group Discussions (FGDs), and a review of secondary literature.
The study discovered that there is a myriad of factors which cause youth radicalization, these in summary include; existence of different cultural institutions, presence of several natural resources which cover a great portion of the district’s land, youth population bulge and high levels of unemployment, poor service delivery and marginalization. Findings on the role peace education show a positive hypothesis. It was revealed that peace education nurtures a sense of community, shared responsibility and goals; creates avenues for youths to interact freely and appreciate the company of each other; promotes patriotism and demand for accountability; supports critical thinking; enhances knowledge on how to handle conflicts amicably. The study also found out that peace education can only be successful when people’s security is guaranteed in areas threatened by conflict.
In conclusion, the study recommends actions for policy makers, policy implementers, Civil Service Society, cultural institutions, the land commission of inquiry, the development of peace education. Areas for further research were identified during the study.

This article theorizes “pan-nationalism” as an analytical category in the context of nationalism theory by contrasting “pan-nationalism” with “nationalism.” What does the prefix “pan-” imply? One can identify a “multiple-statehood” criterion: pan-nationalism extends across state frontiers. Observers also use the prefix pejoratively to connote extremism or revanchism. The pejorative tendency means that the difference between “nationalism” and “pan-nationalism” may depend on the observer’s political sympathies. A brief survey of pan-Slavism illustrates a large gap between the aspirations of self-proclaimed Pan-Slavs, and the goals attributed to them. Many self-proclaimed pan-nationalist elsewhere in the world have also renounced high-political goals, thus scholars should stay close to the primary sources and exercise caution when making assumptions about pan-nationalist aspirations.

By taking an example of the region of the Balkans, the article concentrates on the Europeanization as a process of individual and collective change that creates difference in the European community. It discusses the conflicting nature of the concept of Europeanization and how it has become a word with meaning to 'civilize' slowly developing nations. This makes their modernization a complex process. The article also explains Europeanization as a psychosocial phenomenon that brings differences in transformation of the countries in the Balkans at an inner level, but it also creates outer challenges for the region. In the nations which still go through building their own identity, the differences in transformation can become a possible internal conflict with external outcome.

Issues of nationalism regarding the "Catalonian Independence Movement" in Spain 2017 and beyond.
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Imagine the Texas Legislature authorizing a vote for Texan Independence - a referendum on theLone Star State once again becoming an independent republic. Imagine that Texans voteoverwhelmingly for independence, and that state lawmakers then vote to secede, something thathas not happened in the United States since 1861, the eve of our horrible Civil War

The Partia Karkare Kurdistan, or the Workers Party of Kurdistan (PKK) campaign of violence has cost Turkey about 30,000 lives and billions of dollars. In 20 years the organization made great efforts to create a Kurdish nation and to establish a separate state. However the lack of popular support forced the PKK to shift its policies. In fact the PKK movement is no exception. All Kurdist movements in Turkey’s history have failed. This article looks at the reasons of this failure. According to the authors the ethnic origin, history, and demography did not provide a suitable environment for Kurdish nationalism, particularly in the Anatolian territories. The study focuses on the ethnic origin of the Kurds, their current perceptions, sociological and cultural descriptions of the Kurds, demography and their impact on Kurdish uprisings and separatism.

Abstract In the early 19th century, Habsburg Panslavs sought not Russian expansion but instead linguistic and cultural unity between Slavs speaking different “dialects.” To make their vision of literary unity despite political fragmentation more persuasive, Panslavs invoked the examples of Ancient Greece and modern Germany. Greek and German examples feature prominently in the writings of Jernej Kopitar, Josef Šafařík, Jan Kopitar, and Jan Kollár, all of whom posited a single Slavic “language.” The 1848 Revolution, however, transformed Slavic literary activism: Slavs at the Prague Panslav congress understood each other only poorly, and Habsburg authorities showed a sudden willingness to use Slavic in state administration. Some Slav patriots, including Josef Podstránský, Václav Krolmus and Peter Hitzinger, focused on particularist literary work, others, such as Ľudovít Štúr and Imbro Tkalac, took an interest in the Russian literary standard. The Greek and German examples remained popular, but were invoked with different purpose.

Focusing on Mostar, a city in Bosnia-Herzegovina that became the epitome of ethnic divisions during the Yugoslav wars, this cutting edge book considers processes of violent partitioning in cities. Providing an in-depth understanding of the social, political, and mundane dynamics that keep cities polarized, it examines the potential that moments of inter-ethnic collaboration hold in re-imaging these cities as other than divided. Against the backdrop of normalised practices of ethnic partitioning, the book studies both ‘planned’ and ‘unplanned’ moments of disruption; it looks at how networks of solidarity come into existence regardless of identity politics as well as the role of organised grassroots groups that attempt to create more inclusive; and it critically engages with urban spaces of resistance. Challenging the representation of the city as merely a site of ethnic divisions, the author also explores the complexities arising from living in a city that validates its citizens solely through ethnicity. Elaborating on the relationships between space, culture and social change, this book is a key read for scholars, students, and urban practitioners studying ethnically divided cities worldwide.

Since 1951 the official Chinese historiographic position has maintained that Chinese History stands as one 'parmenidean'whole, in which national histories of the various minzu (nationalities) are at once their own singular narratives and vital components of the ...

The article examines aspects of religious identity for young people living along the border between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland in terms both of religious and ethno-national content and encompassing personal as well as collective components. Religion is seen as both positive and negative. It is constructed as strengthening family bonds, providing a sense of belonging and history and fostering tolerance and acceptance. Paradoxically it is also seen as fuelling extant intergroup hostilities.

Abstract Scholars often describe the early stages in the development of nationalism with the metaphor of “national awakening,” which originally comes from historical actors. Several scholars, notably Ernest Gellner, criticize the metaphor for its implicit teleology and essentialism. Much recent scholarship considers non-national loyalties, such as regionalism, civic pride, monarchism, or national indifference, reflecting an understandable weariness with teleological narratives. Scholars can avoid essentialist teleology by studying failed national movements. The history of “Slovak” national awakening, for example, should address Czechoslovakism and Panslavism. Despite its difficulties, however, the metaphor of “awakening” should be retained as a term of historic periodization.

... Different Cultures? What are Human Collectivities?,” in Siniša Malesevic and Mark Haugaard (eds.) Making Sense of Collectivity (London: Pluto, 2002). View all notes. There is a question to be asked, and its answer is not self-evident. ... such as Brendan O'Leary. 29 29. ...

La crisi política catalana, provocada pels efectes del procés sobiranista, peròtambé per la descomposició del règim del 1978, ha impactat sobre el sistema de partits, modificant-lo d'una manera precipitada. Del bipartidisme imperfecte del 1980 s'ha passat a un multipartidisme que fan molt difícil les majories absolutes. Aquest és un escenari que durarà temps i els partits es transformaran encara més.