Social and political science

Úvod do studia politiky Miroslav Novák et al. Tato učebnice je určena zejména vysokoškolským studentům sociálních a humanitních věd bakalářského a magisterského stupně. Jde o práci kolektivní a svým pojetím i rozsahem v českém prostředí ojedinělou. Je rozdělena do čtyř částí. V první části je politika vykládána očima nejrůznějších disciplín-od politologie přes filosofii, psychologii, antropologii, právo, geografii a ekonomii až po his-torii. Obsahem druhé části jsou úvody do vybraných subdisciplín politické vědy, jako je komparativní politologie, teorie mezinárod-ních vztahů a správní věda. Ve třetí části jsou zpracovány úvody do kvantitativních a kvalitativních metod v politické vědě, včetně tzv. kvalitativní srovnávací analýzy. Čtvrtá část pak pojednává o někte-rých velkých tématech politiky, jako jsou stranické a volební systémy, národy a nacionalismus nebo demokracie a nedemokratické režimy. Učebnice tvoří vnitřně propojený celek, i když se názory, pojetí nebo hodnocení autorů jednotlivých kapitol od sebe mohou poněkud lišit.-Kdy vznikla politická věda?-Jaké další disciplíny se zabývají politikou?-Jaký je vztah mezi politickou vědou a politickou sociologií?-Proč se v češtině více ujal výraz "politologie" než "politická věda"?-Co je politika? Jaký je vztah mezi politikou a mocí?-Je řadový občan v politice kompetentní?-Jak nám analýza stranického systému pomáhá pochopit mo-derní politické režimy?-Co je předmětem komparativní politologie? Jaké metody pou-žívá?-V čem spočívá rozdíl mezi komparativní politologií a teorií mezi-národních vztahů?-Čím se vyznačuje dobrá veřejná správa? Rozsáhlý autorský tým pod vedením Miroslava Nováka tvoří čeští odborníci nejrůznějších generací z mnoha akademických pracovišť. vydání druhé, rozšířené a doplněné o 2 nové kapitoly.  Doporučená cena 749 Kč

“Power is war, the continuation of war by other means”: Foucault’s reversal of Clausewitz’s formula has become a staple of critical theory — but it remains highly problematic on a conceptual level. Elaborated during Foucault’s 1976 lectures (“Society Must Be Defended”), this work-hypothesis theorises “basic warfare” [la guerre fondamentale] as the teleological horizon of socio-political relations. Following Boulainvilliers, Foucault champions this polemological approach, conceived as a purely descriptive discourse on “real” politics and war, against the philosophico-juridical conceptuality attached to liberal society (Hobbes’s Leviathan being here the prime example).
However, in doing so, Foucault did not interrogate the conceptual validity of notions such as power and war, therefore interlinking them without questioning their ontological status. This problematic conflation was partly rectified in 1982, as Foucault proposed a more dynamic definition of power relations: “actions over potential actions”.
I argue, somewhat polemically, that Foucault’s hermeneutics of power still involves a teleological violence, dependent on a polemological representation of human relations as essentially instrumental: this resembles what Derrida names, in “Heidegger’s Ear”, an “anthropolemology”. However, I show that all conceptualisation of power implies its self-deconstruction. This self-deconstructive (or autoimmune) structure supposes an archi-originary unpower prior to power: power presupposes an excess within power, an excessive force, another violence making it both possible and impossible. There is something within power located “beyond the power principle” (Derrida). This (self-)excess signifies a limitless resistantiality co-extensive with power-relationality. It also allows the reversal of pólemos into its opposite, as unpower opens politics and warfare to the messianic call of a pre-political, pre-ontological disruption: the archi-originary force of différance. This force, unconditional, challenges Foucault’s conceptualisations of power, suggesting an originary performativity located before or beyond hermeneutics of power-knowledge, disrupting theoreticity as well as empiricity by pointing to their ontological complicity.
The bulk of this essay is dedicated to sketching the theoretical implications of this deconstructive reading of Foucault with respect to the methodology and conceptuality of political science and social theory.

The second edition of the Routledge Handbook of Public Diplomacy, co-edited by two leading scholars in the international relations subfield of public diplomacy, includes 16 more chapters from the first. Ten years later, a new global landscape of public diplomacy has taken shape, with major programs in graduate-level public diplomacy studies worldwide. What separates this handbook from others is its legacy and continuity from the first edition. This first edition line-up was more military-focused than this edition, a nod to the work of Philip M. Taylor, to whom this updated edition is dedicated. This edition includes US content, but all case studies are outside the United States, not only to appeal to a global audience of scholars and practitioners, but also as a way of offering something fresher than the US/UK-centric competition. In Parts 1-4, original contributors are retained, many with revised editions, but new faces emerge. Parts 5 and 6 include 16 global case studies in public diplomacy, expanding the number of contributors by ten. The concluding part of the book includes chapters on digital and corporate public diplomacy, and a signature final chapter on the noosphere and noo-politik as they relate to public diplomacy. Designed for a broad audience, the Routledge Handbook of Public Diplomacy is encyclopedic in its range and depth of content, yet is written in an accessible style that will appeal to both undergraduate and postgraduate students.

This is a sample policy paper for Government 2305 and 2306 classes at the El Paso Community College taught by John M. Seymour.  This paper explains the components of the policy paper and is  working exmple of an APA formatted paper with citations and bibliography.

This text proposes a description and analysis of the Italian police forces. The approach adopted specifically regards their social and political construction and therefore their practices within the political organization of society. In order to better analyse the social construction of the Italian police case, I propose regarding the police as one of the several social institutions involved in the continuous experimentation to find a political organization of society. Research into the Italian police forces has been, and is still, very rare. In this paper I refer to research that I have carried out on the Italian police forces since 1990, and also to other documents and knowledge gathered in judicial inquiries and from reliable special reports. Keywords: Italian police forces, anamorphosis of the rules of law, tolerated and intolerable illegalities, discretion of police forces, ignored insecurities

This module is designed to acquaint students with understanding of new media, how it differs from old media, and what are the dilemmas and responsibilities of Net users, journalists, ISPs, state and international community in this new era. The module will combine theory with case studies. This module will supplement Level 5 module, 'New Media and Politics' which is focused mainly on the implications of new media technologies, such as the internet, for representative democracy. It will provide interested students with the opportunity to continue focusing their studies also in their third year on Internet and New Media.

Introducción
Esta ponencia busca reintroducir el estudio de la lucha de las organizaciones de trabajadores desocupados (y de la economía popular) en los primeros años de la administración presidencial de Mauricio Macri (2015-2019). El análisis propuesto se focaliza en la demanda de una legislación de emergencia social. Aquí se promueve una revisita actualizada de los estudios en torno a la acción colectiva de los trabajadores desocupados e informales a partir de la descripción y el análisis de la lucha de sus organizaciones ante esta demanda. 
Entendemos que este proceso de lucha tiene dos características particulares. La primera es la articulación establecida con la Iglesia Católica y los intentos sistemáticos de vinculación con las centrales sindicales. La segunda es continua demanda de las organizaciones de trabajadores desocupados tanto al Poder Ejecutivo como al Legislativo.
El proceso de lucha es descripto a partir de una periodización que contiene tres momentos. Durante el primer momento se establece la articulación entre las tres organizaciones centrales de este proceso y se le da entidad a la demanda del proyecto de emergencia social. El segundo momento -en el cual el proyecto de ley es aprobado con modificaciones significativas - se caracteriza por una fuerte interacción con los poderes del Estado. Finalmente, el tercer período se identifica con las luchas enfocadas en la reglamentación de la ley emergencia social.
La base empírica de esta investigación se encuentra en 213 noticias publicadas en periódicos nacionales acerca de la lucha por la emergencia social. El rango temporal que incluye este estudio es desde agosto de 2016 hasta marzo de 2017.

Afghanistan's future will continue to be defined substantially by Islamabad's mischief. Unless Pakistan is compelled by the international community to end its support to the Taliban and other extremist formations in Afghanistan, the prevailing troubles can only escalate.

Ce cours analyse, du point de vue de la sociologie politique, les stratégies de communication des groupes d’intérêt militants. Ces stratégies renvoient à l'ensemble des pratiques de médiation et de médiatisation employés par des organisations citoyennes, professionnelles ou politiques - partis, syndicats, associations, groupes d'intérêt, collectifs informels ou réseaux - qui cherchent à publiciser et politiser leurs revendications à recruter de nouveaux membres et à bénéficier de soutiens dans le champ du pouvoir. Positionné au quatrième semestre du Parcours Communication (niveau Licence 2), le cours se déroule sur douze séances (voir calendrier ci-après). Chaque séance est organisée autour d’un cours magistral (1h) et d’une séquence de travaux dirigés (1h).

With: Thomas M. Wilson
This article introduces a collection of case studies on the politics of borders and the place-making processes in Southeast European border environments. It opens with explorations of how the social analysis of borders oscillates between border studies and border theory, and between the study of borders as things and as ideas. The focus on the territoriality of borders, analyzed as dynamic social-spatial formations, is proposed as a meeting point between the two approaches. On this premise, this article examines some key elements in contemporary ethnographic research on borders in Southeastern Europe.

Conclusion générale d’un ouvrage collectif, ce chapitre fait la synthèse des enjeux et des problèmes soulevés par la notion de charisme en sciences sociales. Il revient à la fois sur les difficultés de la conceptualisation du charisme chez Weber lui-même et sur les usages extensifs qui ont pu être faits par la suite de cette notion, au point de la banaliser. Le charisme apparaît en définitive comme un concept provisoire dont l’ « utilité scientifique marginale » est aujourd’hui négative ; qui illustre les risques plus généraux pesant sur la méthode idéaltypique ; et qu’il faut donc oser abandonner au profit de concepts plus relationnels, comme « capital symbolique » et « saillance situationnelle ».

This paper explores the process of legitimation involved in the struggle for secession in Telangana, India.  It argues that this was focussed on the securing of justice in a) gaining access to resources (the legitimation of risk) and b) the exercise of political power (the legitimation of democracy). The plight of Telangana demonstrates the historical and contextual nature of legitimacy. The paper asserts that the ongoing struggle to legitimate risk and democracy will be constitutive of the norms and values of the new state, influencing the way in which exposure to risk is differentiated, and democratic legitimacy defined.  It suggests that, although contextualized, local struggles to legitimate risk and democracy represent a microcosm of a wider global legitimation process which is constitutive of world society and the search for justice in a world at risk.

Special issue of "Culture Unbound". Through an introduction and six original articles, the issue investigates a variety of cultural and scientific discourses and practices that in different ways are related to neuroscience and the brain.

The special issue was edited by guest editors Peter Bengtsen and Kristofer Hansson.

The last decade has seen an exponential growth on far-right groups in Europe. Nevertheless,in Spain and Portuguese, those groups have shown an exception, particularly regard to their electoral relevance. In the same way, in Valencian Country, since the Transition, those groups have been present, but far-right will not achieve an electoral relevance until the regional elections in 2019, with Vox political party getting ten seats in the Valencian Parliament such as getting seats in the city halls of its the most important towns and cities. This research is focused on analyzing the far right evolution in the Valencian Country, from the political Transition to now, on establishing their links with blaverism, and knowing the valencian voter profile of Vox after regional elections in April 2019.

Various approaches to defining the middle class such as the use of gradational or relational concepts yield different estimates of its size and distribution in society. In recent decades in the Philippines, the growth of the middle class has been fueled by two sectors: the professionals and skilled workers employed abroad and the local business processing outsourcing industry. Noteworthy in the Philippine experience has been the prominent role of middle class leaders and activists in organizing political movements of different political and ideological orientations particularly in the country's postwar history. This significant political role by the middle class is largely rooted in the confluence of a weak central state and the establishment of formal political institutions that have allowed for the greater degree of independent political actions by the broader civil society and peoples' organizations.

Sumber daya manusia pemerintahan terdapat banyak problem yang harus diperhatikan dari mulai permasalahan pelayanan yang dilakukannya, kompetensi yang seharusnya melekat pada pekerjaannya, masalah perilaku dan tindak korupsi, sampai masalah kesejahteraan yang menyangkut faktor gaji dan tunjangan bagi pegawai. Faktor penariknya ini berkaitan dengan birokrasi sebagai ruang bergerak pegawai (aparatur pemerintah) yang menjelmakan tindakan dari sejumlah kebijakan yang direncanakan dan ditetapkan oleh pemerintah. Melalui birokrasi, kekuasaan yang diamanatkan pada pemerintah menjelma dan nampak secara konkret. Secara konkret pula fungsi kerja birokrasi harus cepat, bekerja secara profesional dengan prinsip efisien, efektif dan tentu saja bertanggung jawab berdasarkan sejumlah peraturan yang ada alias tidak melakukan praktik korupsi. Ini semua akan menjadi kunci berjalannya suatu pemerintahan dengan baik (good governance) yaitu suatu tata pemerintahan yang bersih, taat kepada hukum, dan berorientasi pada pelayanan untuk mewujudkan kesejahteraan umum atas dasar keadilan social. Karena berbicara Kualitas SDM Pemerintahan, jadi saya ingin mengangkat materi tentang apa upaya untuk meningkatkan SDM pemerintahan yang berbasis kompetensi sehingga dapat meningkatkan pelayanan publik dan mendukung good governance atau dengan kata lain SDM Pemerintahan yang berkualitas. Permasalahan SDM pemerintahan tidak hanya persoalan kuantitas jumlah SDM tetapi juga kualitas dan kinerja SDM pemerintahan. Terdapat sejumlah isu permasahan yang dihadapi SDM pemerintahan saat ini. Isu permasalahan SDM pemerintahan adalah segala fenomena yang terkait pelaksanaan fungsi-fungsi manajemen SDM pemerintahan. Terdapat beberapa isu yang disoroti yaitu:(1)rekrutmen,melalui lelang jabatan yang dilakukan baik pusat,provinsi,maupun daerah terkait aturan main dan transparansi dari proses rekrutmen terbuka yang dilakukan;(2) status pegawai honorer meliputi aspek kebijakan yang diberikan oleh pemerintah yang dapat mengakomodir kepentingan pegawai honorer;(3)disiplin kerja SDM pemerintahan terutama perilaku indisipliner ASN serta saksi yang diberikan; (4) produktifitas ASN berupa penggunaan waktu kerja yang efektif dan optimalisasi pencapaian target dari program kerja yang telah dicanangkan. (Nahruddin, Zulfan. 2018) Pendapat saya tentang berkualitas atau tidaknya SDM Pemerintahan yaitu terdapat pada Pengaruh pegawai yang profesional dan kompeten dalam pemerintahan,ini merupakan

RESUMEN A partire da oltre 25 anni di ricerca e sulla base di molteplici osservazioni empiriche, questo testo propone una nuova descrizione e riflessione su come le polizie italiane (nazionali e locali) si sono adattate al contesto neoliberista. Fra i diversi aspetti teorici e metodologici, appare importante osservare che tali forze sono sempre caratterizzate dalla coesistenza di pratiche autoritarie e violente e altre pacifiche ("bastone e carota"), quindi dall'oscillazione fra la gestione violenta e la gestione pacifica del disordine. Le polizie rispecchiano ciò che prevale nella società e fra la popolazione e innanzitutto a livello locale, sebbene cerchino sempre di barcamenarsi nei tentativi di mediazione fra gli inputs che ricevono dall'alto del potere politico e dei vertici e dal basso da parte degli attori economici e sociali più influenti a livello locale. Palabras clave: coesistenza fra gestione violenta e la gestione pacifica del disordine; anamorfosi dello stato di diritto; razzismo, economie sommerse, torture, pratiche violente socialmente condivise ABSTRACT Starting over 25 years of research and based on multiple empirical observations, this text proposes a new description and reflection on how Italian police forces (at national and local level) have adapted to the neoliberal frame. Among the various theoretical and methodological aspects, it is important to note that such forces are always characterized by the coexistence of authoritarian and violent practices and other pacific ("stick and carrot"),

This is a final draft of the article published in Environmental Ethics 11 (Fall 1989): 243-258. This assessment of  the Promethean dimension of Marx's thought is accurate, but though it mentions Marx's more dialectical side and its potential implications, this aspect is seriously neglected in the article . A more balanced assessment is presented in "Marx's Natures," a draft version of which can be found on this site. This article should be read in connection with the latter one.

The task of studying the impact of social class on physical and mental health involves, among other things, the use of a conceptual toolbox that defines what social class is, establishes how to measure it, and sets criteria that help distinguish it from closely related concepts. One field that has recently witnessed a wealth of theoretical and conceptual research on social class is psychology, but geographers' and sociologists' attitude of diffidence toward this " positivistic " discipline has prevented them from taking advantage of this body of scholarship. This paper aims to highlight some of the most important developments in the psychological study of social class and social mobility that speak to the long-standing concerns of health geographers and sociologists with how social position, perceptions, social comparisons, and class-based identities impact health and well-being.
DOI: https://doi.org/10.1016/j.socscimed.2017.11.037

El presente trabajo presenta una reflexión sobre los Sistemas de Protección Social. La idea central es que la evolución reciente de tales sistemas es afectada por los procesos de financiarización, en la medida en que la lógica financiera entra a determinar su desarrollo. De un lado, porque los intermediarios financieros privados juegan un rol cada vez más creciente en la seguridad social, a través del manejo de las pensiones y de los seguros obligatorios de salud. Y del otro, porque la focalización del gasto público en los pobres busca hacer disminuciones en el gasto social, en aras de permitir los ajustes macrofinancieros.

The entry begins with a definition of geography and with a description of what the discipline shares with the other social sciences and what makes it distinctive among them. Terminological clarifications are provided with regard to the relationship between human geography and physical geography, and between human geography and urban geography. After a brief history and overview of human geography’s engagement with social theory, the entry offers a discussion of the politicization of contemporary human geography and of how this phenomenon is reflected in theory building and concept development.
DOI: https://doi.org/10.1002/9781118430873.est0464

"Estudio introductorio" a PERPIÑÁ RODRÍGUEZ,  A. "La época de lo social y otros escritos sobre Política y Seguridad Social", Isabor, Murcia 2016, pp. 7-34. Presentación biográfica e intelectual del sociólogo español Antonio Perpiñá Rodríguez (1910-1984).

Liberalism is a term employed in a dizzying variety of ways across the humanities and social sciences. This essay seeks to reframe how the liberal tradition is understood. I start by delineating different types of response – prescriptive, comprehensive, explanatory – that are frequently conflated in answering the question “what is liberalism?” I then discuss assorted methodological strategies employed in the existing literature: after rejecting “stipulative” and “canonical” approaches, I outline a contextualist alternative. On this (comprehensive) account, liberalism is best characterised as the sum of the arguments that have been classified as liberal, and recognised as such by other self-proclaimed liberals, over time. In the remainder of the article I present an historical analysis of shifts in the meaning of liberalism in Anglo-American political thought between 1850 and 1950, focusing in particular on how John Locke came to be seen as a liberal. I also explore the emergence of the category of "liberal democracy". I argue that the scope of the liberal tradition was massively expanded during the middle decades of the twentieth century, such that it came to be seen by many as the constitutive ideology of the West. This capacious (and deeply confusing) understanding of liberalism was produced by a conjunction of the ideological wars fought against “totalitarianism” and assorted developments in the social sciences. Today we both inherit and inhabit it.

El presente artículo trata de comprobar la hipótesis planteada sobre los principales motivadores para la Descomposición Social en México y sus causales para que en México exista desigualdad y marginalidad en el tema social y de comunidad, lo anterior a partir de las condiciones precarias de Vida (Calidad de Vida - Pobreza) a partir de la medición de indicadores claves como lo son: el Rezago Educativo, el Rezago Alimentario y la Falta de Oportunidades Laborales, en comparación de los Países del Primer Mundo, donde han ido mitigando estos Rezagos y avanzando escalas en la medición de pobreza internacional, así mismo se planteará algunos esquemas de intervención social que coadyuve en el tema de la participación de la sociedad para el mejoramiento de la implementación de políticas públicas.

Literalmente, democracia significa gobierno del pueblo. El término deriva del griego demokrati, acuñado a partir de demos (“pueblo”) y kratos (“gobierno”) a mediados del siglo V a.C. para denotar los sistemas políticos entonces existentes en algunas ciudades-Estado griegas, sobre todo Atenas.

Conclusión: El artículo, último texto escrito por Dahl hasta el momento de esta edición, es un repaso de las ideas y las instituciones fundamentales de la democracia desde su nacimiento en la Grecia clásica hasta la actualidad.

También se pasa revista a las más importantes teorizaciones acerca de su posibilidad y funcionamiento, concluyendo con
los actuales problemas y desafíos de la democracia
como forma de gobierno.

http://sociologiapolitica.sociales.uba.ar/files/2013/09/Dahl-POstdata.pdf

Corrupt exchanges are often brokered by a third party, but this phenomenon has not been satisfactorily explored by researchers of corruption. Literature on brokerage in general provides interesting models but they have not previously been applied to corrupt exchanges. Based on in-depth qualitative interviews with respondents who participated in actual corrupt transactions, this paper identifies several distinct brokerage types in low-level corruption in contemporary Hungary. The paper also provides explanation of variation in corruption brokerage in terms of actors' group affiliations, forms of the corrupt exchanges, brokerage mechanisms, as well as neutrality, benefit and motivation, risk distribution, and stability of the brokerage structure. Finally, we discuss some policy implications of corruption brokerage.