Classical Receptions Journal Advance Access published May 22, 2015 Classical Receptions Journal Vol . Iss.  () pp. – Lingua Lictoria: The Latin Literature of Italian Fascism Han Lamers and Bettina Reitz-Joosse* Introduction Italia tandem imperium habet suum. Imperium scilicet ex Fascibus! cui Romani Lictorii voluntas ac potentia notas indelebiles impresserit. Italy finally has its empire. A Fascist empire, to be sure, upon which the desire and the power of Roman Fascism have impressed their indelible marks. Benito Mussolini spoke these words on the th of May , after the Italian troops had inflicted a final blow to the Abyssinian armies, and Italy established its long desired ‘Impero’, its empire. Of course, Mussolini addressed the huge crowd on the Piazza Venezia in Rome not in Latin, but in Italian. Who translated his speech into Latin? For whom? And why? In this particular case, it was the professor of Greek at the University of Rome ‘La Sapienza’, Nicola Festa (–), who had translated three of Mussolini’s most famous speeches into Latin and published them for a general public, with the facing *Correspondence: Han Lamers, Postdoctoral Fellow at the Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin and Universiteit Gent. Email: han.lamers@hu-berlin.de; Bettina Reitz-Joosse, Niels Stensen Postdoctoral Fellow in the Department of Classical Studies at the University of Pennsylvania. Email: Bettina.L.Reitz@gmail.com  In the original Italian, Mussolini said: ‘L’Italia ha finalmente il suo Impero. Impero Fascista perchè porta i segni indistruttibili della volontà e della potenza del Littorio romano . . .’. (Mussolini : –). ß The Author . Published by Oxford University Press. All rights reserved. For Permissions, please email: journals.permissions@oup.com doi:./crj/clv Downloaded from http://crj.oxfordjournals.org/ by guest on May 23, 2015 During the ventennio fascista (1922–43), Italy saw a large and diverse production of original Latin literature with explicitly Fascist themes. The number of texts published in this period and the regime’s direct and indirect support for their production make it clear that we are dealing with an important aspect of Fascist cultural politics, which has never yet been studied in detail. In this article, we explore what it meant to write in Latin in Fascist Italy. After introducing the authors and readers of Fascist Latin texts as well as their cultural and institutional contexts, we map the ideological functions that were attributed to Latin during the ventennio. We analyse a selection of largely forgotten Fascist Latin texts, including Luigi Illuminati’s ‘Dux’, Giovanni Mazza’s ‘Italia renata’, Benito Mussolini’s ‘Romae laudes’, and Vittorio Genovesi’s ‘Mare nostrum’. On the basis of these texts, we discuss Latin as the language of romanità, as a modern and a specifically Fascist language, as a national and an international language, and as the language of Italian imperialism HAN LAMERS AND BETTINA REITZ-JOOSSE  Festa first published his translation of the speech of  May  in the Rassegna dei combattenti of  May . Together with the translations of two further speeches (those of  October  and  May ), it was then republished in a booklet entitled La Fondazione dell’Impero nei discorsi del Duce alle grandi adunate del popolo italiano con una traduzione latina di Nicola Festa (Mussolini a). The reactions of the Italian press were summarized in the first issue of Per lo studio e l’uso del latino (: –). On Festa, see Traglia ().  We discovered three identical printed copies of an anonymous translation in the archive of the Istituto Nazionale di Studi Romani at Rome (uncatalogued), with manual corrections of typographic and grammatical mistakes. In this translation, the lines are rendered as: Italia tandem suum habet imperium. Lictorium quia cum Lictoriae fidei tum voluntatis maiestatisque indelebilia vestigia gerit (see Mussolini, ‘Discorso’). Giovanni Battista Pighi published a third translation in the academic journal Aevum (Mussolini b: ), in which he translates Imperium iam tandem Italiae restitutum est. Lictorium imperium quod immortali Romanorum fascium auctoritate nitatur.  A letter from D’Annunzio to Mussolini in which he announces these plans is cited by Pighi in Mussolini (b: ).  References to the role of the Latin language in Fascist culture are notably absent from the most authoritative accounts of Neo-Latin literature in Italy (IJsewijn : –, Feo , Giustiniani , IJsewijn-Jacobs ) or relevant anthologies (Kytzler : –). The political and ideological role of Latin in Fascist education during the period – is treated in Fedeli () with particular emphasis on pan-Latinism. On Latin in Fascist education, see further note . The significance of Latin in Fascist culture more generally is briefly mentioned in Bordoni and Contessa (: ), Waquet (: , –), Golino (: –), and Canfora (: ; –), yet it is generally absent from discussions of how classicists helped to shape the Fascist notion of romanità (e.g. Arthurs , Nelis , Näf , Cagnetta & Schiano , Giordano  of  Downloaded from http://crj.oxfordjournals.org/ by guest on May 23, 2015 Italian original and photographic illustrations of the events. But Festa’s translation was by no means an exceptional or isolated case. We know of two other Latin translations of this speech alone. Even the famous Italian author Gabriele D’Annunzio (–) once announced his intention of translating one of Mussolini’s speeches into Latin. And these translations are only the tip of a large Latin iceberg. During the ventennio fascista (–), Italy saw a large and diverse production of original Latin literature with explicitly Fascist themes, ranging from lyric odes in praise of Mussolini to prose orations extolling the new regime, from epics on Italy’s martial exploits in Africa to Latin inscriptions on monuments old and new. The number of texts produced and the institutional support for their production (which involved the highest political echelons including Mussolini himself) make it abundantly clear that we are dealing with an important aspect of Fascist self-representation and the Fascist negotiation of Italy’s ancient Roman heritage. The phenomenon of Fascist romanità has seen intensive research, and modern scholarship has noted the emphasis on Latin in Fascist education. However, the production of Latin texts during the ventennio has hardly been studied to date. In fact, the very existence of most of these texts is not widely known even among specialists of Fascist culture. This article offers a first introduction to the Latin LINGUA LICTORIA literature of Italian Fascism in its cultural and political contexts, exploring what it meant to write in Latin in Fascist Italy. Rather than focusing on the facts and figures of the use of Latin, we aim to investigate its cultural meanings and the ways in which these evolved and were constructed during the ventennio fascista. After introducing first the authors and then the readers of Fascist Latin texts as well as their cultural and institutional contexts, we analyse a number of these texts which illustrate different ideological functions that Latin assumed during the ventennio: Latin as the language of romanità, as a modern and a specifically Fascist language, as a national and an international language, and finally as the language of Italian imperialism. We conclude with a number of suggestions for possible avenues of future research. As an Appendix, we provide a list of Latin texts with Italian Fascist themes, which we hope will serve as a bibliographical aid for such research and offer an impression of the range and scope of this literature. Who was behind the Latin literature of Italian Fascism? Although many of the authors are only known to us from their work, it is possible to get a general sense of the backgrounds of those who composed in Latin on Fascist themes. Most of the authors were, in some capacity, involved in classical education at Italian universities, schools, or colleges. Professors of classics at Italian universities, like Nicola Festa (mentioned above) and Giorgio Pasquali (–), put their knowledge of Latin to the service of Fascism. The largest group, however, were teachers at Italian high , and Cagnetta ). Individual Fascist Latin compositions have hardly been studied at all. Bragantini () is exceptional for editing the inscriptions composed in honour of Benito Mussolini by the Italian Latinist Ettore Stampini. On Fascist Latin epigraphy, see note . Fera (: –) mentions Fascist compositions by Alfredo Bartoli, Giuseppe Morabito, and Francesco Sofia Alessio in his discussion of their mutual relationship. Scriba () presents Luigi Taberini’s poem Fascis lictorius for the German classroom, while Aicher (: –) cites sections of the Codex fori Mussolini by Aurelio Giuseppe Amatucci in his discussion of the Foro Italico and the myth of Augustan Rome (see note ). We have recently provided a brief factual overview of Fascist Latin literature in Lamers, Reitz-Joosse, and Sacré () and discussed the city of Rome in Fascist Latin literature in Lamers and Reitz-Joosse (). We also taught a graduate seminar on Fascist Latin in Leiden (), and one of the participants published her work on Anacleto Trazzi’s Augustalia () as De Vries and Tacoma ().  Our approach is indebted to Françoise Waquet (: –) in that we ask ‘what Latin meant’.  Other professors of classics involved in Latin composition on Fascist topics were Giuseppe Aurelio Amatucci (–: professor of Latin literature at the Università Cattolica di S. Cuore, Milan), Francesco Lo Parco, Giovanni Battista Pighi (–: professor of Latin literature at the University of Bologna), and Ettore Stampini (– : professor of Latin literature at the University of Turin).  of  Downloaded from http://crj.oxfordjournals.org/ by guest on May 23, 2015 The authors of Fascist Latin literature HAN LAMERS AND BETTINA REITZ-JOOSSE  For example, Fernando Maria Brignoli, Nazareno Capo (Reale Liceo Nazareno), Tommaso Frosini (Reale Liceo-Ginnasio di Capodistria), Luigi Illuminati (later professor of Latin literature at the University of Messina, –), Nello Martinelli, Giovanni Mazza (Scuola di Avviamento in Torre del Greco int. al.), Paolino Menna (Reale Liceo Jacopo Sannazaro, Naples), Virgilio Paladini, Francesco Sofia Alessio (since  librarian in Reggio di Calabrio), and Francesco Stanco.  For example, the Jesuit Vittorio Genovesi, Can. Salvatore Gianelli, Mons. Domenico Migliazza, Can. Francesco Quattrone, and Mons. Anacleto Trazzi.  Morabito (: –).  Morabito (: ). More than fifty Latinists participated in the ‘Concorso Dux’, on which see further Fera (: –).  Morabito (: ): ‘Guardi, ispettore: io di politica m’intendo poco. La mia vita è scuola e casa. Ha visto quanti compiti faccio fare? Non posso aver tempo per prender parte a riunioni e ad altri doveri. Ciò non vuol dire affatto che io sia un antifascista; io sono un cittadino’ (‘Now look, inspector: I know little about politics. My life consists of school and home. Have you seen how much homework I set? I cannot make time for participating in reunions and other duties. This is however not at all to say that I am an anti-Fascist; I am a citizen’).  of  Downloaded from http://crj.oxfordjournals.org/ by guest on May 23, 2015 schools, who composed both texts designed for use in schools and more ambitious prose and poetry, as well as several clerics (some of them also school teachers). It is important not to generalize about the motivations of these authors. In most cases, we know little about the background of the compositions. Certainly not all who wrote in Latin on Fascist themes were themselves ardent Fascists. Motivations ranged from genuine enthusiasm for the movement and missionary zeal in its cause to encouragement or even definite pressure from the regime in various forms. Giuseppe Morabito (–), teacher and author of many (non-Fascist) Latin poems, recounts an enlightening episode in his autobiography. According to his own version of events, a school inspector, Aurelio Giuseppe Amatucci (–), visited his school and questioned him on charges of political disloyalty. In his defence, Morabito referred to his participation in the ‘Concorso Dux’, a contest for the best Latin poem in praise of Mussolini, organized by the Associazione Nazionale Insegnanti Fascisti (ANIF) in . Morabito claimed to have submitted a poem of  hexameters in praise of Mussolini and Fascist Italy, a kind of Fascist laudes Italiae. Amatucci was interested, asked Morabito to show him the unpublished poem, and even took an excerpt with him on his departure. This episode illustrates that the sole fact of writing a Latin poem in praise of Fascism does not in itself reveal anything decisive about an author’s political allegiances or motivations. Morabito, like most classicists at the time, had to negotiate considerable external pressures and ‘encouragements’. His stance towards the regime may have been even more complex than he was later prepared to admit. Although in his autobiography he insisted that he knew very little about politics, he did in fact suggest to the director of the Istituto di Studi Romani (on which see p. ) that he should write to Mussolini personally and ask his support for the establishment of an annual Latin poetry LINGUA LICTORIA  This was in –. See Gionta (: –) who cites from Morabito’s letter: ‘E sarebbe certo un bello spettacolo, in questo rifiorire di studi classici, poter assistere per es. in Campidoglio annualmente a questa celebrazione della romanità’ (Gionta : ).  For a concise overview of the history and agenda of the ISR, see Visser (). A balanced account of the role of the ISR in Fascist cultural politics is Arthurs (: –). On the role of the ISR journal Roma in Fascist constructions of romanità, see La Penna ().  Nelis (: ).  Carlo Galassi Paluzzi’s endeavours to promote Latin are briefly discussed in Gionta (: –). On the role of the ISR in reviving Latin in the period – as part of the nation-wide educational reforms of the regime, see Fedeli ().  Waquet (: ) observes that this pan-Latinism outlived Fascism. The impact of the ‘Carta della scuola’ on the position of Latin and its relation to pan-Latinism is discussed in Fedeli (). For a concise overview of the role of Latin in Fascist education see Bordoni and Contessa () and, more extensively, Bruni (: –). On the  of  Downloaded from http://crj.oxfordjournals.org/ by guest on May 23, 2015 contest in Rome. ‘And it would certainly be a beautiful spectacle’, Morabito wrote, ‘within the current revival of classical studies, to be able to attend this celebration of romanità every year, for example at the Capitol Hill’. Despite keeping his distance from party politics, Morabito was well aware that a contest of Latin poetry would be perfectly consistent with the cult of romanità promoted by the regime, and he was prepared to take advantage of this fact. The encounter between Amatucci and Morabito also illustrates how authors could be actively stimulated or even pressured to produce Latin compositions on Fascist themes. The competition organized by the ANIF is just one example of such institutional support. Most important for the revival of Latin under Fascism was the Istituto di Studi Romani (ISR). Founded in  by Carlo Galassi Paluzzi (– ), the ISR was designed to encourage the academic study and general public knowledge of Rome in all its aspects from antiquity to the present day. Being neither a government organization nor an entirely private enterprise, the institute provided a crucial point of intersection between the realms of politics and academia. With the explicit support (and under the honorary presidency) of Mussolini himself, the ISR developed a concerted programme for the revival of Latin both inside and outside Italy. Apart from competitions in Latin composition, this included the preparation of a dictionary for use in schools, the compilation of specialized lexica designed to turn Latin into an up-to-date international academic language, and the establishment of the ‘Ufficio nazionale di traduzione per la lingua latina’, which produced Latin summaries of academic publications. Not only the ANIF and the ISR, but even the Fascist Ministry of Education supported a series of national certamina of Latin prose composition and conversation. This was part of the Ministry’s project of strengthening the position of Latin in schools more generally, most notably under Giovanni Gentile (–) and Giuseppe Bottai (– and –). The latter’s educational reform, known as the ‘Carta della scuola’ (), promoted Latin for as many students as possible, resulting in what has been called a wave of ‘pan-Latinism’. Institutionalized support for the Latin language made HAN LAMERS AND BETTINA REITZ-JOOSSE itself felt in direct and indirect ways, and the texts we are about to consider should be understood in the context of this political climate. Multiple audiences in present and future      language politics regarding Latin in schools under Fascism, see Klein (: –). On the great educational reform of , the ‘riforma Gentile’, see Charnitzky (: – ), with pages – on the strengthening of the ancient languages, especially Latin (in the first year of the liceo classico, a third of a student’s weekly lessons were Latin lessons). Rispoli in Mussolini (a: ): ‘la forma monumentale di un documento storico destinato a sfidare i secoli’. Rispoli in Mussolini (a: ): ‘dare ad esso una più larga diffusione e soprattutto di farlo conoscere agli alunni delle nostre scuole, in Italia, nelle colonie e all’estero’. Rispoli in Mussolini (a: –): ‘[E]sso permette agli stranieri di conoscere i pensieri del Duce con la loro perfetta rispondenza alle intime convinzione del popolo italiano, senza possibilità di equivoci o malintesi derivanti da scarsa conoscenza della nostra lingua o da manchevoli traduzioni . . .’. Some texts were specifically written for an educational setting, such as Stanco (; ), Margani Nicosia (), Terralbi [= Bartoli] (), and perhaps also Amatucci (a). Another text written with nearly all of these different groups in mind is the Codex fori Mussolini by Aurelio Giuseppe Amatucci, dating to . The Codex is a prose text of some  words, which was calligraphed onto parchment and buried in the foundations of the marble obelisk at the Foro Mussolini (today’s Foro Italico), a sports complex in the north of Rome. The text deals with the history of Fascism and its leader (whom it describes in messianic terms), the Opera Nazionale Balilla (the Fascist youth organization), and the Foro and obelisk themselves. The text was published four times in editions accessible to contemporaries (Amatucci , a, b, and ), but the main intended audience appears to have been a readership in the remote future. In an edition of this text with introduction, translation, and commentary which we are currently completing, we argue that the text was intended to provide an authorized version of Fascist  of  Downloaded from http://crj.oxfordjournals.org/ by guest on May 23, 2015 In his introduction to Festa’s translation of Mussolini’s speeches, the editor Giuseppe Rispoli reflects on the intended public of this and similar texts. According to Rispoli, the translation gives the speeches a ‘monumental form’ appropriate to a ‘historical document destined to defy the centuries’, suggesting an envisaged readership in the distant future. At the same time, the editor insists that the translations should be read by as many Italian contemporaries as possible as well as by school children in Italy, the colonies, and beyond. Finally, he also sees these translations as rendering Mussolini’s speeches accessible to foreigners whose Italian might not be sufficient for understanding the nuances of the Duce’s words. These different reader groups referred to by Rispoli are precisely the intended addressees of Fascist Latin literature as we meet them again and again: all Italians who read Latin, the young, an international public, and a readership in the remote future — although few texts are meant to address all of these groups simultaneously. LINGUA LICTORIA      history, in case of future rediscovery of Fascist remains. As far as we know, the original of the Codex remains in position under the obelisk to this day. Traces of such reading networks can sometimes be found in the publications themselves. For example, Lo Parco (: –) cites Festa’s translation of Mussolini’s speeches, and Trazzi and Sofia Alessio read and commented upon the poems of Salvatore Giannelli before publication (Giannelli : ). Morabito even wrote a book-length commentary on Sofia Alessio’s poetry (unpublished, ), to which Sofia Alessio responded with a treatise entitled ‘Osservazioni sullo studio critico delle mie poesie latine ed italiane fatto dal Signor Giuseppe Morabito’ (Fera : ). In the library of the Istituto Nazionale di Studi Romani we found, for example, Giannelli () with a dated post stamp on the cover, and Giammaria () with a handwritten dedication to the presidency of the Istituto di Studi Romani. Latin compositions were published in classics journals such as Aevum and Il mondo classico as well as in the Ministry’s journal of secondary education Scuola e cultura. The richly illustrated journal Roma universa published articles in Latin and opened its first issue with a Latin address to its readers translated by Vincenzo Ussani and typeset in ‘Roman’ small capitals (see ‘Nuntius’ and p.  on Roma universa). The Catholic journal Alma Roma was published entirely in Latin and included Fascist Latin compositions such as Genovesi (). For example, Vittorio Genovesi’s ‘Mare nostrum’ contained an avvertenza informing the reader that ‘the Italian translation was not produced for literary purposes, but only to help those who are less trained in the Latin language to understand the text’ (see Genovesi : : ‘la traduzione italiana non è stata fatta a scopo letterario, ma solo per facilitare l’intelligenza del testo ai meno esercitati nella lingua latina’). Waquet (: ) briefly points out that the cult of romanità led to a revival of the Latin epigraphic tradition, which was expected to become ‘an essential element in the regime’s works’. On individual Fascist inscriptions, see Munzi (: , ) on Fascist inscriptions in Libya and Strobl (; ) on Fascist inscriptions in Bozen. Some Fascist inscriptions in Rome are recorded in Lansford (), Bartels (), and Ferraironi (). A general overview of Latin epigraphy under Fascism is still lacking.  of  Downloaded from http://crj.oxfordjournals.org/ by guest on May 23, 2015 In practice, however, the more demanding compositions would have circulated almost exclusively among specialists: those who were themselves engaged with Latin on a daily basis as teachers, scholars, or educated dilettants. Those publishing their Latin texts in separate editions circulated them among their networks of enthusiasts and connoisseurs, or sent them to the ISR, possibly for mention or review in one of its journals. Poems and short prose texts were also published in journals for specific audiences. Sometimes, the Latin text was accompanied by an Italian translation, suggesting that such publications could also be aimed at less competent Latinists. Finally, Latin texts also meant something to the many who could not translate or understand them. This is especially relevant in the case of the numerous Fascist Latin inscriptions, which appeared in Rome, Italy, and the colonies, and which were visible both to those who could understand them and to those who knew no Latin. Even for the latter, however, the use of Latin could convey a sense of monumentality HAN LAMERS AND BETTINA REITZ-JOOSSE and solemnity. Furthermore, the name of Mussolini, sometimes even rendered in capitals, would have been easily distinguishable, suggesting even to the casual observer an association between the ancient language and the leader of the Fascist movement. Latin and Fascist romanità: Luigi Illuminati’s Dux  Scholarship on romanità is extensive and cannot be summarized here in detail. For good introductions to the subject in English, see Visser (), Stone (), and Nelis (a). For recent and well-researched bibliographies on the subject, see Arthurs () and Nelis (b).  The winner (who received , lire) was announced in Scuola media fascista on  December  (Fera : ).  The Dux-triptych was published several times, most notably in Illuminati () and Illuminati (: –). On the poem, see Traina (), reprinted in Traina (: –), with useful references. Illuminati also translated a number of Fascist mottos and quotations of Mussolini into Latin: Illuminati (: –).  of  Downloaded from http://crj.oxfordjournals.org/ by guest on May 23, 2015 There was, then, a sizeable group of authors of Fascist Latin, who were ambitiously (and not always realistically) aiming at a very wide readership. There was also significant institutional backing for this revival of Latin. All this suggests that the Latin language must have been of special importance for the Italian Fascist movement. Original texts in Latin as well as contemporary reflections about the language can help us to understand how and why Latin acquired this special role during the ventennio. The most obvious and yet most complex function of Latin was its role in the evocation of Roman antiquity. The Fascist concept of ‘Romanness’, romanità, was extremely flexible, based on a selective and creative appropriation of ancient Rome for specific purposes. To illustrate this, we now turn to a triptych of poems which exemplifies some of the ways in which ancient Rome and Fascist Italy could be connected, as well as the role which the Latin language could play in forging such connections. The Latin poetry competition ‘Concorso Dux’ in which Morabito had participated (see p. ), was eventually won by Luigi Illuminati (–). His successful contribution consisted of a triptych of lyric poems (the first in Asclepiads, the second in Alcaics, the third in Sapphic stanzas), entitled ‘Dux Populi’, ‘Dux Militum’, and ‘Dux Italiae’ respectively. The first, ‘Dux Populi’, celebrated Mussolini’s role in World War I, glorified Italy’s heroic war victory, and lamented the subsequent political failure to capitalize on these successes (a typical Fascist theme). The second poem (‘Dux Militum’) dealt with the March on Rome in  and the Fascist seizure of power, while the final one (‘Dux Italiae’) extolled recent peacetime projects of the Fascist regime in the domains of agriculture, land reclamation, construction, education, excavation of ancient ruins, and the reconciliation with the Catholic Church. In all three poems, Roman antiquity is adduced as an LINGUA LICTORIA Sensere fortes historiam loqui vestigiorum, Caesareos equos hinnire per noctem, fugaces ut radios aquilas micare. The courageous men feel the historical traces speak to them, the horses of Caesar neigh through the night, and the Roman eagles glitter like quick flashes of lightning.  Arthurs (). More generally, Griffin () argues that Fascism cannot be regarded as anti-modern movement but on the contrary presented its own peculiar version of modernism. On the complex and evolving relation between romanità, modernism, and Fascist architecture, see Gentile ().  See Griffin (: ).  Illuminati (: ): iura dant normas nova (‘new laws provide rules’); Dum novis rident segetes in arvis j per maris currit nova classis aequor, j acta sublimis nova classis alis j aethera findit (‘While the new crops laugh in the fields, a new fleet flies across the surface of the sea, and a new fleet, propelled on high by its wings, cleaves the skies’) and Illuminati (: ): et student . . . reperire vires j rebus inclusas, sociare, ferre j ad novos usus . . . (‘And they strive to discover powers hidden in the material world, to combine them, and to put them to new uses . . . ’); opes nostrae renovantur omnes (‘All our powers are renewed’).  Illuminati (: ): nunc fata vobiscum feretis j Italiae melioris. Eia! (‘Now you will carry with you the fate of a better Italy. Eia!’) and Illuminati (: ): nunc bonis addens meliora, fulget j Itala Tellus (‘Now Mother Earth of Italy is resplendent, adding better things to good ones’).  Illuminati (: ).  of  Downloaded from http://crj.oxfordjournals.org/ by guest on May 23, 2015 inspiration for the Italians of the poet’s own time as well as an explanation of the ‘innate’ greatness of the heirs of Rome, now called upon by history to renew the ancient glory of their forebears under the auspices of Fascism. As a revolutionary ideology, Fascism never encouraged a simple return to the Roman past. Recent work on Fascist ideology such as that of Joshua Arthurs has shown how the concept of romanità binds together past and future and serves as a source of dynamic values derived from ancient Rome to shape an essentially modern and revolutionary future. The ultimate realization of romanità was not envisaged as the restoration of the Roman Empire, not as a historical reconstruction of its original existence, but as its renewal in modern times and in modern ways. This rhetoric of renewal (renovatio) informs Illuminati’s Dux as much as most other Latin texts of this period: ‘Dux Italiae’ alone contains six instances of the word novus and its cognates. Throughout all three poems runs the idea that the Roman past, glorious as it was, can now serve as inspiration for bringing about an even more glorious future. In Illuminati’s Dux-triptych, ancient Rome, whether it manifests itself in visions, physical ruins, or words, inspires the Italian people and guides it towards the ‘Roman’ glory promised by the new regime. As the ‘blackshirts’ (subuculae nigrae) march towards Rome along ‘ancient roads’ (vetustas . . . vias) in Illuminati’s ‘Dux Militum’, these Roman thoroughfares inspire in the young men a vivid vision of their Roman forebears: HAN LAMERS AND BETTINA REITZ-JOOSSE This imagined, almost mystical presence of ancient Rome is complemented by the inspiring presence of visible physical remains: the ‘shades of Rome’ (umbrae Romanae) salute the blackshirts on their arrival in the capital ‘from the silent columns’ (ex tacitis columnis), and the newly excavated ‘monuments of the forefathers . . . return shining to the sunlight and move the hearts of the descendants’ (monumenta partum . . . clara sub solem redeunt moventque j corda nepotum). There is, finally, another Roman presence which Illuminati depicts as endowed with this special inspirational power: the words and the language of ancient Rome. At the opening of ‘Dux Militum’, Mussolini calls his blackshirts to action and to the March on Rome by citing a well-known Livian phrase: The Dux calls: ‘Eia! Soldiers! To act and to suffer bravely is the Roman virtue: this virtue ordered you to win the war, and it orders you now to protect the rewards which grew from it . . .’ These are the words which Livy puts into the mouth of the republican hero Mucius Scaevola, who gives proof of Roman bravery to the Etruscan king Lars Porsena by burning away his own right hand in a sacrificial fire without any sign of pain. Illuminati imagines the ‘Dux’ as citing these very words as inspiration and  Illuminati (: , ). Here and elsewhere, we see Illuminati depicting the relation between ancient Romans and Italian Fascists as one between patres and nepotes, forefathers and descendants. See also animos avitae res alunt gestae: ‘the deeds of the forefathers inspire the minds’ (Illuminati : ).  In classical Latin, the perfect infinitive (vicisse) should denote that the infinitive’s action predates that of the main verb, impossible in this context (see Kühner and Stegmann : §., Anm. ). We translate vicisse as if it were the present infinitive that we would expect after iubeo (Kühner and Stegmann : §.).  Illuminati (: ).  Liv. ..: et facere et pati fortia Romanum est. Illuminati himself may not have been aware of (or interested in) the exact origin of this phrase: in his own notes which accompany the poem and translation in both the  and  editions, he speaks of the ‘ricordo romano e virgiliano del facere et pati fortia’ (Illuminati : , emphasis added). Illuminati himself translates facere et pati as ‘fare e resistere’ (‘to do and to withstand’) — an idiosyncratic translation of pati which removes the passive and accepting connotations of the word, adapting it to the Fascist ideal of vigorous action and activity (Illuminati : ). The phrase et facere et pati fortia Romanum est was also used as one of the twelve inscriptions in the ‘Sala dell’Impero’ at the ‘Mostra Augustea della Romanità’ (Giglioli : ) and adorns the interior of a Fascist monument, the Mausoleo Ossario Garibaldino on the Gianicolo. This mausoleum was inaugurated in  and dedicated to those who had died in the battles for Rome between the siege of Garibaldi in  and the final capture of Rome in .  of  Downloaded from http://crj.oxfordjournals.org/ by guest on May 23, 2015 Dux: ‘Eia – clamat – Fortia, milites, Romana virtus est facere et pati: vos jussit haec vicisse bellum, praemia parta jubet tueri . . .’ LINGUA LICTORIA encouragement for the perceived successors to Scaevola’s Roman virtus. The use of a Latin phrase is an important element of the poet’s evocation of romanità. At the time of composition of Illuminati’s poem, Latin was increasingly theorized as the language uniquely suited to expressing the ‘Roman spirit’ (‘spirito romano’) which was to inspire the Italians. For example, in , the Third National Congress of Roman Studies passed a joint statement to the effect that the cult of classical antiquity and of the Roman tradition in which the national feeling of the Italians is rooted cannot be disconnected from an adequate knowledge of the Latin language, which makes it possible to access the spirit of Rome (‘lo spirito di Roma’). Hoc opus felix Ducis est: ab imis hoc opes nostrae renovantur omnes: hoc suis gaudet celebrare chordis Musa latina. This is the prosperous work of the Duce: because of this, all our strength is renewed from the roots. This the Latin Muse, plucking at her strings, is happy to celebrate. The Musa latina also undergoes her own renovatio. In the introduction to Illuminati’s poems, the classical philologist and linguist Alfredo Schiaffini (– ) praises them because, despite their ancient form, they express ‘the completely modern passion which beats in our hearts’. The lyric metres which Illuminati uses, though ‘handed down from the distant past, become invested with the flame of a new life’. The Latin language, too, is not restored but renewed. Schiaffini picks up on  See the minutes of the meeting in Solmi, Stella, and Ussani (: ): ‘Il culto dell’antichità classica e della tradizione romana nel quale ha radice il sentimento nazionale italiano, non [può] andare disgiunto da una conoscenza adeguata della lingua latina che permetta di penetrare lo spirito di Roma’. The National Congress of Roman Studies (‘Congresso Nazionale di Studi Romani’) was a huge annual event organized by the ISR to bring together scholars working on all aspects of Roman culture, from ancient times to modernity, and from urban planning to classical philology. It also included papers in Latin.  Schiaffini in Illuminati (: ): ‘la passione affatto moderna che pulsa negli animi’; ‘tramandati dal lontano passato, vengono investiti dalla fiamma di una nuova vita . . . ’. (emphases added).  of  Downloaded from http://crj.oxfordjournals.org/ by guest on May 23, 2015 Within the fiction of Illuminati’s poem, Mussolini’s Latin citation of Livy inspires the blackshirts to their ‘brave’ seizure of power. But on another level, Illuminati’s own poetry, too, is written in this uniquely inspiring language, which gives it the power to kindle this ‘spirito di Roma’ in the Italian people. Dux not only depicts Rome’s renewal under Fascism, it also presents Latin as a language particularly suited to celebrating this renovatio: HAN LAMERS AND BETTINA REITZ-JOOSSE Latin as a modern Fascist language The revolutionary and modernist roots of Fascism had initially led to scepticism about the value of an ancient language such as Latin for the new order which the movement aspired to achieve. However, this viewpoint was rapidly superseded by the notion that Latin was perfectly suitable for expressing modern thoughts in a modern world. As the Fascists became increasingly infatuated with ancient Rome, many classicists and Latin enthusiasts worked hard to emphasize the relevance of Latin in modern life. Addressing the Congresso di Studi Romani in , the classicist and dialectologist Carlo Vignoli (–) self-confidently claimed that the times of anti-intellectualist and anti-classicist iconoclasm had now passed for good. He then argued that modernity and classicism were not mutually exclusive, pointing to the widespread use of Latin in the field of aviation. According to Vignoli, the Latin language was perfectly capable of capturing and expressing this most modern of innovations in which the Italian nation, of course, excelled. Adducing countless examples of Latin used in the context of aviation, Vignoli discussed Latin mottoes on airplanes and in airports and Latin inscriptions on monuments and medals. He also cited two recent poems in elegiac couplets, dedicated to Benito Mussolini’s sons  Schiaffini in Illuminati (: ): ‘ultima prole legittima di Orazio’.  On the initial hostility towards the academic study of the past and plans to remove Latin and Greek from the school curriculum, as well as later developments, see Arthurs (: –). For a brief analysis of the cultural roots of this radical stance towards antiquity, see Arthurs (: –).  of  Downloaded from http://crj.oxfordjournals.org/ by guest on May 23, 2015 Illuminati’s portrayal of the Italians as the nepotes of the ancient Romans by calling Illuminati himself the ‘last legitimate descendant of Horace’. Inspired by his poetic forefather, Illuminati has created something new and entirely modern. Through his use of the ancient language and metres, they have been reinvigorated, renewed, and ultimately improved. Schiaffini’s introduction exemplifies a specific kind of Fascist renovatio-rhetoric. The editor suggests that there is a direct, almost spiritual relationship between the ancient poet and Illuminati, similarly to the inspirational communication between antiquity and Fascism which formed a central theme in Illuminati’s own triptych. For Schiaffini, the period between antiquity and the present is merely one of preserving and of handing down (‘tramandare’), while Fascism, and only Fascism, is able to rekindle the flame of romanità. Schiaffini, and many others like him, chose not to emphasize the long and lively tradition of Latin language and literature through the ages, its earlier renovatio during Italian humanism, or its continuing development as the language of the Catholic Church. By this omission, they could suggest an entirely unique connection between antiquity and Fascist Italy. However, others did choose specifically to emphasize the diverse ancestry of Fascist Latinity (see for example pp. – on Alfredo Bartoli’s reflections on humanism and neo-classicism and the Jesuit Vittorio Genovesi’s emphasis on Latin’s Christian heritage). LINGUA LICTORIA Vittorio and Bruno Mussolini respectively on the occasion of the attainment of their pilot’s licences. The first of these, dedicated to Vittorio by an unnamed enthusiast, ran: Immensum coeli spatium, carissime Victor, Vix puer, impavido vincere pectore scis. Gratulor atque tibi: maiora et vincere disce. Aemulus esto patris: vincere disce homines. Barely a young man, dearest Vittorio, you know how to conquer the immense expanse of the sky with your fearless heart. And I congratulate you: learn also to conquer greater tasks. Emulate your father: learn how to conquer men. an elevated sign of our regained national spirit to express with classical majesty on solemn occasions our new sentiments, new thoughts, and new plans – all springing from antiquity –  Vignoli (: ). Not mentioned by Vignoli, but relevant to his point is Vittorio Genovesi’s poem ‘Ad aërios nautas Italos’ (‘To the Italian pilots’), dating to  (Genovesi : –).  From Il mattino of  July , cited in Per lo studio (, .: –): ‘Nello spirito fascista, il latino è vivo perchè modo di concepire, di architettare periodi, di esprimersi, non d’un tempo lontano ma di oggi e di domani, per noi, figli e continuatori di Roma. . . . Dobbiamo sforzarci non soltanto di tradurre, d’interpretare quei volumi [dei classici latini] ma, fin dai primi anni, di pensare e di parlare in latino, aggiungendo, quando è necessario, qualche neologismo. Solo cosı̀ perpetueremo, anche in ciò ch’essa ha di più spirituale e di più profondo, la nostra civiltà, che è quella di Roma’ (‘In the Fascist spirit, Latin is alive because it is a way of conceiving, of constructing periods, of expressing oneself, that belongs not to a distant past but to today and tomorrow, for us, sons and heirs of Rome. . . . We have to strive not only to translate and to interpret these volumes [of Latin classics], but also, from the first years onwards, to think and speak in Latin, adding, when it is necessary, some neologisms. It is only in this way that we will preserve our civilization, which is that of Rome, also in its most spiritual and deepest aspects’).  Vignoli (: ).  Amatucci (: ).  of  Downloaded from http://crj.oxfordjournals.org/ by guest on May 23, 2015 Newspapers for a general public, too, promoted the idea that Latin did ‘not belong to the remote past but to today and tomorrow, for [the Italians], sons and heirs of Rome’. But Vignoli goes further than only illustrating the ‘modernity’ of the Latin language. He suggests that Latin was suited to modernity also in the sense that it was suited to Fascism as a superior form of modern life. Aurelio Giuseppe Amatucci (see pp. –) likewise theorized Latin as a distinctively Fascist language. In his essay ‘Il latino e la nostra rinascita nazionale’, published as early as , he claimed that Latin composition in Italian schools ought to be a constitutive part of the ‘reevocation of the Roman world’ (‘rievocazione del mondo romano’) which was, according to him, one of the great achievements of Fascism. For Amatucci, it was HAN LAMERS AND BETTINA REITZ-JOOSSE in this language that was specifically shaped to address the World and by means of which Italian thought, enlightened by Rome, created a world civilization . . . [Latin] places us under a serious obligation, because it is the language of a people of soldiers, of conquerors, of builders, of legislators, of victors.  Amatucci (: ): ‘. . . un alto segno del nostro riacquistato spirito nazionale l’esprimere con maestà classica in solenni circonstanze, i nostri sentimenti nuovi, i nuovi pensieri e i nuovi propositi, che tutti dall’Antico procedono, in quella lingua, che fu plasmata per parlare all’Orbe e per mezzo della quale il pensiero italiano, illuminato da Roma, creò nel mondo una civiltà . . .’.  Amatucci (: ).  Stanco (:  with note ,  with note , and  with note ). Such neologisms are always translated into Italian in the accompanying notes. The ISR also actively supported the ‘modernization’ of Latin via specialized lexica designed to ‘update’ Latin (see above p. ).  Cited in Stanco (: ): ‘L’ho letto con vivo piacere; narrato in latino, il fascismo sembra crescersi di vera grandezza romana’.  Cited in Per lo studio (, .: ): ‘È la lingua del nostro tempo, di questo durissimo ma bellissimo tempo fascista. Essa ci impegna severamente perchè è la lingua di un popolo di soldati, di conquistatori, di costruttori, di legislatori, di vincitori’. See also Per lo studio (, .: –). Mussolini’s statements about Latin were also reported in the journal  of  Downloaded from http://crj.oxfordjournals.org/ by guest on May 23, 2015 Amatucci’s politicization of the use of Latin went so far that in another article, published a year later, he declared laxity in Latin studies an act of ‘true civil desertion’ (‘una vera desercione civile’), now that Fascism had rekindled the cult of romanità. Importantly, these ideas were not only discussed among academics and intellectuals. They were actually put into practice in secondary schools, where students might, for example, be taught Latin — as well as a Fascist version of recent Italian history — with Francesco Stanco’s Epitome di cultura fascista, a compendium of all aspects of modern Fascist Italy, written entirely in Latin (Fig. ). Stanco’s work took the young readers from the Fascist revolution to the establishment of the Italian Empire, through chapters such as ‘Inanis Victoria’ (Italy’s victory in WWI), discussions of the Italian army, navy, and air force, the different Fascist youth organizations, the Italian military triumphs, to culminate in a chapter entitled ‘Imperium restitutum’ and a final acclamation of Mussolini (‘Salve, DVX’), which ended the work on a note of high pathos: ‘Hail, oh Duce, beneficent restorer of the whole of Italy!’ (Ausoniae omnis, o Dux, alme refector, salve!). The modern subject matter also required the creation of numerous neologisms to adapt the Latin language more fully to modern life, such as bellica tormenta (canons), motoria scapha (motorboat), or motoria bicyclula (motorcycle). Many of the reactions to the first edition of the work in  stressed the beneficial symbiosis of Latin and Fascism that Stanco had apparently achieved. Senator Emilio Bodrero (–), for example, wrote that in Stanco’s Epitome, ‘narrated in Latin, Fascism seem[ed] to elevate itself with true Roman greatness’. Even Mussolini himself stressed the important role that Latin had to play in Fascist Italy. When awarding prizes to the winners of the national Latin prose competition in  (Fig. ), he stated that Latin was ‘the language of our times, of our very difficult but also very beautiful Fascist times’ (emphasis added) and continued: LINGUA LICTORIA Downloaded from http://crj.oxfordjournals.org/ by guest on May 23, 2015 Fig. . Stanco (: ) from chapter ‘Lictoria fides et Italia’.  of  HAN LAMERS AND BETTINA REITZ-JOOSSE Downloaded from http://crj.oxfordjournals.org/ by guest on May 23, 2015 Fig. . Mussolini congratulating the winners of the th Concorso Nazionale di Prosa Latina. From Roma: Rivista di studi e di vita romana  (), fig. lxxxiii (between p.  and p. ).  of  LINGUA LICTORIA By the early s, the language of ancient Rome had come to be seen as an appropriate vehicle to express specifically Fascist sentiments, thoughts, and ideas. It was no longer regarded as an obsolete remnant from the past, but as the perfect expression of the new spirit of Italian Fascism. Latin as a national and supranational language     of the ISR: see Roma (, .:  and , .-: ). Nelis (a: ) observes that Mussolini had ‘a certain, albeit limited knowledge of Latin’. See Vignoli (: ): ‘il diploma di nobiltà di nostra gente di fronte a tutte le genti del mondo’. From Il mattino of  July , cited in Per lo studio (, .: –): ‘Se noi italiani vogliamo una lingua aulica, curiale, comune, per esprimere i grandi pensieri non affatichiamo troppo, in inani sforzi, le menti alle ricerca del nuovo e dell’artificiale: abbiamo il latino, viva, eterna espressiva forza della stirpe’. See also the Corriere padano of  June , quoted in Per lo studio (, .: ): ‘Conoscendo il latino e la latinità noi conosciamo il vero volto della nostra stirpe, e il Fascismo, pur dando grande impulso alla tecnica, vuole mantenere vivo e vitale il patrimonio linguistico di Roma antica’. Canfora (: , -) highlights the role of racial thought in Fascist visions of Latin, but this phenomenon seems to be restricted to the later ‘s and early ‘s. On the interrelation of imperialism, racism, and romanità during this later period, see Arthurs (: –). Waquet (: –) also points to the support of the Third National Congress of Roman Studies and the ‘Circolo di Cultura fra i Ragioneri dell’Urbe’ for ‘spreading the Fascist spirit’ abroad via Latin. Per lo studio e l’uso del latino. Bollettino internazionale di studi-ricerche-informazioni, issued in the period between  and , was meant as an international platform for the promotion of the use and study of the Latin language in the world. Contributions were submitted from all over the world, from Scandinavia to Spain and from Romania to the USA. On the role of Per lo studio e l’uso del latino in the ISR’s campaign to promote Latin as an international language, see Fedeli (: –).  of  Downloaded from http://crj.oxfordjournals.org/ by guest on May 23, 2015 Closely related to the alleged Fascist characteristics of the Latin language was its function as a national language. The Italians’ special claim to Latin was a matter of immense national pride. Vignoli described it as ‘the patent of nobility of our people before all the peoples of the world’. As racism gained ground in the early s, claims to Latin grew more aggressive and exclusive: Latin was now called ‘the vivid, eternal, expressive force’ and ‘the true face’ of the Italian race. Conversely, the ventennio fascista also witnessed a considerable effort to stimulate the use of the language on an international scale. The ISR zealously promoted Latin as a supranational means of scientific communication. The project’s mouthpiece, the journal Per lo studio e l’uso del latino (For the Study and Use of Latin) gathered contributions (often in Latin) about the state of Latin studies from all over the world. It also contained reflections on the important role of Latin in the world. For instance, Vincenzo Ussani (–), professor of Latin and himself author of a Latin translation of a work by Mussolini (on which see p. ), contributed a HAN LAMERS AND BETTINA REITZ-JOOSSE  Ussani (: ). The Latin language, according to him, was still able to unify the nations of the world since it had emerged long before modern nations fractured the world’s linguistic landscape. This is not to say that Ussani downplayed national languages: according to him, these reflected the specific traditions of each individual nation and therefore had to be cultivated in schools.  Waquet (: ) observes that the Fascist revival of Latin on the international stage occurred in a nationalist context, but does not comment on the apparent conflict between nationalist claims to Latin and its international usage.  Galassi Paluzzi (: ). We agree with Fedeli’s analysis (: –) that the supranational and pragmatic rhetoric of the ISR can hardly disguise its political agenda. Especially Per lo studio e l’uso del latino aired distinctively nationalist and Fascist enthusiasm for the revival of Latin.  Malcovati (: ).  Malcovati (: ): ‘E quando nei congressi scientifici e nei convegni diplomatici la lingua ufficiale sarà quella degli avi nostri; quando riviste e libri che recano contributi al patrimonio universale del sapere, saranno scritti in quella lingua che fu già universale; quando, viaggiando all’estero, coll’uso del latino ci potremo far intendere, e in latino ci interrogheranno gli stranieri curiosi di vedere le meraviglie del nostro paese, noi avremo riportato una splendida vittoria spirituale’.  of  Downloaded from http://crj.oxfordjournals.org/ by guest on May 23, 2015 short article about the ‘unifying mission’ (‘missione unificatrice’) of the Latin language in the history of civilization, in which he outlined the role that Latin had previously played in uniting different peoples all over the world and projected this function onto the modern world. Latin was to bring about a ‘humane consensus’ (‘consenso umano’) bridging national cultural traditions. Tensions between the different functions of the Latin language within Fascist cultural politics were inevitable. How could Latin function as an egalitarian means of international communication and yet also be so closely tied to the Fascist movement of Italy? Far from being seen as problematic, however, this double function of Latin was deftly exploited in ISR circles. Despite its purported supranational mission, the ISR’s journal, Per lo studio e l’uso del latino, tactfully promoted the ISR and Rome as the centre of Latin studies worldwide. It not only stressed the role of the institute in long and tedious lists of its achievements, but also printed Fascist claims to the Latin language — such as those quoted on p.  (note ) and p.  (note ) — despite Galassi Paluzzi’s insistence that the initiative to revive Latin was a strictly pragmatic and not a nationalist project. The objective behind these tactics was made explicit in a speech by classicist Enrica Malcovati (–), published in . Discussing the renewed international interest in the use of Latin, she points out that the ‘dignity of our race’ (‘dignità della nostra stirpe’) compels the Italians to take a leading role in this movement: they must not allow other nations to supersede them in reviving the Latin language. When finally Latin is spoken at conferences, books are composed in Latin, and international travellers converse in Latin, then, Malcovati argues, ‘we will have achieved a splendid spiritual victory’. The promotion of Latin as an internationally used language was therefore not LINGUA LICTORIA  Gionta (: esp. –) provides an excellent overview of competitions during the ventennio fascista.  In addition to various compositions with the title ‘Dux’, we find titles such as ‘Ode in Benitum Mussolini supremum fascium ducem’ (‘Ode for Benito Mussolini, the Highest Leader of Fascism’) and ‘De Italorum conciliatione cum Summo Pontifice facta: Carmen Mussolini Benito dicatum’ (‘On the Reconciliation of the Italians with the Pope: Poem Dedicated to Benito Mussolini’). See the archive of the Certamen Hoeufftianum in the Noord-Hollands Archief at Haarlem (inv. nr. /./–, covering the years – ).  Sofia Alessio as cited in Fera (: ): ‘Un’ode alcaica ‘‘De fascibus’’ che io composi per ringraziare e glorificare il fascismo per i benefizı̂ ricevuti’.  Sofia Alessio as cited in Fera (: ): ‘Ma i giudici olandesi non hanno creduto di premiarla; non è meraviglia, le ragioni sanzioniste sono contro di noi, sono accecate, aberrate, folli e non comprendono che Mussolini è un uomo provvidenza che salva la civiltà cristiana, la civiltà dell’Europa e del mondo’ (‘But the Dutch jury members decided not to award a prize [to my poem ‘‘De fascibus’’]; this is not surprising since their general way of judging or rather sanctioning works against us; it is blind, erroneous, and foolish, and [the judges] do not understand that Mussolini is a Man of Providence who is saving Christian civilization, the civilization of Europe, and that of the world’).  of  Downloaded from http://crj.oxfordjournals.org/ by guest on May 23, 2015 incongruous with the idea that the language essentially belonged to the Italians. Rather, international interest in Latin itself and the leading role of Italy in its promulgation promised a cultural victory for the Italians and for Fascism. Successful participation in international competitions of Latin prose or poetry composition provided another venue for establishing such Italian superiority. These venues also allowed Italian participants to bring the achievements of Mussolini and Fascism to the attention of a small but international and educated audience. Eminent among these competitions was the Certamen poeticum Hoeufftianum, which was held annually from  to  under the auspices of the Koninklijke Nederlandse Akademie van Wetenschappen (Royal Dutch Academy of Arts and Sciences) and offered a forum for various kinds of Neo-Latin poetry. Poems were submitted anonymously, and winning pieces were published in a special series. Italians completely dominated the winners’ list. During the ventennio fascista alone, they were awarded prizes thirty-nine times. Vittorio Genovesi (–), Carlo Vignoli (), and Giuseppe Morabito () were all among those who won magna laus, while Genovesi was also awarded the gold medal in  with a poem entitled Hyle. During this period, numerous poems with explicitly Fascist themes were submitted to the Amsterdam jury. Francesco Sofia Alessio (–), for instance, sent his ‘De fascibus’ () to Amsterdam: an Alcaic ode that he had composed to ‘thank and glorify Fascism for the received benefits’. Disappointed by its rejection, he suspected the jury of being prejudiced towards the Italian participants because it could not appreciate that ‘Mussolini is a Man of Providence who is saving Christian civilization, the civilization of Europe, and that of the world’. In reality, however, the jury members seem to have evaluated submissions on what they perceived to be HAN LAMERS AND BETTINA REITZ-JOOSSE their literary and stylistic merits, not their political or ideological import. Even if Sofia Alessio’s poem was not awarded a prize, in  Giovanni Napoleone did win magna laus for his ‘Carmen lustrale’, and in  Giovanni Mazza (–) obtained magna laus for his ‘Italia renata’, both poems of explicitly Fascist content. Mazza’s ‘Italia renata’ sketched an image of Italian Fascism designed to appeal to the international audience of classicists that the poem was to reach eventually in the Royal Academy’s publication. In Mazza’s poem, Fascist Italy is presented, even more explicitly than in Illuminati’s triptych Dux, as a bigger and better version of Roman antiquity: the republican hero Camillus appears and demands a superior leader for Rome, a wish immediately granted in the form of Mussolini. The ensuing parades of blackshirts apparently constitute a renewal of the Roman triumph, and Mussolini himself is portrayed as a benign and sympathetic figure. Watching the triumphal parade, The fatherly Duce smiles upon them as they pass by and he smiles upon Italian strength reborn. The eternal city calls out as one. In the early s, the role of Latin in communicating and promoting the ideas of Italian Fascism beyond the borders of Italy also manifested itself in a more institutionalized form. Initially, Mussolini had conceived of Fascism as a specifically national movement which was ‘not a product for export’ but tied to the specific conditions in Italy. In , however, in the face of growing Fascist movements elsewhere in Europe and especially in Germany, Mussolini changed his tune, asserting that the Italian brand of Fascism was in fact ‘universal’ and exportable. The ‘Fascist international’ which was imagined in Italy in the early s was to be formed under Italian leadership and adopt the Italian version of Fascism, which  In his hand-written comments on the ‘Ode in Benitum Mussolini’ (see note ), one jury member (perhaps Carl Wilhelm Vollgraff) noted: ‘Niet onaardig Mussolini-gedicht. Komt niet in aanmerking, omdat deze zeer Grieksche versmaat ook lyrische taal en verheffing vereischt, iets waarin de schrijver geheel te kort schiet’ (‘Decent Mussolinipoem. Ineligible, because this utterly Greek metre requires the lyric language and sublimity that the author completely fails to achieve’). Similar remarks can be found frequently in the hand-written jury reports.  Mazza (: , ll. –).  Addressing the ‘Camera dei Deputati’ on  March , Mussolini coined the phrase ‘il fascismo non è un articolo di esportazione’ (cited in Scholz : ). For further expressions of this exclusivity and the subsequent change of direction, see Scholz (: –).  Scholz (: –).  of  Downloaded from http://crj.oxfordjournals.org/ by guest on May 23, 2015 Ridet paternus Dux et euntibus, ridet renatis viribus italis. Conclamat urbs aeterna. LINGUA LICTORIA Non sine aliquo fati arcano consilio pectora nostra renovato Romae amore pulsantur. Not without some secret plan of fate are our hearts stirred by a renewed love for Rome. The Romae laudes were published by the CAUR in Roma universa, but also as a separate booklet, which was likewise distributed internationally. In this way, the ‘export’ of the Latin language was an integral part of the reinvigoration of the Italian nation under Fascism. Through it, Italians asserted their role as the real successors and heirs of the Romans, who, before them, had brought the light of civilization  The CAUR were set up in  and lasted until , when their activities ceased and they were subsumed into the Ministry of Propaganda. Their activities were especially focused on the states of south-eastern Europe which Mussolini saw as belonging to Italy’s natural sphere of influence. For the history and activities of this organization, see Scholz (: –). On the role of Carlo Galassi Paluzzi and the ISR in the promotion of romanità among foreign students, see Visser ().  On Roma universa, see Scholz (: ).  In the editorial, the sodales Romani addressed themselves to ‘all lovers of Rome anywhere’ (omnibus qui ubique sunt Romae amatoribus) and advertized Fascist society (lictoria civitas), this ‘form of humane and civilized culture’, as exciting ‘in all countries incredible love’ (. . . ut haec humani civilisque cultus forma in omnibus terris amores sui incredibiles excitet) (see ‘Nuntius’).  Mussolini (a).  Mussolini (b).  of  Downloaded from http://crj.oxfordjournals.org/ by guest on May 23, 2015 remained inextricably bound up with the ideal of romanità. Rome herself was to furnish common ideals and aspirations and unite the international Fascists. One of the organizations which aimed to promote universal Fascism of the ‘Roman’ kind abroad was the short-lived ‘Comitati d’Azione per la Universalità di Roma’ (CAUR). The presence of Galassi Paluzzi and other prominent classicists in the CAUR’s advisory committee lent at least the semblance of historical foundation to the unificatory role that Rome was made to play in the CAUR’s mission. Latin, too, was to fulfil an important function, serving as a common language for a Fascist international union. In choosing Latin for this purpose, the CAUR emphasized the language’s unificatory potential, also highlighted by Ussani in Per lo studio e l’uso del latino. At the same time, however, its use cemented the Italians’ primary claims to the leadership of the Fascist international. The bi-monthly magazine edited by the CAUR, Roma universa, contained numerous articles in Latin. The editorial of the very first edition was printed in Latin in Roman capitals, having been translated into that language by Vincenzo Ussani. Ussani was also the translator of the Beniti Mussolini Romae laudes, a collection of pronouncements by Mussolini himself concerning the spirit of Rome and its renewal in the present, such as the following: HAN LAMERS AND BETTINA REITZ-JOOSSE (and the Latin language) to the world. The establishment of the Italian Empire in May  only intensified this idea. The sign of empire: Latin and imperialism  From the later s onwards, imperialistic themes became increasingly popular. At least two more Latin compositions entitled ‘Mare nostrum’ were published: a short poem by Carolo Bottalico () and a prose text by Alberto Dolfari (= Alfredo Bartoli) (). Both voice the same imperialistic ideals as Genovesi’s poem. Another Latin poem in praise of Italian colonialism and imperialism in Africa is Martinelli (), sharing the openly racist and anti-Semitic tone of Genovesi’s poem.  Prima mostra triennale ().  Genovesi (:  ll. –): Instrue navigium, pete litora et ultima mundi, j quo te fata vocant, cultrix gens Itala iuris, j moribus unde nitent populi civilibus omnes (‘Equip a boat and sail for the outmost shores of the earth, whither the fates call you, Italian stock, founder of the law, whence all peoples shine with civil customs’). See Genovesi (:  ll. –;  ll. -;  ll. –;  ll. –;  ll. –;  ll. –) on the long history of Rome’s imperial mission.  This idea is developed at length in Genovesi (: ll. –) for different regions. Similar themes feature in Genovesi’s ‘In instauratum imperium’ (‘On the Restoration of the Empire’, published in Alma Roma in ). ‘Mare nostrum’ repeats several phrases from this earlier poem.  Genovesi (:  ll. –): Africa nos longo saeclorum mersa sopore j vomere compellat resides versare novales. j Barbarus Aethiopum moderatur sceptra tyrannus, j se veteris iactans  of  Downloaded from http://crj.oxfordjournals.org/ by guest on May 23, 2015 The particular significance of using Latin to celebrate the Italian Empire comes to the fore in a hexametric poem by the Jesuit Vittorio Genovesi (–), entitled ‘Mare nostrum’. Genovesi had written the poem in June  in Benevento shortly after his visit to the ‘Mostra Triennale delle Terre Italiane d’Oltremare’ in Naples. Inaugurated on  May  by King Vittorio Emanuele III, this prestigious exhibition was designed as a celebration of the glory of the Italian Empire in Africa and the Mediterranean. Following the order of the rooms and displays of the exposition, Genovesi’s poem recounts the glories of the ancient Latini in maritime exploration and colonial expansion. Already in the very first lines, Genovesi presents the Italians (the gens Itala) as the divinely ordained bearers of civilization in the world, and this blatantly imperialist vision dominates the entire poem. His world view as expounded in ‘Mare nostrum’ depends on a division between the superior gens Itala and the inferior rest of the world. Genovesi argues that the imperium of Rome had proved its enlightening influence throughout the centuries and should now bring it to bear again under Fascism. The imperium was to extend its influence with military force, as it had done in centuries past, and once the barbarians (barbari, externae gentes) were securely under the control of the empire, they were to be civilized and ‘enlightened’. Genovesi portrays the Italian Empire as a blessing for ‘barbarian’ regions such as Africa, which had called on the Italians to civilize and liberate them. In Genovesi’s LINGUA LICTORIA version of history, even Greece, the mythical cradle of civilization, enthusiastically welcomes the Italian armies and their civilizing mission after the Italian invasion in the autumn of  (in reality, a catastrophic campaign from which Italy had to be rescued by a German intervention). This military and cultural imperialism is coupled in Genovesi’s poem with what one might call ‘religious’ imperialism. For Genovesi, Rome was as much the capital of the Roman Empire as the centre of the Roman Catholic Church. Other faiths needed to be subdued (especially Islam and Judaism), and Genovesi employs crude crusade-rhetoric to advocate the extension of the dominance of Catholicism from Rome throughout the world. Light metaphors abound in the poem, offering the poet a way of connecting the ‘enlightening’ cultural imperialism of Italy with the religious mission of the Roman church as the lumen gentium. At the end of his     of  Downloaded from http://crj.oxfordjournals.org/ by guest on May 23, 2015  Salomonis sanguine cretum, j servitiique iugo, proh crimen! mancipat Afros, j evirat, infandum! captivos atque trucidat, j nec refugit, demens! nos, instigante Britanno, j acriter invidia tabente, lacessere bello (‘Africa, overwhelmed by the lethargy of centuries, urged us to turn with the plough their idle fallow land. A barbarian tyrant wields the sceptre of the Ethiopians, boasting of having sprung from the blood of ancient Salomo, subjects Africans to the yoke of slavery (what an accusation!), and emasculates (unspeakable!) captives and slaughters them, and he does not refrain, insane as he is, from provoking us with war, with Britain urging him fiercely on because of her consuming jealousy’). Genovesi (:  l. ): plaudit Chaonia proles (‘the Chaonian race applauds’) and Genovesi (:  ll.–, –): nostris exculta colonis j mox viret Ambraciae tellus . . . (‘soon, cultivated by our colonists, the earth of Ambracia flourishes’); opus undique fervet, j hactenus ut tellus diris afflicta tenebris j barbariae, tandem civili more nitescat (‘everywhere work proceeds busily so that the land, which had up to this point been afflicted by the terrible darkness of barbarity, finally begins to shine with civil custom’). Genovesi (:  ll. –). Genovesi (:  ll. –): Tempora praeverto tantum adductura triumphum, j moenia cum Solymae, Christi madefacta cruore, j Romulei imperii victricia signa videbunt j et Cruce signatum scutum splendere Sabaudum (‘I foretell times which will bring about such a great triumph, when the walls of Solyma, moistened with the blood of Christ, will see the victorious standards of the empire of Romulus and the shield of Savoy shine, marked with the Cross’). For example Genovesi (:  l. ;  ll. –). The murderous war and expected final victory of Fascism in the world are announced in terms of the lux fatalis, the Day of Judgement (Genovesi : , –): Lux fatalis adest! Vetus omnis corruit ordo, j alter et exsurgit populis felicior . . . (‘The Day of Judgement is here! The old order collapses completely, and another rises up, more beneficial to the peoples . . .’). The rhetoric of ‘Roman light in the African darkness’ is omnipresent in Fascist propaganda of the late s and early s. On the cover of La difesa della razza (., ), for example, the Apollo of Belvedere is depicted in a beam of light, while he looks towards ‘indigenous’ people who dwell in what is suggested to be a cloud of darkness (the cover is reproduced in Arthurs : ). HAN LAMERS AND BETTINA REITZ-JOOSSE poem, Genovesi epitomizes this imperialistic vision and his hopes for the future as follows: Sceptra maris rursus potiatur Roma Latini, ut Deus instituit primum fastique reclamant: dux iterum praeeat rursumque resumat habenas, quo simul excutiat diras gens Afra tenebras Asis et antiquo tellus splendescat honore, Coenaculum redeat pariter Sanctumque Sepulcrum Christiadis, Turcis quae contendere cruore, paceque sic demum iucunda Europa fruatur. Given Genovesi’s vision of the civilizing role and function of Italy in the world, his use of Latin is a significant choice, which sustains his wider argument that the Italians (or Latini as Genovesi often calls them) had resumed the civilizing role of their Roman proavi. But unlike, for example, Illuminati’s Dux (see pp. –), neither the content of Genovesi’s poem nor his use of Latin simply link the Fascist present directly to ancient Rome. The poem instead presents a more ‘layered’ version of romanità. Genovesi follows Roman and Italian history through the ages, drawing on a whole range of different historical events, such as the First Crusade (–) or the Battle of Lepanto (), to justify his country’s imperialist mission. The poet’s use of Latin, too, reflects this layering of different ‘Romes’. In the very last lines, Genovesi prophesies that ‘with Vergil’s song we will celebrate the sublime achievements and with Horace’s lyre we will praise the empire’s glory’, suggesting that the language of these two ancient Roman poets is appropriate to an account of Italy’s reborn empire.  Genovesi (:  ll. –).  Our English translation takes into account Genovesi’s own facing Italian translation. We therefore render ut . . . fasti reclamant as ‘as . . . the eminent law of history imposes’ (Genovesi himself translates ‘come . . . della storia l’alta legge impone’).  Genovesi (: , l. ). Genovesi (: -) even translates Latinus (l. ) with ‘Italo’ (l. ).  Genovesi (:  ll. -): Carmine Vergilii sublimia gesta canemus j et decus imperii plectro dicemus Horati (‘We shall sing the noble deeds with the song of Vergil and we shall tell of the glory of the empire with Horatian lyre’). Cf. Genovesi (: ): Iure praeclarum facinus nepotum j Virgilii grandi celebramus ore, j remque Romanam modo restitutam j carmine Flacci (‘Rightly we celebrate the magnificent achievement of the descendants of Vergil with lofty speech, and the Roman state, just restored, with the song of Horace’).  of  Downloaded from http://crj.oxfordjournals.org/ by guest on May 23, 2015 May Rome resume its rule over the Latin Sea, as God originally ordained and as the eminent law of history imposes: may Rome, as a guide, again lead the way and take up the reins again, so that the African people will shake off its awful darkness and Asia will likewise shine with its ancient dignity, so that the site of the Last Supper and the Holy Sepulchre will return to the Christians (who battled the Turks with their blood), and so Europe will be able to enjoy delightful peace at last. LINGUA LICTORIA  See Stelten (), s.v. ‘Christiadum’.  The role of ecclesiastical Latin during the ventennio would benefit from further investigation in light of the wider development of the relations between the Vatican and the Fascist regime. In any case, one of the major venues for the publication of original Latin compositions, sometimes of Fascist content, was the Catholic journal Alma Roma.  On Jesuit Latinity in general, see now Haskell ().  Other Latinists, too, took a more comprehensive view of this heritage. Alfredo Bartoli (–), for instance, saw the revival of Latin under Fascism as part of a wider ‘neoclassical movement’, originating the later nineteenth century, and reviving the creative Latinity of the Italian humanists that had, according to him, largely died out between the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Bartoli (: ): ‘Ch’esso – l’albero miracoloso rinnovellatosi nel cinquantennio – dia frondi, fiori, e frutti, a perpetuare la gloriosa italica tradizione del latino, che fu di Roma; del latino, che fu degli Umanisti; del latino che è ancora dell’oggi, e che spiriti nuovi in vecchie forme – voce e eco ad un tempo – ritiene . . . ’ (‘May this miraculous tree that has renewed itself in fifty years, grow leaves, flowers, and fruits, to perpetuate the glorious Italic tradition of the Latin language, once belonging to Rome; Latin, once belonging to the Humanists; Latin, which still belongs to the present and holds new spirits in ancient forms, being a voice and an echo at the same time . . .’).  of  Downloaded from http://crj.oxfordjournals.org/ by guest on May 23, 2015 On the other hand, the word Christiada in the passage quoted above is an example of Genovesi’s use of ecclesiastical Latin. Ecclesiastical words allowed the Jesuit poet to show how the Church, too, had put her stamp on the linguistic heritage of Rome. Genovesi’s Latin thus reflects the long history of Rome’s imperialistic mission and cultural dominance from antiquity to the present day. In combining classical and ecclesiastical characteristics, his language also strives to resolve something of an implicit ‘competition’ about the ownership of the Latin language. Although some Latinists stressed the recent national or Fascist ‘rebirth’ of Latin alongside that of romanità, the Church had always kept Latin alive as a written and even spoken language. For millions of Italians, Latin therefore was and always had been primarily the language of the Catholic Church and of the mass they attended. Moreover, Genovesi’s order, the Jesuits, had a long-standing tradition of creative Latin composition. His use of Latin, then, not only ties up with his claims about Italy’s unbroken history of cultural dominance, but also attempts to forge a notion of Latinity that includes both its ancient and Catholic heritage and was more comprehensive than that of Illuminati or Schiaffini. Latin was also used throughout the empire in inscriptions on the many monuments erected by the Fascists to mark their renewed ‘Roman’ presence. In Libya, for instance, the Fascist government of Italo Balbo (–) erected the so-called ‘Arco dei Fileni’, inaugurated one year after Mussolini’s declaration of empire (Fig. ). The -metre arch, designed by Florestano di Fausto, marked the border between Tripolitania and Cyrenaica and was located on the Libyan Coastal Highway near Ra’s Lanuf. The remarkable structure was capped by a large inscription that read: Alme Sol, possis nihil urbe Roma uisere maius (‘O kindly HAN LAMERS AND BETTINA REITZ-JOOSSE Downloaded from http://crj.oxfordjournals.org/ by guest on May 23, 2015 Fig. . The Arco dei Fileni. Anonymous photograph (), available at http://goo.gl/JGmI (last accessed  August ).  of  LINGUA LICTORIA VBI CORPORA NON MEMORIAM PHILAENI FRATRES VESTRAM QVI VOSQVE VITAMQVE REI PVBLICAE CONDONASTIS HARENAE NVDAE GIGNENTIVM OBRVERANT ROMA PER FASCES RESTITVTA FATA VLCISCI  Alme Sol, curru nitido diem qui j promis et celas aliusque et idem j nasceris, possis nihil urbe Roma j uisere maius.  See Munzi (: ). Pasquali is an interesting example of how classicists were successfully recruited for the regime’s cultural politics: even though he had signed Croce’s Manifesto of the Anti-Fascist Intellectuals in , by the s he was putting his Latin skills to the service of the Balbo government in Libya. On Pasquali’s contributions to classical scholarship, see esp. Giordano () and Bornmann (), where his inscriptions for the Arco are not mentioned.  This was how the arch was interpreted in other contexts, too. At the ‘Mostra Augustea della Romanità’, for instance, a model of the Arco dei Fileni symbolized the ‘regeneration’ (‘rigenerazione’) of the Libyan colony under Mussolini (Caputo : ). For the context of the arch in this exhibition, see Giglioli (: –, esp. –).  La strada, –: ‘IPSA MEDIA IN VIA SYRTICA j A MARI DE CAELO j A LITORIBVS AFRICAE NOSTRAE j CONVENIENTIBVS j HIC ARCVS IMPERII MAIESTATEM TESTATVR j QUAM j REGE VICTORE EMANVELE III j BENITVS MVSSOLINI j SVMMVS REI PVBLICAE MODERATOR IDEMQVE FASCISTARVM DVX j A SEPTEM COLLIBVS HIC ATTVLIT j VT NOVVM CVLTVM HVMANITATEMQVE j TOTI TERRARVM ORBI DEMONSTRARET j SVMMVM GENTIBVS DONVM j ROMAE FORTVNAE ATQVE GLORIAE REDDITIS’.  of  Downloaded from http://crj.oxfordjournals.org/ by guest on May 23, 2015 Sun, may you never see anything mightier than Rome!’), an adaptation of Horace’s Carmen Saeculare -. While two Italian quotations by Mussolini were carved into the vault of the arch, its short façades displayed two inscriptions of Nello Quilici, translated into Latin by the famous classicist Giorgio Pasquali. One of these inscriptions presented the arch as a monument to the ‘renewed’ Roman Empire under Fascism. It stated that Mussolini had brought the majesty of the empire (imperii maiestas) from the Seven Hills all the way to Libya ‘so that he might show to the entire world the new cult and civilization, which is the highest gift to those peoples that have been restored to the happiness and glory of Rome’. The other inscription was more complex and honoured patriotic sacrifice by recalling the memory of the Philaeni, who gave the arch its name: two Carthaginian brothers who, according to the Roman historian Sallust, had submitted to being buried alive out of love for their fatherland. In the Bellum Jugurthinum, Sallust recounts how the brothers chose to be buried in the place which they claimed as the boundary of their country to settle a border conflict between Carthage and Cyrene. Two huge bronze statues of the brothers were installed, just above the .-metre wide openings on either side of the arch. Relying on Quilici’s Italian text and Sallust’s account in Latin, Pasquali composed the following inscription about the Philaeni: HAN LAMERS AND BETTINA REITZ-JOOSSE PRISTINA DOCTIOR BRACHIIS SYRTICAE REGIONIS INTER SE IVNCTIS QVAE VITAE RENATAE AESTVM EXCIPERENT  SVA SIGNA STATVIT Where sandy deserts bare of vegetation had covered your bodies, but not your memory, brothers Philaeni – who gave your lives for the state –, Rome, renewed by the fasces, and more apt to right old wrongs than before, placed its signa, after it had joined together Syrtica’s limbs, so that they would receive the glow of life reborn. ROMA DOMAT, PRUDENS ET FORMIDABILIS ARMIS,  EDOMITAS SED ENIM GENTES FORTUNAT AMICE Rome dominates, prudent and intimidating in arms; for she conquers peoples, yet she kindly makes them prosperous. Fascist Latin inscriptions like these served as powerful markers of Roman-Italian imperialism and Fascist claims to cultural dominance. We find them not only in Libya but in all territories over which the Fascist regime sought to establish and maintain control, from the North-African coast to Tyrolean Bozen. While a surprising number of Latin Fascist inscriptions still remain in their original position, others were, with time, removed. The ‘Arco dei Fileni’ was razed to the ground in the early s as an unwelcome reminder of Italian  Both the phrases vosque vitamque rei publicae condonastis and harenae nudae gignentium allude to Sallust’s account of events at Sal. Jug. . Cf. Sal. Jug. .: seque vitamque suam rei publicae condonavere and Jug. .: loca aequalia et nuda gignentium.  Grammatically, quae may also refer to signa instead of brachiis, in which case the line would mean that the Roman signa experienced the glow of life reborn.  Sal. Jug. ..  Genovesi (:  ll. –).  On the inscriptions in Bozen see Strobl (; ).  of  Downloaded from http://crj.oxfordjournals.org/ by guest on May 23, 2015 The inscription reiterates two tenets of Fascist imperialism which we also found in Genovesi’s text: the notion that Italian imperialism stood firmly in a Roman tradition and that it benefitted the colonized region and rendered it more prosperous. Importantly, the inscription celebrates two local heroes who were not Romans but Carthaginians. This tribute to the Philaeni brothers seems to sustain the pretence, also expressed by Vittorio Genovesi, that Fascist Rome came to Africa not to trample the local population and its past, but rather to support or ‘awaken’ it. Sallust recounts how the Carthaginians erected altars on the spot where the Philaeni were buried alive. By re-erecting a monument in their honour and by recreating their tomb close to the arch, the Fascist government cast itself as the champion of the local population. The Philaeni brothers embodied the civilization that ‘African tyranny’ had previously corrupted but that the Italians had come to restore. As Genovesi emphatically phrased it at the end of his ‘Mare nostrum’: LINGUA LICTORIA colonialism. Today, only the imprint of the foundation and few scattered architectural fragments remain (Fig. ). A similar destruction was, of course, impossible for published texts. After the collapse of the Fascist regime, the authors of these texts, therefore, found different ways of dealing with their now-unwelcome compositions. Most authors excluded them from their publication lists and simply never referred to them again. In his autobiography, Morabito recounts how he destroyed his own copy of the poem he had written for the ‘Concorso Dux’ and fervently expresses the hope that Amatucci’s copy would never re-emerge. Genovesi chose a different route for his compositions: when he republished his collected poems in , he excluded only his most obviously Fascist works — such as ‘In instauratum imperium’ and ‘Fasces renovati’ — but included ‘Mare nostrum’ and several other compositions with originally Fascist themes, for instance his ‘Imperii Via ad Clivum  Kuno Gross informs us that parts of the reliefs (including one showing Mussolini), several slabs with Italian inscriptions, and the two colossal bronze statues of the Philaeni brothers were moved to Sultan (a small coastal town in north-eastern Libya) and were still on view there when he visited it in . It seems that Pasquali’s Latin inscriptions did not survive the destruction of the arch.  of  Downloaded from http://crj.oxfordjournals.org/ by guest on May 23, 2015 Fig. . Fragments of the relief sculpture of the Arco dei Fileni near Sultan (Libya). Photograph by Kuno Gross (). HAN LAMERS AND BETTINA REITZ-JOOSSE Capitolinum’. Genovesi superficially refashioned these poems, purging them of the most glaringly Fascist passages and references to Benitus Dux. Avenues for further research  For ‘Mare nostrum’, compare Genovesi (: –) with Genovesi (: –), where he omits lines – and lines – of the original  text. More generally on Genovesi’s purges see Lamers and Reitz-Joosse (: –).  See Lamers, Reitz-Joosse, and Sacré (: –).  of  Downloaded from http://crj.oxfordjournals.org/ by guest on May 23, 2015 We have argued that during the ventennio fascista Latin became the lingua lictoria, a language officially supported by the Fascist regime and deftly exploited for political purposes in various contexts. Latin was not only part of the regime’s larger attempt to evoke ancient Rome in different ways and for different purposes. It was also construed as a modern and a Fascist language, uniquely suited to cementing Italy’s pre-eminence in the world. Our conclusions, however, only form a starting point for further research. We would like to end by indicating a number of avenues along which this research might be pursued further. Research into Fascist Latin is first of all complicated by the scant availability of the material: Latin compositions from this period were often issued in limited print runs and distributed via small personal networks. Although we provide, as an Appendix, a first overview of texts that we have found, we expect that there is more material waiting to be discovered. Besides the careful scrutiny of library holdings, especially in Italy, there are a number of archives that may contain a good deal of Fascist Latin: for example, the archives of the Istituto Nazionale di Studi Romani and archives related to contemporary Latin competitions, especially that of the Certamen Hoeufftianum in Haarlem (the Netherlands). Tied up with the question of discovery is that of accessibility. Once these texts have been tracked down, how can they be made available to interested readers? Editions with translations offer one way of achieving this, such as Paola Bragantini’s edition of Ettore Stampini’s (–) epigraphs in honour of Mussolini, or the edition and study of Amatucci’s Codex Fori Mussolini which we ourselves are currently preparing. However, not all Latin Fascist texts are of great historical interest, and it would be both impossible and unnecessary to publish all of them in such editions. We hope that, eventually, texts can be made available to a wider audience through digital publication. For example, we are thinking of setting up a collaborative environment, where historians and Latinists would be able to add material as well as to translate texts and comment upon them. We suggested above that the motivations behind Fascist compositions in Latin were complex, and the circumstances of their production diverse. Only further research into individual cases can do justice to this complexity. Were local teachers and students actively stimulated, or even forced, to participate in Latin competitions? Why did eminent scholars like Giorgio Pasquali (who had signed Croce’s anti-Fascist manifesto in ) concede to supplying inscriptions for a Fascist LINGUA LICTORIA prestige project in Libya? Finding answers to questions such as these involves extensive (often archival) research about the situation of individual authors and the immediate contexts of their compositions. It has become clear that ‘what Latin meant’ changed significantly during the ventennio fascista. But what happened after the demise of Fascism in Italy? Many of the authors of Fascist Latin texts continued to write in and about Latin after . Did they attempt to de-politicize, or rather re-politicize, the cultural meaning of Latin? And if so, how? Finally, we hope that Latin literature of Italian Fascism will, with time, be integrated into general research on Fascist culture. In particular, future research by modern historians, Latinists, and scholars of the Classical Tradition should shed more light on how the use of Latin related to the Fascists’ flexible notion of romanità. This research was made possible by generous support from the Spinoza Prize awarded to Ineke Sluiter (Leiden) by the Netherlands Organization for Scientific Research (NWO) as well as several research stays at the Netherlands Institute in Rome (KNIR). We thank Dirk Sacré (KU Leuven) for sharing his profound knowledge of modern Latin literature with us. At the student symposium ‘Mussolini Dux’ (Leiden University, December ), Prof. Sacré delivered the keynote lecture on Fascist Neo-Latin literature, in which, among many other things, he directed our attention to the archive of the Certamen Hoeufftianum in Haarlem. Many thanks also to Kuno Gross (Otelfingen) for supplying images of the ‘Arco dei Fileni’ and to Alan Durston (York) for corresponding with us on Ippolito Galante. Marjolein van Zuylen (Den Haag) inspected the Noord-Hollands Archief (Haarlem) on our behalf. Much of the literature cited in this article was difficult to obtain, and we received generous support from Maarten De Pourcq (Nijmegen), Stefan Derouck (KU Leuven University Library), the Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale di Firenze, the Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale di Roma, the Archivio Storico Capitolino, and Laura Bertolaccini of the Biblioteca dell’Istituto Nazionale di Studi Romani. Laura Migliori (Leiden) advised us on matters of Italian idiom. An earlier version of this paper was presented at Rostock University, and we thank the audience for their helpful remarks and suggestions. We also gratefully adopted many suggestions of CRJ ’s anonymous referees. Finally, many ideas in this article arose from stimulating discussions with the participants of the MA tutorial ‘Mussolini Dux’ which we taught in Leiden in the autumn of , and we thank all our students for their willingness to venture into this uncharted territory with us. References P. Aicher, ‘Mussolini’s Forum and the Myth of Augustan Rome’, The Classical Bulletin, , no.  (), pp. –. A. G. Amatucci, ‘Il latino e la nostra rinascita nazionale’, Scuola e cultura. Annali della istruzione media,  (), pp. –.  of  Downloaded from http://crj.oxfordjournals.org/ by guest on May 23, 2015 Acknowledgements HAN LAMERS AND BETTINA REITZ-JOOSSE  of  Downloaded from http://crj.oxfordjournals.org/ by guest on May 23, 2015 ——, ‘Il tradurre in latino e lo spirito classico’, Scuola e cultura. Annali della istruzione media,  (), pp. –. ——, ‘Il Codice del Foro Mussolini’, Bollettino dell’Opera Nazionale Balilla, , no.  ( November ), pp. –. ——, Codex fori Mussolini (Florence: Apud Felicem le Monnier, a). ——, ‘Codex fori Mussolini’, Scuola e cultura. Annali della istruzione media, , no.  (b), pp. – . ——, ‘[Codex fori Mussolini]’, in Opera Nazionale Balilla (ed.), Il Foro Mussolini (Milan: Bompiani, ), pp. –. J. Arthurs, Excavating Modernity: The Roman Past in Fascist Italy (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, ). I. Balbo, ‘La Litoranea libica’, Nuova antologia. Rivista trimestrale di lettere, scienze ed arti,  (MarchApril, ), pp. –. K. Bartels, Roms sprechende Steine: Inschriften aus zwei Jahrtausenden (Darmstadt: von Zabern, ). A. Bartoli ‘Il movimento neoclassico’, Atti del III Congresso nazionale di studi romani, III/ (Rome: Istituto di Studi Romani, ), pp. –. S. Bordoni and G. G. Contessa, ‘Latino’ in G. Gabrielli and D. Montino (eds), La scuola fascista. Istituzioni, parole d’ordine e luoghi dell’immaginario, Documenta,  (Verona: Ombre Corte, ), pp. –. F. Bornmann (ed.), Giorgio Pasquali e la filologia classica del Novecento. Atti del convegno, Firenze – Pisa, - Dicembre  (Florence: Olschki, ). C. Bottalico, Mare nostrum (Castelvetrano: Tip. Scaraglino, ). P. Bragantini, ‘Il ‘‘Latinista Fascista’’. Contributo alla biografia di Ettore Stampini’, Quaderni di storia dell’Università di Torino, , no.  (), pp. –. E. M. Bruni, Greco e latino. Le lingue classiche nella scuola italiana (-) (Rome: Armando, ). M. Cagnetta, Antichisti e impero fascista (Bari: Dedalo, ). M. Cagnetta and C. Schiano, ‘Faschismus’, in H. Cancik, H. Schneider and M. Landfester (eds), Der Neue Pauly: Enzyklopädie der Antike,  vols. (Stuttgart / Weimar: J.B. Metzler, –), XIII, Rezeptions- und Wissenschaftsgeschichte (), pp. –. L. Canfora, Ideologie del classicismo, Piccola Biblioteca Enaudi. Filologia. Linguistica. Critica Letteraria,  (Turin: Enaudi, ). G. Caputo, ‘La Libia nella Mostra Augustea della Romanità’, Libia. Rivista mensile illustrata, , no.  (), pp. –. G. Cesbron and L. Richer (eds), La réception du latin du XIXe siècle à nos jours. Actes du colloque d’Angers des  et  septembre  (Angers: Presses de l’Université d’Angers, ). J. Charnitzky, Die Schulpolitik des faschistischen Regimes in Italien (–) (Tübingen: Niemeyer, ). A. Dolfari [= Alfredo Bartoli], Mare nostrum (Florence: Ex typographia ‘Stella’, ). P. Fedeli, ‘Studio e uso del latino nella scuola fascista’, in G. Semerari (ed.), Matrici culturali del fascismo. Seminari promossi dal Consiglio regionale pugliese e dall’Ateneo barese nel trentennale della Liberazione (Bari: Università di Bari, Facoltà di lettere e filosofia, ), pp. –. M. Feo, ‘La tradizione latina’, in A. Asor Rosa (ed.), La letteratura italiana. Le questioni (Turin: Einaudi, ), pp. –. V. Fera, ‘Microcosmo letterario meridionale: Morabito tra Francesco Sofia Alessio e Alfredo Bartoli’, in V. Fera, D. Gionta and E. Morabito (eds), La poesia latina nell’area dello stretto fra Ottocento e Novecento. Atti del convegno di Messina, - ottobre  nel centenario della nascita di Giuseppe Morabito (-), Percorsi dei Classici,  (Messina, ), pp. –. F. Ferraironi, Iscrizioni ornamentali su edifici e monumenti di Roma con appendice delle iscrizioni scomparse (Rome: Industria tipografica romana, ). C. Galassi Paluzzi, ‘La lingua di Roma nel mondo e l’opera dell’Istituto di Studi Romani’, Per lo studio e l’uso del latino. Bollettino internazionale di studi-ricerche-informazioni, , no.  (), pp. –. V. Genovesi, ‘In instauratum imperium’, Alma Roma, , no.  (July ), pp. –. ——, Carmina (testo latino e traduzione italiana) (Rome: Messagero del Sacro Cuore, ). ——, Carmina (Rome / Paris / Tournai / New York: Istituto di Studi Romani / Desclée & Cie, ). F. Giammaria, Tria carmina (Rome: Ex typis ‘Novissima’, ). LINGUA LICTORIA  of  Downloaded from http://crj.oxfordjournals.org/ by guest on May 23, 2015 S. Giannelli, Divagazioni. Odi latine con versione metrica dello stesso autore (Santa Maria Capua Vetere: Tip. Progresso, ). G. Q. Giglioli (ed.), Mostra Augustea della Romanità, th edn (Rome: Colombo, ). D. Gionta, ‘I certamina di poesia e prosa latina’, in V. Fera, D. Gionta and E. Morabito (eds), La poesia latina nell’area dello stretto fra Ottocento e Novecento. Atti del convegno di Messina, - Ottobre  nel centenario della nascita di Giuseppe Morabito (-), Percorsi dei Classici,  (Messina: Centro interdipartimentale di studi umanistici, ), pp. –. F. Giordano, Filologi e fascismo. Gli studi di letteratura latina nell’ Enciclopedia Italiana (Naples: Arte tipografica, ). ——, Lo studio dell’antichità. Giorgio Pasquali e i filologi classici (Rome: Carocci, ). V. R. Giustiniani, Neulateinische Dichtung in Italien, -. Ein unerforschtes Kapitel italienischer Literatur- und Geistesgeschichte (Tübingen: Niemeyer, ). E. Golino, Parola di Duce. Il linguaggio totalitario del fascismo (Milan: Rizzoli, ). R. Griffin, Modernism and Fascism: The Sense of a Beginning under Mussolini and Hitler (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, ). Y. Haskell, ‘The Passion(s) of Jesuit Latin’, in J. Bloemendal, C. Fantazzi and P. Ford (eds), Brill’s Encylopaedia of the Neo-Latin World (Leiden: Brill, ), pp. –. J. IJsewijn, Companion to Neo-Latin Studies, Part I: History and Diffusion of Neo-Latin Literature, Supplementa Humanistica Lovaniensia, , nd edn (Leuven: Leuven University Press, ). J. IJsewijn-Jacobs, Latijnse poëzie van de twintigste eeuw (Lier: De Bladen voor de Poëzie, ). L. Illuminati, Dux. Carme latino premiato nella gara bandita dell’Associazione Nazionale Insegnanti Fascisti (Turin / Milan / Genoa / Parma / Rome / Catania: Società Editrice Internazionale, ). ——, Inter viburna. Carminum volumen prius (Genoa: Ex typis Aemiliani degli Orfini, ). G. Klein, La politica linguistica del fascismo, Studi linguistici e semiologici,  (Bologna: Il Mulino, ). R. Kühner and C. Stegmann, Ausführliche Grammatik der lateinischen Sprache (Hannover: Hahn, ). B. Kytzler (ed.), Roma Aeterna. Lateinische und griechische Romdichtung von der Antike bis in die Gegenwart (Munich / Zurich: Artemis, ). La difesa della razza. Scienza, documentazione, polemica, questionario, ed. by T. Interlandi, - (Rome: Tumminelli, –). A. La Penna, ‘La rivista Roma e l’Istituto di Studi Romani. Sul culto della romanità nel periodo fascista’, in B. Näf (ed.), Antike und Altertumswissenschaft in der Zeit von Faschismus und Nationalsozialismus. Kolloquium Universität Zürich, .-. Oktober  (Mandelbachtal / Cambridge: Cicero, ), pp. –. La strada litoranea della Libia (Verona: Mondadori, ). H. Lamers and B. Reitz-Joosse, ‘Fascisme in de taal van Augustus. De Latijnse literatuur van het ventennio fascista’, Roma Aeterna, , no.  (), pp. –. H. Lamers, B. Reitz-Joosse and D. Sacré, ‘Neo-Latin Literature, Italy : Fascism (-)’, in J. Bloemendal, C. Fantazzi and P. Ford (eds), Brill’s Encylopaedia of the Neo-Latin World (Leiden: Brill, ), pp. –. T. Lansford, The Latin Inscriptions of Rome: A Walking Guide (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, ). F. Lo Parco, I canti dell’impero con prefazione e note bilingui e quattro traduzioni metriche latine dell’on. dott. Domenico Tinozzi e del prof. Luigi Illuminati (Milan: La Prora, ). E. Malcovati, Il latino come lingua universale (Vighera: Gabetta, ). N. Martinelli, Amba Alagia (Pisa / Rome: Vallerini, ). G. Morabito, Ricordi di scuola (Milazzo: Pellegrino, ). M. Munzi, ‘Italian Archaeology in Libya from Colonial romanità to Decolonization of the Past’, in M. L. Galaty and C. Watkinson (eds), Archaeology Under Dictatorship (New York: Springer, ), pp. –. B. Mussolini, ‘Beniti Mussolini Romae Laudes’, trans. by V. Ussani, Roma universa. Rivista mensile dei Comitati d’Azione per la Universalità di Roma , no.  (a), p. . ——, Beniti Mussolini Romae Laudes, trans. by V. Ussani. Edizioni dei Comitati d’Azione per la Universalità di Roma (Rome: Europa, b). ——, ‘Discorso del Duce del  maggio  – XV’, s.l.a.n. Three manually corrected copies are in the archive of the Istituto Nazionale di Studi Romani (uncatalogued). HAN LAMERS AND BETTINA REITZ-JOOSSE  of  Downloaded from http://crj.oxfordjournals.org/ by guest on May 23, 2015 ——, La fondazione dell’Impero nei discorsi del Duce alle grandi adunate del popolo italiano con una traduzione latina di Nicola Festa (Naples: Rispoli, a). ——, ‘Beniti Mussolini de instaurando Italorum imperio oratio’, trans. by G. B. Pighi, Aevum: Rassegna di scienze storiche linguistiche e filologiche,  (b), pp. – = Beniti Mussolini de instaurando Italorum imperio oratio, trans. by G. B. Pighi (Milan: Vita e Pensiero, b). ——, Opera omnia di Benito Mussolini. Dalla Conferenza di Cannes alla Marcia su Roma ( Gennaio  -  Ottobre ), E. Susmel and D. Susmel (eds) (Florence: La Fenice, ). B. Näf (ed.), Antike und Altertumswissenschaft in der Zeit von Faschismus und Nationalsozialismus. Kolloquium Universität Zürich, .-. Oktober  (Mandelbachtal / Cambridge: Cicero, ). J. Nelis, ‘Constructing Fascist Identity: Benito Mussolini and the Myth of romanità’, The Classical World, , no.  (a), pp. –. ——, ‘La romanité (romanità) fasciste. Bilan des recherches et propositions pour le futur’, Latomus: Revue d’études latines, , no.  (b), pp. –. ——, ‘La ‘‘fede di Roma’’ nella modernità totalitaria fascista: il mito della romanità e l’Istituto di Studi Romani tra Carlo Galassi Paluzzi e Giuseppe Bottai’, Studi Romani,  (), pp. –. ——, From Ancient to Modern: The Myth of romanità during the ventennio fascista. The Written Imprint of Mussolini’s Cult of the ‘Third Rome’ (Brussels / Rome: Belgisch Historisch Instituut te Rome, ). M. Nicosia Margani, Dux (Comiso: ‘La Montanina’, ). ‘Nuntius’, trans. by V. Ussani, Roma universa, , no.  (), p. . Per lo studio e l’uso del latino. Bollettino internazionale di studi-ricerche-informazioni, ed. by C. Galassi Paluzzi and G. Rispoli, - (Rome: Istituto di Studi Romani, -). Prima mostra triennale delle terre italiane d’oltremare: Napoli,  Maggio -  Ottobre , XVIII (Naples: Ente Mostra triennale terre italiane d’oltremare, ). Roma: Rivista di studi e di vita romana, ed. by C. Galassi Paluzzi (Rome: Istituto di Studi Romani, –). B. Scholz, ‘Italienischer Faschismus als ‘‘Export’’-Artikel (–). Ideologische und organisatorische Ansätze zur Verbreitung des Faschismus im Ausland’, PhD thesis, Universität Trier, . F. Scriba, ‘Mussolini-Panegyrik im Alkäischen Vers’, Altsprachlicher Unterricht, , no.  (), pp. –. A. Solmi, L.A. Stella and V. Ussani, ‘Sezione di filologia e letteratura classica. Seduta del  aprile -XI’, Atti del III Congresso nazionale di studi romani, III/ (Rome: Istituto di Studi Romani, ), pp. –. F. Stanco, Epitome di cultura fascista ad uso degli alunni del II e III anno di latino (Turin: Società editrice internazionale, ). ——, Epitome di cultura fascista ad uso degli alunni del II, III e IV anno di latino. Seconda edizione accresciuta e migliorata (Turin: Società editrice internazionale, ). L. F. Stelten (ed.), Dictionary of Ecclesiastical Latin (Peabody, Mass: Hendrickson, ). M. Stone, ‘A Flexible Rome: Fascism and the Cult of romanità’, in C. Edwards (ed.), Roman Presences: Receptions of Rome in European Culture, - (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, ), pp. –. W. Strobl, ‘‘‘Tu regere imperio populos, romane, memento . . .’’. Zur Rezeption von Vergil und Horaz im italienischen Faschismus am Beispiel des Siegesplatzes in Bozen’, Antike und Abendland,  (), pp. –. ——, ‘‘‘Tu regere imperio populos, Romane, memento . . .’’. La ricezione di Virgilio e Orazio nell’ Italia fascista: il caso di Piazza della Vittoria a Bolzano’, Quaderni di storia,  (), pp. –. A. Terralbi [= Alfredo Bartoli], De agro pontino. Acroasis (premiato al concorso di prosa latina bandito dall’Istituto di Studi Romani) (Florence: Ex typographia ‘Stella’, ). A. Traglia (ed.), Nicola Festa. Atti del convegno di studi, Matera, -- Ottobre  (Venosa: Osanna, ). A. Traina, ‘Una falsa attribuzione’, Studi e problemi di critica testuale,  (), pp. –. ——, La ‘lyra’ e la ‘libra’ (tra poeti e filologi) (Bologna: Pàtron, ). V. Ussani, ‘La missione unificatrice del latino nella storia della civiltà’, Per lo studio e l’uso del latino. Bollettino internazionale di studi-ricerche-informazioni, , no.  (), pp. –. LINGUA LICTORIA C. Vignoli, ‘L’aviazione e la lingua di Roma’, Atti del IV Congresso nazionale di studi romani, IV/- (Bologna: Cappelli, ), pp. –. R. Visser, ‘Fascist Doctrine and the Cult of the romanità’, Journal of Contemporary History, , no.  (), pp. –. ——, ‘Da Atene a Roma, da Roma a Berlino’, in B. Näf (ed.), Antike und Altertumswissenschaft in der Zeit von Faschismus und Nationalsozialismus. Kolloquium Universität Zürich, .-. Oktober  (Mandelbachtal / Cambridge: Cicero, ), pp. –. ——, ‘Istituto (Nazionale) di Studi Romani’, in H. Cancik, H. Schneider and M. Landfester (eds), Der Neue Pauly: Enzyklopädie der Antike,  vols. (Stuttgart / Weimar: J.B. Metzler, –), XIV, Rezeptions- und Wissenschaftsgeschichte (), pp. –. M. de Vries and S. Tacoma, ‘Stralen als gelijken. De Augustalia () van Anacleto Trazzi’, Roma Aeterna, , no.  (), pp. –. F. Waquet, Latin or the Empire of a Sign: From the Sixteenth to the Twentieth Centuries (London: Verso, ). This list serves to give a first impression of the range and scope of the Latin literature of the ventennio fascista and is not exhaustive. It includes only those editions that we have personally been able to locate and inspect in the course of our research. It does not include unpublished texts in typo- or manuscript, or inscriptions that have not also been published in independent editions. Amatucci, Aurelio Giuseppe, ‘Il Codice del Foro Mussolini’, Bollettino dell’Opera Nazionale Balilla, , no.  (November , ), pp. –; Codex fori Mussolini (Florence: Apud Felicem le Monnier, ); Scuola e cultura. Annali della istruzione media, , no.  (), pp. –; Il Foro Mussolini, ed. by Opera Nazionale Balilla (Milan: Bompiani, ), pp. –. Bartoli, Alfredo, See under Florio Del Traba, Alberto Dolfari, and Adolfo Terralbi (Bartoli’s pseudonyms). Bottalico, Carolo, Mare nostrum (Castelvetrano: Tip. Scaraglino, ). Brignoli, Fernando Maria, Lictorium carmen (Rome: In aedibus P. Maglione succ. H. Loescher, ). Calero, Giuseppe, Dux almae telluris renovator ac indomitus defensor (Genoa: Editrice ‘L’Italica’, ). Capo, Nazareno, Carmina selecta, solutae orationis exempla et frustula varia (Grottaferrata: Scuola tip. italo-orient. ‘S. Nilo’, ). Curzio, Giovanni, De re publica lictoria seu de iuribus gentis sententia (Pisa: Ex Iardiniana officina typographica, ). De Titta, Cesare, ‘Novum studiorum curriculum in tertia Anxanensis gymnasii classe’ in Carmina (Florence: Sansoni, ), pp. –. Del Traba, Florio [= Alfredo Bartoli], Ver sacrum. Epitaphium (Florence: Apud Felicem le Monnier, ). Dolfari, Alberto [= Alfredo Bartoli], Mare nostrum (Florence: Ex typographia ‘Stella’, ). Ferrari, Giovanni, Benito Mussolini duci (Guardiagrele: A.G. Palmario, ). Festa, Nicola, ‘[Inscription at the Foro Italico]’ in Il Foro Mussolini, ed. by Opera Nazionale Balilla (Milan: Bompiani, ), pp. –. Ficari, Quirino, Decennalia a fascibus renovatis (Pesaro: Typis ‘G. Federici’, ). ——. De fascibus imperioque resititutis (Pesaro: Typis ‘G. Federici’, ). ——. Carmina (Pesaro: Typis ‘G. Federici’, ). ——. Orationes in certamina primum alterum tertium ab instituto collegioque Romanis rebus procurandis indicta missae (Pesaro: Typis ‘G. Federici’, ). Frosini, Tommaso, Ad Bruni Mussolini memoriam (Iustinopoli: Ex officina V. Foccardi, ). 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