Fascism and Classical Antiquity

From the early 1930s to the early 1960s many scholars, whether liberal minded or socialist ideologues, Marxist or scientific positivists, classical scholars or political theorists and historians, have shown a widespread consensus in discrediting and assailing the man and political philosopher Plato. Such an extensive assault led the ‘Platonic Legend’ to an unprecedented crisis. Philosophically, it was a reaction to the undisguised Platonolatry coming from Oxford and the school of the British Idealists.
Ideologically, the appropriation of Plato by Nazi apologists fostered further this vehement indictment. But a lot of other causes worked to the same effect. The general anguish and humanistic anxiety on the eve ofWorldWar II and the postwar traumas led scholars to reconsider the meaning of history and historicism, the psychology of the masses and the ethical responsibility of the citizen, the role of propaganda and state education. Such complementary elements converged in sustained anti-Platonic polemics,
which in turn provoked a vigorous defence.

Through a variety of sources, both written and visual, this paper traces the means by which Italian fascism appropriated and propagandised the following three aspects of a purported heritage of Roman antiquity (the so-called myth of romanità): aspects of academic and popular discourse regarding the notion of empire; the omnipresence of the ‘revolutionary’ and combative Julius Caesar; and a generalised aesthetic use of antiquity. During the ventennio fascista, these latter themes were central to the way in which fascism actively appropriated the heritage of ancient Rome; they have been chosen in order to illustrate the applicability of two aspects of fascism which I would first like to discuss, i.e. the fascist ‘sacralization of politics’, and a certain fascist modernism.

In this short study, I situate Italian fascism, both marked and shaped by its relationship with the past and the ensuing tension between epochs and historical protagonists, history and myth, as a ‘secular’ or ‘political religion’, as a ‘biopolitical’ ideology the purpose of which was -at least ideally-, the spiritual and physical renewal of the nation. Hence, before treating the aforementioned features of fascist romanità, I will provide a concise historiographical discussion of the in my opinion most fruitful recent movements in the historiography of fascism; in doing so, I will illustrate the way in which the regime’s religious thrust and ‘cultic outlook’, rooted in, and arguably created by, its mythical predisposition, generated a heightened interest in aesthetics, and a ‘biopolitical’ desire to ‘forge’ the bodies and minds of the Italian people. In this sense, fascism can be considered as a form of activist ‘culture’ in its own regard, a viewpoint rarely linked to the Italian fascist use of antiquity.

Who was Flavius Josephus? Answering this one question, leads to answers to virtually all other questions about ancient history. The answer is that he was Arrius Calpurnius Piso, a royal Roman. He wrote under the alias of Flavius Josephus and pretended to be a Jew. He was of Jewish descent, on his mother's side. Please read on and learn.

Il volume ha come tema centrale l’uso che è stato fatto, nel corso dei secoli, delle antichità della Calabria ai fini della costruzione di una identità regionale. Partendo dall’epoca romana si cerca di fare luce sulla percezione che, per due millenni, gli abitanti della Calabria hanno avuto di se stessi e sull’immagine che ne hanno rimandato all’esterno. In estrema sintesi si potrebbe dire che la calabresità, l’identità culturale dei calabresi è stata rappresentata, fino a tutto l’Ottocento ed oltre, dai topoi letterari della tenacia, della sobrietà e dell’onore. Essi hanno costituito l’ossatura di un mito arcaico, di un’identità in parte orgogliosamente cercata, ma, soprattutto, inconsciamente subita dalla cultura nazionale ed europea che, a partire dal XVI secolo, aveva, sì, un atteggiamento d’attenzione, ma in fondo godeva di un sottile divertimento, rispetto a questa cultura “altra”. Il brigantaggio e la povertà, endemica come le malattie, avevano contribuito -in parte grazie anche all’auto-esaltazione letteraria di alcuni valori che l’arretratezza portava con sé- a cristallizzare nell’immaginario culturale europeo questa idea della Calabria e dei calabresi che, del resto, poco o nulla hanno fatto per scrollarsela di dosso.
L’identità culturale dei calabresi non è che, così come ancora si configura dopo tanti secoli, un insieme di invenzioni, perlopiù basate su un uso disinvolto delle antichità, che si ritiene sia necessario seppellire per sempre perché falso e dannoso.

The myth of «Romanity» was a fundamental aspect of Fascist propaganda and ideology. However, in Italy, scholars began to investigate this theme as an object worthy of historical interest only from the mid-1970s on. There appear to have been two main bursts of historiographical interest: one occurred in the years immediately following 1975, while the other, which began in the mid-1990s, is still ongoing, although its progress has been discontinuous. It is ancient scholars who started the debate, and on both occasions it mainly involved ancient scholars and scholars in disciplines not directly connected to contemporary historiography. Over the past few years, historians of the contemporary age have played a crucial role in the study of this phenomenon, but ancient scholars have put their stamp on the debate, and this is a significant aspect that requires special attention.

The debate surrounding the relation between Hitler’s interest in architectural neo-classicism and his reception of antiquity has often proceeded from the assumption of a deep nostalgia for a (deeply mythicised) classical ‘Aryan’ past and an instinctive drive to use anti-modernist art for solely propagandistic ends. Whereas some have
attempted to invert this causal relationship, the present study situates Hitler’s artistic passion within his ‘biopolitical’ vision of the new Germany, cleansed of all that was deemed degenerate (entartet) and unassimilable within the national community (gemeinschaftsunfähig). Through an analysis of the Third Reich’s vast civic building programmes, which takes into account Hitler’s personal discourse on the ancient past, we will show how both elements, that is Hitler’s ‘modernised’ neo-classicism and his view on antiquity, can be seen as essentially complementary, and integral to his political programme. We will do so by firstly presenting an overview of the most typical examples of Hitler and Nazism’s use of an idiosyncratic version of neo-classically inspired civic architecture. After this we will focus on the Führer’s ‘artistic’ persona, both in the sense of his love for the arts, especially those referring to the formal language of antiquity, as in the sense of his biopolitical conception of Nazi life as a ‘work of art in progress’. Finally,
Hitler’s vision of artistic renaissance is located within a discourse of racial renewal which embraced the past and future within a this-worldly ‘eternity’.

Now, to better understand the Oligarchy or the 1% (actually, those who are really in control of our world are of much less than 1%, but it is easier to just say, "the 1%"), we need to not only ask questions, but to answer them as well. It just so happens that I had already been researching the Oligarchy for more than 20 years before people like Jimmy Carter, Jesse Ventura and Bernie Sanders started talking about it.

Thus, I am perhaps the one main person who not only knows the most about them, but who will also tell you about what I now know. Others who know, may not know as much, and they may not want to tell you what they know. The fact of the matter is that you most likely will not find out anything about the Oligarchy or the 1% via an education from within present day academia. In fact, what you "learn" or are told from within academia today, most likely will steer you away from what you would need to know about the subject.

Un elemento no desdeñable de las religiones políticas contemporáneas, desde el jacobinismo al nazismo, fue la emulación del pasado clásico, no solo en sus formas culturales y artísticas, sino también en lo que tenía de retorno a la ética presocrática y precristiana con su desprecio por la debilidad. El peligro de la evocación del imperialismo del mundo clásico no ha estado circunscrito a los nacionalismos o al colonialismo. De hecho, en sus orígenes estuvo más bien vinculado con tendencias políticas revolucionarias.
Este ensayo constituye un recorrido exhaustivo por las fuentes de la literatura y la historia de la Antigüedad Clásica para exponer la crueldad sistémica de esa época, y, mediante el análisis de los textos contemporáneos que se sirvieron de modelos antiguos para legitimar sus políticas de violencia, establecer los vínculos que se dieron entre la evocación del mundo clásico y las políticas de terror del mundo contemporáneo.
El primer problema que afronta el historiador de la crueldad es la relativa ausencia de materiales textuales pertenecientes al género que hoy día podríamos llamar ‘literatura de denuncia’. La indignación moral ante el sufrimiento de las víctimas inocentes, si estos eran ajenos a la comunidad política o cultural a la que se pertenecía, es algo que muy raramente encontramos en las fuentes clásicas. Aun así, hay decenas de textos del mundo clásico, además de evidencias arqueológicas y artísticas, que permiten hacer un estudio de la violencia estructural con los débiles que se daba en esas sociedades: masacres de prisioneros desarmados, violencia indiscriminada contra civiles en conflictos bélicos y luchas políticas, violaciones en masa de mujeres, suplicios capitales y tortura judicial, la esclavitud o el abuso sexual y explotación laboral de niños.

La storia del fascismo italiano è ormai abbastanza nota. Gli studi
sui meccanismi e le motivazioni, per così dire, culturali del fenomeno
sono invece in pieno sviluppo. Questi vertono, tra l’altro, a riconoscere
una certa modernità al fascismo che, in quanto movimento
e regime totalitario, è stato definito una « religione politica », disponendo
di un proprio mondo estetico, di un proprio culto. All’inizio
di questo studio esporremo brevemente tale carattere moderno, cultuale
e totalitario del fascismo italiano, per passare ad analizzare l’importanza
riconosciuta al passato, italiano e soprattutto romano, che
si può riassumere nella nozione di romanità, in rapporto alla suddetta
natura totalitaria e moderna del fascismo. Non è nostra intenzione presentare uno studio totale sull’importanza del mito della romanità sotto il fascismo, lavoro che peraltro è già stato fatto da molti studiosi; vogliamo solo evidenziare alcuni aspetti che hanno segnato la storiografia sul fenomeno, per poi illustrare il ruolo svolto dall’Istituto di Studi Romani, ed alcuni aspetti sconosciuti del rapporto di amicizia tra il suo fondatore, Carlo Galassi Paluzzi, e il gerarca fascista Giuseppe Bottai. La focalizzazione sull’Istituto e sulla relazione Galassi Paluzzi-Bottai fa sì che il presente studio non verta solo su un’importante manifestazione di politicizzazione della cultura, ma anche su alcuni aspetti del ruolo che definiremmo imprenditoriale, nel campo della cultura, durante la modernità totalitaria fascista, in un clima in cui si glorificò e si strumentalizzò un lontano passato con lo scopo di creare un futuro nuovo, italiano e fascista.

Nella romanità fascista, uno degli elementi più importanti fu la nozione d’imperialismo, che sin dall’inizio costituì una delle basi dell’ideologia fascista. Legato anch’esso all’antichità romana, l’‘imperialismo romano-fascista’, cioè l’incessante uso fascista del concetto d’impero, sarà l’argomento del presente studio. In primis, analizzeremo il modo in cui sotto il fascismo la nozione di impero venne regolarmente definita e analizzata come un’idea ‘universale’, sia in pubblicazioni scientifiche che in scritti destinati alle masse. Successivamente, illustreremo come alcuni autori collocarono anche un certo spiritualismo all’interno dell’imperialismo (antico e presente). Proseguiremo poi con un’analisi della grande confusione presente negli studi che molti antichisti dedicarono al concetto d’impero. Un ulteriore elemento da noi evidenziato sarà il carattere ‘negoziabile’ di questo concetto, cioè il fatto che poté essere interpretato come un’idea di forza e/o di militarismo, ma nello stesso tempo anche come un’idea moderata, quasi pacifica. Il presente lavoro terminerà con una breve illustrazione del modo in cui, verso la seconda metà degli anni ’30, la nozione d’impero venne totalmente assorbita dal discorso politico e colonialista.

Among the many ‘founding myths’ of Italian Fascism such as those regarding its relationship to the First World War, one element stood out as key to both its quest for absolute dominion over the Italian peninsula and its historically based self-concept and representation: the idea of present-day Italy as incarnating the spirit and virtuousness of Roman (late Republican and early Imperial) antiquity, creating the image of a Terza Roma, of a ‘third’, Fascist Rome. This concept was omnipresent throughout the entire period within which Mussolini dominated Italian politics. This very specific use of the historical past is discussed in this article, tracing its presence in various parts of the cultural and intellectual field, identifying the manifold ways in which history can meet contemporary, and ‘futural’, prerequisites. In so doing, it is inspired by recent scholarship underlining the futural, temporal thrust of Fascism and romanità, rather than its traditionally reactionary, backward-looking dynamic. As seems, at least to a certain extent, to have been the case in Nazi Germany, for the Fascists, antiquity indeed was no faraway, dusty past, but a lively source of inspiration and energy revealing the regime’s modernist, revolutionary ambition to build a ‘Third Rome’ which, literally and figuratively, made visible the earlier layers of Roman heritage.

Arria Antonina, had other names. And we know this because her 'Antonina' name was the feminine form of her father's alias name of 'Arrius Antoninus'. The name 'Antoninus' was a name created by using one of Arrius Piso's inherited names ('Antonius') and 'ninus' (i.e., "baby boy"), which alluded to Arrius Piso as the baby Jesus. Even though I knew about Arria Antonina for awhile, I was not able to comment upon her in any of my works until now. The reason is that because of her name, I was not entirely certain that she was a different individual other than her sister Claudia Phoebe, who was aka Arria Fadilla. In all of these instances where there are similar names involved, caution and diligence is absolutely necessary or mistakes can be easily made. And, also, because under that name, she was associated with certain other people-which meant that I had to do more investigation and research into just what her relationship was with other family members. Finding out things such as this can take time. Remember, even with all of my knowledge of the subject, my expertise and experience, and even working upon this with a high level of expertise for more than 20 years, it is only within the last few years that I discovered that Arrius Piso had this other daughter. And, the only way that such things can be discovered is by doing this exactly as I have been doing it, by building profiles or data bases for each individual and working slowly, carefully and with certainty. If one were to read and believe the histories of the time as written, believing that the authors were being honest and forthright, we would never discover all of the things such as this, that they were hiding or disguising. If we thought of Claudia Phoebe, for instance, only as Pompeia Plotina, we would not know that she had children. The only way to discover such things, is to find out what alias or alternate names...

Im folgenden Beitrag geht es um den Althistoriker und Klassischen Philologen Franz Altheim, der vor allem durch seine Studien zu antiker Religionsgeschichte, Krisen in der Antike sowie zu italischer und römischer Frühgeschichte bekannt wurde. Im Fokus steht hier nicht nur Altheims politische Position während des Nationalsozialismus. Das Hauptaugenmerk liegt insbesondere auf seinen Studien zu den Italikern bzw. zum vor- und frührömischen Italien, die er mit der Unterstützung des “SS-Ahnenerbes” durchführte, sowie um deren Motivation und ideologischen Gehalt innerhalb der Altertumswissenschaft.

Drawing on current scholarly research on “political religions,” as well as on the “politicisation” of religion, this article presents a study of the Jesuitical periodical La Civiltà Cattolica, of which it analyses the years 1922-1943. The specific focus is on the Catholic discourse on Roman antiquity: as the fascist regime made ample use of a supposed “spiritual” heritage from antiquity –an idea which was summarised in the notion of romanità (“Romanness”)-, the Catholic press reacted by defining its position in this debate, especially with regard to the relationship between pagan and Christian, fascist and Catholic Rome. This study joins the already extensive body of research concerning the fascist myth of romanità.

This book analyses a manifestation of the use of identitarian discourse
in politics, i.e. the role of the concept of ‘Romanness’ or romanità
under Italian fascism. The author explores a wide selection of written
press published during the ventennio fascista, and evidences that romanità, conceived as a process of identification between ancient (Roman) and fascist Italy, was a nearly passe partout concept, which could be introduced whenever the most diverse aspects of fascist ideology in some way seemed to converge with Roman antiquity. Rather than focusing on romanità ’s singularity under fascism, this study highlights the relative ease with which this long-existing concept was used and converted. On a more abstract level, the study touches upon the problem of consensus, as it shows how intellectuals were in part responsible for the diffusion and development of one of the major and most omnipresent myths promoted by the fascist regime.