Anti-Fascism

To contribute to studies of contemporary anti-fascism, the goal of this chapter is to provide an overview of the governmental, corporate and activist institutions and tactics that aim to resist the far-right mobilization and recruitment processes. Focusing on the United States, this chapter highlights efforts by actors within the political sphere (e.g. the American State’s repressive and judicial apparatuses), the economic sphere (e.g. the corporate news, entertainment and high-tech industries) and civic sphere (e.g. Left anti-fascist activism) to resist the far right. While efforts by State and corporate actors to take on and take down white supremacist individuals and hate groups are positive and needed, it is important to consider the political possibilities and limits of these challenges to the far right.Racial capitalism and a largely white ruling class persists in the United States, and so the institutional sources and practices of far-right resistance must be critically examined with regard to that social context (Burden-Stelly 2020; Issar 2020; Rahman 2020; Roediger 2017, 2019; Taylor 2016; Virdee 2019). To this end, the first section contextualizes American racial capitalism, the role of the State and political parties in propping up this system and the enduring power of a mostly white and male American ruling class. Following this, the second and third sections identify some U.S. State and corporate sources of opposition to the white supremacist far right, and assess the politics of these within a country whose ‘mainstream’ political and economic institutions have long been enmeshed with the system of racial capitalism and white supremacy. For a potentially emancipatory source of resistance to the far right and to the system of racial capitalism that emboldens it, the third section looks to broad-based left anti-fascist activism.

Enzo Fiermonte is a forgotten star of Italian cinema who acted in over 100 films between 1941 and 1979. His screen career started with "L’ultimo combattimento" (The Last Fight), in which he played the role of the main character: a boxer who was on his way to stardom – until he met a wealthy American woman: he felt in love with her, and she gradually persuaded him to get rid of the gloves and live as a gentleman. It was quite an ordinary story for film-goers to see, but actually that was Fiermonte’s real story.

Prior to join the film world, Enzo was a boxer himself – and a very talented one. He won Italy’s middleweight crown at just 23 years old, and after a series of brilliant bouts in the U.S. he entered the list of the main contenders for the world championship title. Success in the boxing ring, however, was not Enzo’s only success. Women literally felt at his feet: his was tall and muscular like a Michelangelo’s statue, with olive skin and black curly hair. For press reporters, he was “the Rudolph Valentino of boxing”.

In 1932, his beauty was noticed by one of the richest women in the world – Madeleine Astor Dick. She was mother to the heir of America’s most influential family – the Astors – and was known in her country for having survived his husband in 1912, as they were honeymooning aboard the most disgraceful ocean liner of human history – the Titanic. Very soon, Madeleine became infatuated with that gorgeous and kind Italian; Enzo, too, could not stop thinking of her. After a few months, the two got married amid sensational headlines: not only Fiermonte was a boxer with peasant origins, but he also was much younger than her: 25 years as opposed to Madeleine’s 39.

For Madeleine and for the privileges of being married with a millionaire, Fiermonte announced his retirement from boxing, but then he changed his mind; he left his wife, returned into the ring, and the whole world talked about him. Such a story, however, was just one of the many incredible stories he happened to be involved with. Enzo Fiermonte’s life was rich with hazards and hard-to-believe situations in every respect, to the point that Hollywood producers have occasionally thought of making a film about him. ***MORE INFO AT g.memola@yahoo.com***

Faşizm kavramı bir yüzyılı aşkın süredir siyaset içerikli pek çok tartışmanın merkezinde bulunur. 21. yüzyıldaki tartışmalara bakıldığında ise, iki bağlamın öne çıktığı hemen fark edilebilir. Bunlardan ilki, 20. yüzyılın son çeyreğine kadar varlığını sürdürebilmiş tarihsel-klasik faşizm örnekleri ve zaman zaman “neofaşizm” olarak nitelenen bugünkü kimi faşist yapıların söz konusu örneklerden devraldıkları mirastır. Diğeri ise, -faşist, otoriter ya da demokratik- emperyalist ülkelerin sömürgelerine dayattığı sömürge tipi faşizm ve bu formun yeni sömürgecilik ilişkilerinde değişen-dönüşen karşılığıdır. Her iki bağlam da fiilen anayasanın ve parlamentonun askıya alındığı ve olağanüstü halin kalıcılaştığı ülkeler, sokaklarda etki alanını genişleten, devlet içinde kümelenebilen ve yer bulabilen faşist örgütlenmeler, merkez partiler arası iktidar salınımına çomak sokan faşist figürler gibi bugün karşılaşılan nice örnekle, zengin bir tartışma alanı ortaya koymaktadır. Bu kitapta amaçlanan da söz konusu tartışmalara farklı noktalardan müdahil olmak ve “Faşizm nedir?” sorusuna verilen yanıtın derinlik kazanmasına katkıda bulunmaktır.

Med Albert Scherfig, Daniel Madsen og Nadia Zarling

En aften i august 1936 cykler tre brødre af sted fra København. Destina­tionen er Spanien, hvor et fascistisk oprør er brudt ud en måned tidligere. De frygter, at hvis det lykkes for fascisterne at knuse det spanske demokrati, er det kun et spørgsmål om tid, før Danmark står for tur.

I denne bog følger vi brødrene Harald, Kai og Aage Nielsen på deres rejse gennem Europa og det borgerkrigshærgede Spanien. Det er den enestående historie om de tre første danske spaniensfrivilliges møde med borgerkrigens rædsler, men også med kammeratskab og kærlighed.

Med afsæt i brødrenes brevkorrespondance med familien og deres unikke foto­grafier oplever vi rejsen på nært hold, hele vejen tilbage til Danmark, hvor brødrene fortsætter kampen under Besættelsen som medstiftere af modstands-organisationen BOPA.

Between 1976 and 1988 organized White supremacist groups targeted the Marquette Park section of Chicago, seeking to mobilize the predominantly White residents to block integration. One local pro-integration group, the Southwest Community Congress, (SCC) successfully reframed the debate in the neighborhood and swayed public opinion against the violence encouraged by the organized racist groups. This detailed history of the conflict, by a participant-observer who advised SCC, shows how both racist and anti-racist social movement organizations mobilized resources, sought to open and close political opportunities, and framed issues and grievances to appeal to multiple audiences. Frame theory is used to identify seven different competing frames contending for allegiance in the community.

This chapter addresses the life and works of Italian transnational anarchist and anti-fascist Camillo Berneri (1897-1937) drawing upon Berneri’s archives and original papers, never translated into English with only few exceptions. For the first time, I analyse Berneri’s work through spatial lenses, investigating the contributions that this can bring to the contemporary fields of critical, radical and subaltern geopolitics. My argument is twofold. First, I argue that the analysis of spaces of exile and transnational solidarity networks are paramount for understanding the trajectories of anarchist anti-fascism between the two world wars. Berneri is an outstanding representative of an entire generation of Italian anarchists and antifascists. He was eventually defined ‘the most expelled anarchist of Europe’ due to his innumerable travels and tribulations across the borders of Italy, France, Germany, Belgium, Netherlands, Luxembourg and Spain. Second, I argue that Berneri’s writings on the geopolitical problems that the Spanish revolution had to face from 1936, such as the question of the armed defence from Franco’s troops and the Italian imperialism in the Balearic Islands, can nourish present-day perspectives in radical internationalism and stateless geopolitics. The prickliness of Berneri’s analyses, published in the journals of Italian anarchists fighting in Spain with the CNT-FAI, can also explain why he was murdered by Stalinist agents during the Bloody Week of Barcelona in May 1937, just few days after delivering a radio speech where Berneri pronounced a moved tribute to another Italian anti-fascist, Antonio Gramsci, just died in a fascist prison in Italy.

En su Introducción para la crítica de la filosofía del dere- cho de Hegel, Marx afirma la potencia del pensamiento y la firmeza de la crítica como resistencia a la fuerza mate- rial de la alienación y el poder. “La fuerza material debe ser superada por la fuerza material”, afirma Marx, pero también el pensamiento “llega a ser fuerza material (...) apenas se muestra ad hominem” (Marx, 1968, p. 13). Es decir, cuando se ocupa de forma críti- ca del hombre y su situación objetiva en el mundo, y una vez logra hacer al individuo autoconsciente de su estado de enajenación y sometimiento. De esta forma, el pensamiento revela su potencia como una herramienta para la emancipación, pero al mismo tiempo –como lo muestra el curso de los acontecimientos en la historia de la humanidad–, se constituye en instru- mento de dominación, haciendo del “saber” un campo de batalla en que se disputan la vida, el poder y las posibilidades de resistencia.

It is one of the great ironies of the history of fascism that, despite their fascination
with ultra-nationalism, its adherents understood themselves as members of a
transnational political movement. While a true “Fascist International” has never been
established, European fascists shared common goals and sentiments as well as
similar worldviews. They also drew on each other for support and motivation, even
though relations among them were not free from misunderstandings and confl icts.
Through a series of fascinating case studies, this expansive collection examines
fascism’s transnational dimension, from the movements inspired by the early example of Fascist Italy to the international antifascist organizations that emerged in
subsequent years.

Alla fine della Prima Guerra Mondiale lo scenario sociale si apre sulla rivoluzione proletaria. Il percorso è conosciuto: l'Ottobre sovietico, il Biennio Rosso in Italia e Germania, la confusione creata dai partiti che a parole si proclamano rivoluzionari mentre nei fatti alimentano la reazione parlamentaristica, l'assoluta inadeguatezza dei partiti che pretendono di guidare la classe operaia, il rifluire dello slancio generoso ma male indirizzato di milioni di uomini in tutta Europa e in altre parti del mondo. Una sconfitta storica che sta lasciando il segno da un secolo.

Comunemente si spiega tale sconfitta con la nascita del fascismo, quello in camicia nera, attribuendo a questa sovrastruttura una potenza in grado di eliminare la lotta di classe, o perlomeno di annichilirla, prima con il terrore, poi con la forza dello stato, rivalutato e attrezzato allo scopo. Lo schema soffre di troppe semplificazioni, la prima delle quali è una inversione fra causa ed effetto. Prima della sconfitta proletaria il fascismo non era che una delle tante correnti del sindacalismo rivoluzionaro interventista, non ne è stato la causa, semmai, appunto, ne è stato l'effetto; ed è un fenomeno ben più complesso di come lo presentano le sue interpretazioni. Non sono Mussolini, la camicia nera, lo squadrismo o la negata democrazia che lo caratterizzano. Anche. Ma esso è il prodotto di un'epoca rivoluzionaria cui è venuta a mancare la rivoluzione: una controrivoluzione costruita con i cascami della rivoluzione.

This study analyses the unique case of the Jewish Italian community in Tunis ('Grana'), during the 19th and 20th centuries, exploring its influence on the political and ideological changes in its country of origin (Tuscany and subsequently Italy), in three major periods: the unification of Italy, the imperialist race and the days of the Fascist regime, an era in which the political activity reached a peak among Italian Jews in Tunis. The Livornesi participated enthusiastically in the national movement, played a decisive role in the Franco-Italian imperial race, and were among the most determined opponents of fascism  The Grana example highlights the interplay between diaspora exiles visa -vis national self-determination claims. Shedding light on its experiences regarding significant issues in the history of its country of origin-such as its establishment, its imperial and colonial trends and the struggle for its character-may significantly contribute to understanding the role of a diasporic community in the development of its nation-state. In addition, any reconsideration of the European powers rivalry in relation to North Africa, must take into account the involvement of this community in the complex Franco-Italian-Tunisian forces.

This is the Draft Table of Contents for my forthcoming book (Lexington--hopefully December 2016): Eco-Nihilism: The Philosophical Geopolitics of the Climate Change Apocalypse.

I post it here to give my readers--for whom I'm tremendously grateful--a preview of the book's themes and argument.

Defining Fascism is a complex task, but it has been frustrating watching erroneous definitions of the term fly about.  The problem is that Fascism is a predominantly symbolic ideology, and it seems to be easy to apply to one's detractors as a way of shutting down political debate. ...

... My hope with this brief look at definitions of Fascism is that after reading this, you may not be so inclined to put up with the labelling of everything negative as "Fascist", or representative of "Fascism".  I do realise that the era I am living through is one of redefining terms and misappropriating them for dramatic effect, but this kind of myopic "newspeak" can only lead to confusion if defining things as they are not becomes commonplace.  After all a tomato is not a carrot and so on and so forth...

http://www.whenthenewsstops.org/2017/01/definitions-of-fascism.html

Between the second half of the Thirties and the Forties, various Italian anti-fascists living in London show their particular and varied opposition to Fascism. There are
three main turning points for the anti-fascist movement in London: in 1935-1936 with the Italo-Ethiopian War first and the Spanish Civil War after; in 1940 with the Italian declaration of War against Great Britain and France when anti-fascists must fight to show they are different to those that the British authorities define generically with the name of “enemies”. Several newspapers and leaflets are published among the Italian Community in this period, first of all, «New Times and Ethiopia News», thanks to Sylvia Pankhurst and Silvio Corio. The newspaper is dedicated to the defence
of the Ethiopian cause with the contribution of important personalities from the political and academic fields, such as R. C. Hawkin, Secretary of the International Arbitration League, or F. S. Livie- Noble, Secretary of the African Affairs Group in London. Moreover, another important aim is to fight Fascism in general, because the fascist victims are not only in the Abyssinia cemeteries or in Libya, in concentration
camps, but also in Italy itself where an entire nation is under fascist control. After the 10th June 1940 the situation of Italian Community changes, with the internment decided by Churchill and the terrible death of 446 Italians aboard Arandora Star. In a Great Britain engaged in an important fight against Nazi-Fascism, thus, the experience of men such as the Catholic Carlo Petrone, socialist Alessandro Magri and Paolo Treves, freemason Francesco Galasso or Giuseppe Gatti seek to emerge, among the terrible events taking place in Europe.

'Gobernadores' es un estudio original sobre el franquismo en Barcelona entre 1939 y 1977. El libro pretende analizar el régimen "desde su interior", explicando el pasado a través de los gobernadores civiles y de las políticas que, durante décadas, desarrollaron en la provincia de Barcelona. No es posible entender la dictadura franquista sin tener en cuenta el funcionamiento del poder provincial. En ese marco, los todopoderosos gobernadores civiles franquistas garantizaron la implantación, funcionamiento y pervivencia del régimen. Fueron hombres estrechamente comprometidos con el "Nuevo Estado" desde los días de la guerra civil. Ellos fueron los encargados de controlar y encarnar la maquinaria del Estado, garantizando la satisfacción de los intereses de las bases sociales del régimen. Y por supuesto, fueron los responsables de asegurar el "orden público" y reprimir cualquier conato de oposición o disenso contra la dictadura hasta, incluso, más allá de la muerte de Franco. Aquella Barcelona franquista, desde la de las cartillas de racionamiento de los años cuarenta hasta la del movimiento obrero, vecinal o estudiantil de los últimos años, sale a nuestro encuentro con este libro elaborado por cuatro investigadores del Centre d’Estudis sobre les Èpoques Franquista i Democràtica (CEFID), de la Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona.

Just thirty years old, when he was forced to leave the University for refusing to swear allegiance to the Fascist regime, Edoardo Ruffini had already fully completed the most original and fertile stretch of his experience of scientific research. Consumed in four years, between 1924 and 1927, about a common theme of inquiry: the history of the majority principle: it is still a witness at all isolated in the panorama of Italian legal history. This paper, after a brief presentation of the intellectual biography of the author, traces the themes of greatest interest in his work to a history of political thought and institutions of Italy during Middle Ages: period that Ruffini recognized as fundamental in the development of the dynamics that allowed majority principle to assert itself (even before that as a rule of law) as a practice of political action over other methods of deliberation, both within the Church and, since his very first appearances, in the ambit of communal assemblies and consulates.

"This confluence of fascists and cops, of the history of colonialism, enslavement, and the management of dissent, exacerbated by the ever-present horizon of the global pandemic, seems to shape everything these days, like a series of tripwires stretched across a road towards whatever we could call a better world—by which it sometimes seems we mean little more than one that is merely liveable."

Social Text, June 2020

Die durch den Kalten Krieg erlangte Salonfähigkeit der spanischen Diktatur wurde auch im Ausland immer stärker hinterfragt. Auch in der Schweiz, die im Laufe des Kalten Krieges ihre Beziehungen zu einem nicht mehr so umstrittenen Land konsolidiert hatte, begannen sich regimekritische Gruppen zu kristallisieren. Linke Kreise gründeten bereits 1961 das „Schweizerische Komitee für politische Amnestie in Spanien“. Ab 1968 gesellten sich Elemente der Neuen Linken dem antifranquistischen Protest hinzu. Selbst in der Berichterstattung im Schweizer Radio und Fernsehen lässt sich ein Engagement gegen die Repression in Spanien feststellen. Die Beurteilung des Regimes war indes keineswegs einstimmig. Bürgerliche und rechtskonservative Blätter machten keinen Hehl aus ihrer Bewunderung für General Franco. Sein Tod im November 1975 und Juan Carlos‘ Inthronisation stellen eine Zäsur dar, die eine Phase der Hoffnung auf eine untraumatische Demokratisierung und Europäisierung des Landes einleitet.

In this article, a translated excerpt from a larger discussion about the "New Inquisition," Alain de Benoist discusses and critiques the abuses of the terms "fascism" and "racism", the contradictory meanings and ultimate meaninglessness of "anti-fascism", and the hidden intentions of political correctness in Europe today.

This chapter discussed the persecution against Italian antifascists in Brazil during Vargas autoritarian State and the practices of it political police, DEOPS.

O capítulo trata da organização da resistência antifascista italiana no Brasil, desde meados dos anos 1920 até o ano de 1936 quando a perseguição política aos antifascistas italianos promovida por Getúlio Vargas e sua polícia política, levou à prisão, deportação e morte de vários militantes italianos sindicalistas, anarquistas, socialistas, comunistas e republicanos.

The Polish anarchist movement suffers from a uniquely distorted and occluded history. Although it honourably defended by force of arms the Jews in the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising of 1943, with two Anarchist Federation of Poland militants later being hailed as "Righteous Among the Nations" for their sacrifice by Yad Vashem, Israel's official Holocaust memorial, and though it fought alongside the Polish Home Army in the Warsaw Uprising of 1944, it has either been mischaracterised by historians as tainted by nationalism and/or bolshevism, or even completely erased from the history of the defence of the Jews and of Polish resistance to the Nazis. The imposed historical bias of more than 40 years of Soviet rule naturally accounts for much of the gap in the record, explaining why works such as George Bruce's The Warsaw Uprising, published in 1972 during the Soviet era, have no anarchist or syndicalist references in their narratives. But it is far harder to excuse recent studies such as the otherwise exhaustive 752-page Norman Davies work Rising '44: The Battle for Warsaw (2003) for demonstrating rank ignorance of this minority yet key aspect of the capital's dramatic resistance. This sketch, extracted from my forthcoming work In the Shadow of a Hurricane: Global Anarchist Ideological and Organisational Lineages, hopes to rectify these errors of commission and omission.

This article draws from the reading protocols developed by José Esteban Muñoz to advance a political reading of Georges Bataille. It argues for a consistent and coherent anti-fascism across Bataille's work, from the early ''political'' writings to the mature turn toward mysticism. Focusing in particular on his writings from the 1930s, this article clarifies some of the key concepts in Bataille's critical theory of fascism: expenditure, heterology, base materialism, and democratic anguish.

The 1980s may be seen as an era where a profound shift occurred on the left. The anti-racist and multi-cultural approach of Ken Livingstone’s GLC, and that of a series of local authorities, was accompanied by a developing women’s movement and the positioning of questions of gender, race and sexuality at the centre of left wing politics. In cultural terms Marxism Today was perhaps the most profound example of this new focus.

For every action, there is an equal and opposite reaction. This paper focuses on two revolutionary organisations emerging in this period – Class War within the anarchist movement and Red Action in the Marxist tradition. Both developed broad intellectual justifications concerning the overwhelming primacy of class and as such serve as important footnotes in any historiography of twentieth century left politics in the United Kingdom - a 'lost left'.

Fascism is a form of radical authoritarian nationalism that arose during the early years of 20th century in Europe. It was practiced for the first time in Italy by Mussolini during and after World War 1 when the liberal democrats failed to come up with solutions to the problems caused due to the Great War. Practical fascism was not based on some developed fascist ideology; rather fascism arose spontaneously and at the same time in theory and practice. Fascism was actually the outcome of frustrations of the people during the war. They were weary of continuously fighting and sacrificing and wanted a new political order. These frustrations, along with bruised nationalism of the defeated countries, were the ultimate source of the rise of Fascism. Italy, though was among the victors, became the perfect example of Fascism due to the injustice done to it by its allies in distribution of conquered territories. To understand fascism in a better way we must first discuss where, how, and why it originated.

The most salient feature of the far-right movement, which became known as the alt-right is its relation with IT, rather than with the diminished expectations of the post-industrial working class. This, I would argue, points to a new configuration of fascist ideology taking shape under the aegis of, and working in tandem with, neoliberal governance. If every rise of Fascism bears witness to a failed revolution,  one could say that the rise of cryptofascist tendencies within the tech industry bears witness to the failures of the “digital revolution,” whose promises of a post-scarcity economy and socialized capital never came to pass. From this perspective the online cultural wars are a proxy for a greater battle around de-Westernization, Imperialism and white hegemony.

Michel Weber, Covid-19(84) ou La vérité (politique) du mensonge sanitaire : le fascisme numérique, Louvain-la-Neuve, Éditions Chromatika, 2020. 978-2-930517-68-1, pdf 978-2-930517-69-8, 226 pp. 20 €

La crise de la Covid-19 n’est pas sanitaire, mais politique, et aucune des mesures liberticides n’est fondée scientifiquement ; par contre, la Covid-19 rend évidente la corruption complète du corps politique et de ses appendices médiatiques et scientifiques. Cette corruption reflète la crise du capitalisme financier, et la volonté des oligarques de détruire la démocratie représentative. Le système politique qui se met en place est bien totalitaire, c’est-à-dire que toutes les facettes de la vie des citoyens seront pilotées par une structure idéologique mortifère ne différenciant plus les sphères privées et publiques. Ce totalitarisme sera fasciste, sanitaire et numérique.

Quando scrive, Emilio Lussu disseziona il passato italiano. In questa ricerca, cerchiamo di individuare in quella retrospettiva i riflessi del (e sul) presente degli anni Trenta. I libri della maturità autoriale, quelli che la critica ha accolto fra i classici del Novecento, escono durante un arco temporale incandescente. Il sardo fa politica, o storia politica, letterariamente. Nel 1933, quando appare “Marcia su Roma e dintorni”, Hitler rende il fascismo «una cosa seria», come coglierà Carlo Rosselli. Nel frattempo, il fuoruscitismo litiga. Il memoriale sul trionfo di Mussolini, e di conseguenza la disfatta dell’Aventino, pare riverberare sulla pubblicistica giellista. Si propone di affiancare al testo e alla sua condanna della classe dirigente di allora un’altra cronaca «in presa diretta», quella di Pietro Nenni nella ”Storia di quattro anni” (1926). L'abbecedario giacobino “Teoria dell’insurrezione” (1936) è il «suo» testo, tanto da fargli procrastinare la stesura, più remunerativa, di “Un anno sull’Altipiano” (1938) che, nei temi, anticipa. Si raffrontano i sovversivismi del trattato a quelli della “Tecnica del colpo di Stato” (1931), un’apologia della violenza di Curzio Malaparte.
Si indaga come mai, alla vigilia di un nuovo conflitto, non si esauriscano nel pacifismo i ricordi della guerra, demoniaca e disumana, racchiusi in “Un anno” e perché combattere sia una «necessità» da compiere fino in fondo, sennò si sacrifica il futuro. L’apparente contraddizione fra la smania d’azione e lo stadio da «macchina da scrivere», altrimenti vituperata, si risolve in un’ipotesi: la letteratura, l’invenzione poetica, hanno compensato i limiti politici di Lussu.

Giacomo Matteotti, nel corso del suo mandato parlamentare, frequentò
assiduamente la Biblioteca della Camera dei deputati. Nella prima parte l’articolo fornisce alcune informazioni sulla storia della Biblioteca della Camera, in particolare nel periodo tra la fine della prima guerra mondiale e le elezioni del 1924, e sui bibliotecari che Matteotti conobbe in quegli anni. Nella seconda parte si cerca di ricostruire il lavoro parlamentare di Matteotti e l’uso che egli faceva della Biblioteca. Con l’avvento del fascismo, Matteotti fece della Biblioteca il ‘rifugio’ – così lo chiamò Turati – per raccogliere i materiali necessari alla pubblicazione dei suoi scritti antifascisti, in particolare l’opuscolo Un anno di dominazione fascista (1924). In Biblioteca, nelle ultime settimane prima del suo
assassinio, lavorava per aggiornare questo opuscolo e per preparare il discorso sul bilancio che non avrebbe mai pronunciato.