Choqek'iraw and its Ceremonial Platform called Ushnu (2014)

Inca Sacred Space: Landscape, Site and Symbol in the Andes Frank Meddens, Katie Willis, Colin McEwan and Nicholas Branch Editors Archetype Publications c/o International Academic Projects 1 Birdcage Walk, London SW1H 9JJ Avril 2014 Chapter 19 Choqek’iraw and its Ceremonial Platform called ‘Ushnu’ Patrice Lecoq and Thibault Saintenoy Introduction Situated in the heart of the cordillera of Vilcabamba in Peru, some 160 km northwest of Cusco, the site of Choquequirao, or Choqek’iraw (‘the golden cradle’ in Quechua) is one of the most beautiful achievements of Inca architecture. Like Machu Picchu, it is a palace with a very fine architecture and an elaborate civic plan that is perfectly incorporated in the landscape. Located on the borders of the departments of Cusco and Apurímac, Choqek’iraw stands at an altitude of 3200 m on the crest and steep slopes of a mountainous spur on the massif of the same name. It harbours countless architectural remains: terraces, temples, warehouses, fountains and canals, as well as a truncated hill local archaeologists have termed ‘ushnu’ – even if it is not the type of feature generally referred to as such in the archaeological literature. This chapter will argue that, in spite of its appearance, this hillock has most of the characteristics of the Inca ceremonial platforms much of the archaeological literature has termed ‘ushnu’. Apart from its architectural meaning, the concept of ‘ushnu’ also refers to a complex symbolic notion, closely connected to the idea of the centre of a ‘sacred space’ (sensu Eliade 2010 [1957]), which could well apply to the case of the site of Choqek’iraw. Figure 19.1 Map of the Choqek’iraw region (image © T. Saintenoy and P. Lecoq). 209 ISS-19-Lecoq v3.indd 209 24/04/2014 08:20 PAT R I C E L E C O Q A N D T H I BA U LT S A I N T E N OY Plate 19.1 General view of Choqek’iraw (photo © P. Lecoq). Location Choqek’iraw is positioned in the heart of the principal interAndean Valley in southern Peru where the waters of the Apurímac flow. In its central section this valley forms a deep canyon at the foot of the cordillera of Vilcabamba, a vast massif in the eastern cordillera with multiple summits covered in permanent snow (Fig. 19.1). Located on a meander in the river, Choqek’iraw can be recognised from afar due largely to its truncated hill that exactly marks its position (Plate 19.1). To the northwest it is overlooked by the great massif of Qoriwayrachina (‘the gold-melting furnace’) also called ‘Yanaqucha’ (‘Black Lagoon’) and ‘Markani’ (town or village). It is surrounded by numerous snow-covered peaks such as the cerros Pumasillo and Choqetakarpu to the north, Huiracochan to the northwest, Ampay to the south and Salqantay to the northeast, which the inhabitants of neighbouring villages consider to be sacred places and the homes of their ancestors’ souls – the apus (Reinhard 1983b, 1985a, 2002a). General description of the site Plate 19.2 View of the Choqek’iraw ceremonial platform (photo © P. Lecoq). Choqek’iraw comprises a vast architectural complex stretching over 100 ha with various edifices forming several central and peripheral quarters, today divided into 13 210 ISS-19-Lecoq v3.indd 210 24/04/2014 08:20 C H O Q E K ’ I R AW A N D I T S C E R E M O N I A L P L AT F O R M CA L L E D ‘ U S H N U ’ Figure 19.2 Site map of the Choqek’iraw architectural complex (adapted from COPESCO 2002, 2005). sectors and several sub-sectors. Some, still buried under the vegetation, have not been mapped. The most numerous and best preserved are in the urban core covering 11 ha. A truncated hill about 50 m high dominates the complex. Its summit is crowned by a vast oval-shaped esplanade of about 1500 m², bordered by a small parapet open at two opposite points in the northeast and southwest. Two paths serve as ramps giving access to the esplanade. As a whole it resembles a monumental platform (Plate 19.2). The organisation of the districts or moieties As was the case with the former Inca capital, Cusco, the urban core of Choqek’iraw seems to have been organised into two districts or moieties: the hanan or upper district and the hurin or lower district (Fig. 19.2). The hanan district contains various buildings and fountains grouped around a plaza, as well as kallanka and two-storey buildings, collca (storehouses). A series of short terraces fed by a whole network of canals was also constructed. The hurin district includes several buildings and kallanka again organised around a large square. Against the esplanade a group of three large, two-storey constructions and some small ones may have formed an elite residence. In the south, a monumental structure stands with a façade pierced with trapezoidal double-jambed openings, as well as the door giving access to the truncated hill. A large fountain occupies the west part of the square. Like all the 211 ISS-19-Lecoq v3.indd 211 24/04/2014 08:21 PAT R I C E L E C O Q A N D T H I BA U LT S A I N T E N OY Figure 19.3 Choqek’iraw’s ceremonial platform (image © T. Saintenoy adapted from COPESCO 2005). other sources, it is fed by a long canal originating several kilometres uphill in the quebrada Chunchumayu from where the meltwaters from the nevado that crowns the mountain of Choqek’iraw flow. Traversing it from north to south, this canal is the main artery of the site (Samanez Argumendo and Zapata Rodriguez 1999). The farthest part of Choqek’iraw’s southern slope consists of several constructions including a corral, a fountain and a group of large buildings facing one another called the ‘House of the Priests’. Most of the buildings on this site are oriented to the cardinal points or the surrounding mountains. Domestic residences and various workshops (weaving and goldworking according to Cori del Mar 2005 and Gallegos 2005), structures with rectangular and circular plans, occupy the site’s east slope (Lecoq 2008). The terraces Large terrace systems, constructed both for aesthetic and agricultural purposes, climb up both of Choqek’iraw’s slopes, the most notable being those east of the top half of the site. Another complex of much narrower terraces extends below in the centre of which a two level, singleroomed building stands called ‘the Waterfall House’, named after the fall to the northeast that collects the waters of the Chunchumayu quebrada. Countless minuscule terraces were also built on the site’s western slope. Twenty-five of them are decorated with mosaics showing geometric motifs and camelids with the stones arranged vertically in the masonry of the wall evoking the weft of a textile or an unku. The nature and disposition of these various motifs on the terraces – in addition to their orientation towards the peaks of the cerro Wiraquchan – are reasons for believing that they may have represented an agro-pastoral calendar (Lecoq 2010, 2013). Sources on the history of Choqek’iraw The study of the ethnohistorical sources of the sixteenth century mentioning Choqek’iraw and its environs suggests it was one of the royal estates of the Inca Thupa Yupanki (Duffait 2005, 2007: 214–26). In the Inca period, the valley of the Apurímac formed a ‘frontier’ between the Chanka and Kichwa provinces of Chinchaysuyu, and the cordillera of Vilcabamba. These provinces, named after the autochthonous ethnic groups who had their origins there, were traversed by the Capac Ñan (main Inca road) along which about 10 administrative centres named tampu were established (Vaca de Castro 1989 [1543]). Among these were Vilkas, Curampa, Abancay and Limatambo, to which we shall refer again. As for the Vilcabamba cordillera, it formed a single territory of Tahuantinsuyu in which the 212 ISS-19-Lecoq v3.indd 212 24/04/2014 08:21 C H O Q E K ’ I R AW A N D I T S C E R E M O N I A L P L AT F O R M CA L L E D ‘ U S H N U ’ sovereigns granted themselves several domains – including Choqek’iraw. Among other functions, these royal domains had an undeniably religious dimension (Niles 2004). The planning of this site to precise standards – including temples, fountains, a ceremonial platform and terraces decorated with mosaics imitating textiles (Lecoq 2010) – was probably intended to materialise the world-vision of the sovereign who had erected it. However, it is currently difficult to determine whether Pachacuti or his successor Thupa Yupanki founded Choqek’iraw (Saintenoy 2011). In any case, the excavations we have carried out in two sectors, including a few domestic residential structures, have revealed that the site was already occupied during the Late Intermediate Period, or even perhaps as early as the Middle Horizon (Lecoq 2004, 2008). Throughout the nineteenth century, several explorers, among whom were Eugène de Sartiges (Lavandais 1851), Léonce Angrand (1972) and Charles Wiener (1993 [1880]), visited the site or mentioned it in their works. In 1909 Hiram Bingham (1910) carried out excavations in the central quarters. At the summit of the truncated hill he brought to light rectangular geometric figures constructed with small stones stuck vertically in the ground (Zapata Rodriguez 2005: 121), which may demonstrate the importance of the ceremonial plaza, although their exact function remains unknown (Fig 19.3). Are they vestiges analogous to those found on ceremonial platforms in other regions of the Andes, where in general wells, basins and huanca or other sculptures are found? Was this truncated hill an observatory, as certain local archaeologists propose, and what is the origin of the name ushnu they have ascribed to it? Looking at the ceremonial platforms of Inca settlements in the vicinity of Choqek’iraw provides us with some clues as to the role it probably played. The ceremonial platform of Choqek’iraw: a typical Inca ceremonial platform? The Inca sites of Vilcashuamán, Curampa, Ushnu Moq’o, Saywite and Tarawasi located on the old Inca road of Chinchaysuyu joining Vilcashuamán to Cusco all include the (quite well preserved) remains of platforms many archaeologists agree to call ‘ushnu’ (although see Zuidema, this volume and Coben, this volume). This was the term several chroniclers used for the fine masonry platforms on which, during major ceremonies, the Inca would sit enthroned, ‘so as to see and be seen by all’ (Guaman Poma 1615: 398; Betanzos 1987 [1551]: 185). Many sacrifices, especially libations ‘in homage to the sun’ (Albornoz 1967 [1581–5]: 24) were made on the esplanade (Pino Matos 2010). According to Juan de Santa Cruz Pachacuti Yamqui (1993 [1613]: 245), the monumental platforms of the greatest Inca centres were named ‘capac usnu’ (‘great ushnu’ in Quechua). But ceremonial platforms also existed outside the major settlements. According to the same author (ibid.: 248), the Incas had ‘ushnu’ built ‘in all the valleys’ – an account confirmed most notably by Bertonio (1984 [1612]: I, 41) who points out that these ‘altars of huaca’ can also be found ‘isolated in the puna’. On the great Inca sites near Choqek’iraw, the ‘capac usnu’ ceremonial platforms correspond to stepped pyramids with orthogonal plans and variable dimensions and height (Van de Guchte, 1990; Gonzáles Carré et al. 1996; Heffernan 1996; Oberti 1997; Del Mar Ismodes 2006). That of Vilcashuamán (today the most spectacular survivor) has four to five levels, the one at Abancay has three levels, that of Curampa, two, and that of Saywite and Tarawasi, only one. All have a stairway leading to their top esplanade, which is generally bordered by a parapet. At Vilcashuamán, access to the platform is gained through a double-jambed gateway. At Saywite and Tarawasi the façade of the platform is decorated with niches, which may have represented an access to the underworld. Although the truncated hill of Choqek’iraw is not a stepped pyramid platform, it has the same characteristics as those listed above, which leads one to suppose it was a monument of a similar nature. If this was the case, it remains to be seen why the architects of Choqek’iraw preferred to modify a hill rather than build a stepped pyramid at the site. The truncated hill of Choqek’iraw is not an isolated example. The sites of Sondor near Andahuaylas and Choqek’iraw pukiu at Cusco also include hills converted into ceremonial platforms. Quite apart from their form, both have the same characteristics as the Inca ceremonial platforms called ‘ushnu’. At Sondor, the hill has a stairway, a parapet borders its summit esplanade and concentric terraces cover its slopes. Two large stones stand on its summit. It is probably a huaca of which the position – facing the massif of Campanayuq and the lagoon of Paqucha to the west, as well as the setting sun at the solstices and equinoxes – seems to indicate that this platform played the role of an astronomic observatory (McKim Malville 2010). As for the hillock of Choqek’iraw pukiu, it is circular in form but, like the stepped pyramids, has several levels. This place was one of the Cusco’s huaca located on the fourth ceque of Antisuyu. According to Bernabé Cobo, it was a spring emanating from a ravine at the foot of the hill to which homage was paid by sacrificing llamas and fine textiles (Zuidema 1974/76: 213; 1978a; Bauer 2000). To resume, it is tempting to think that both types of features – the stepped pyramids (capac usnu) and the converted hills – expressed the same architectural concept. If no platform exists at Choqek’iraw and Sondor, it was certainly because there was no point in building a ‘constructed’ platform on these sites given the existing relief. This hypothesis is even more credible if it is considered that the Inca stepped pyramids were, as Frank Meddens (1997: 7) proposes on the basis of Joseph Bastien’s ethnography (1996), an allegorical representation of mountains. The recent discovery, at the summit of mountains surrounding Choqek’iraw, of two platforms with characteristics very similar to the one on this site seems to support this hypothesis. The first, named Qoriwayrachina – identified on the site during surveys carried out in the region in 2007 213 ISS-19-Lecoq v3.indd 213 24/04/2014 08:21 PAT R I C E L E C O Q A N D T H I BA U LT S A I N T E N OY Plate 19.3 Mount Yanaqucha: the ‘black lagoon; which dominates the site of Choqek’iraw, ‘the golden cradle’ (photo © P. Lecoq). (Saintenoy 2008, 2011) – is located at 4150 m on the summit of a foothill of the massif of Ampay facing the spur of Choqek’iraw. With an ovoid plan it extends over 300 m2, and is bordered by a parapet having two opposite openings, north and south. The second, reported by Peter Frost in 2002, is right in the heart of the Vilcabamba cordillera in the Yanama Valley. It crowns the summit of the Victoria mountain where the remains of several Inca settlements doubtless belonging to the same domain as Choqek’iraw have also been found. The esplanade of about 300 m2 is also ovoid in form and bordered by a parapet open at two opposite points – southwest and northeast. On each side some 10 steps lead up to the esplanade; as Frost (2003) remarks, as the esplanade is surrounded by cliffs, constructing steps here is essentially symbolic. Just like Choqek’iraw, both of these natural platforms and/or truncated mountains have structures built on their surface. At Qoriwayrachina there are a few flat stones fixed in the ground brought to light by looters; at cerro Victoria, an indentation, approximately 1.5 × 3 m by 1 m deep, near the centre of the platform, contains very large stone slabs that could have belonged to a structure constructed on this floor. Thus it does seem that the ovoid platforms crowning certain summits in the middle Apurímac Valley belong to the same architectural tradition. In spite of their shape, their characteristics show they were examples of the same architectural concept as the Inca ceremonial platforms called ushnu. Crowning the mountains, they expressed this concept in monumental form on the scale of the Andean landscape. The landscape of Choqek’iraw Clinging onto a mountainous spur with vertiginous relief at the foot of the Qoriwayrachina glacier and directly above the Apurímac river flowing some 2000 m below, the location of Choqek’iraw is spectacular. The site is in the heart of a landscape of surrounding massifs, of which the principal summits are permanently under snow cover, as well as being delimited by the Apurímac river; undoubtedly these factors would have had particular meanings for Inca culture. The cordillera’s very name – Vilcabamba – has a symbolic connotation. The term ‘vilca’ refers to sacred notions such as the sun, gold and the tree Anadenanthera colubrina with its psychotropic fruits consumed for ritual purposes (Bertonio 1984 [1612]: II, 386). Without doubt, in Tahuantinsuyu, it was a sacred cordillera. In the Inca period, the Salqantay mountain, its highest peak and territorial emblem, was treated as a powerful divinity (Pachacuti Yamqui 1993 [1613]), a ‘wak’a paqarisqa’ (‘the source spirit’), according to Albornoz (1967 [1581–5]: 28). Even today it is still at the centre of religious beliefs in certain communities of Cusco and Apurímac (Nuñez del Prado 1970, 1983). As for the Apurímac river, the ‘Great Lord who speaks’ in Quechua, it was an object of devotion of equal importance in this sacred landscape of the Incas. Apparently, it was of great importance in the territorial representation system as it symbolised the limit of the Cusco territory (Molinié Fioravanti 1988; Farrington 1992; Saintenoy 214 ISS-19-Lecoq v3.indd 214 24/04/2014 08:21 C H O Q E K ’ I R AW A N D I T S C E R E M O N I A L P L AT F O R M CA L L E D ‘ U S H N U ’ Figure 19.4 Choqek’iraw’s horizon viewed from the top of the ceremonial platform, showing the position of the sun during the solstices, and the ‘symbolic’ position of the Apurímac river (image © T. Saintenoy). 2013). According to Inca myths, one of the great oracles of Tahuantinsuyu was associated with the river (Cieza de León 1946 [1553]: 151; Pizarro 1978 [1571]: 81–2). So it is hardly surprising that the Incas chose to locate the palace of Choqek’iraw in the heart of this sacred landscape (Lecoq 2010; Saintenoy 2011). And that is perhaps why a number of buildings are oriented towards the principal summits and other sacred elements in this landscape such as rivers or springs. The same applies to the truncated hill, which offers an exceptional panorama of the horizon of surrounding peaks from the esplanade. Being so near, the nevado Yanaqucha as seen from Choqek’iraw seems to ‘spring’ from a cradle formed by the spur’s ridge line (Plate 19.3). In the twilight, it takes on the golden colour of the setting sun, a phenomenon, already remarked upon by Bingham (1910), which could explain the name ‘Choqek’iraw’ – ‘the golden cradle’. In the west, several other imposing summits stand out on the horizon, such as the snowy peak of Sorani in the heart of the cordillera of Vilcabamba, the great glacier on the summit of Kitay, and to the northwest, the three peaks crowning Wiraquchan, of which the name refers among others to one of the principal Inca divinities who presides over agriculture and irrigation (Rostworowski de Canseco 1983: 30–39; Itier 2008: 1221–2; Itier 2013). Far to the south can be seen the permanently snow-covered Ampay – the highest point in the massifs on the left bank of the Apurímac – and in the extreme southeast, way up the valley of the Apurímac, the three peaks of cerro LindicruzSojospata (4040 m), which dominates the San Cristóbal mountain and the prehispanic settlement that was built there (Saintenoy 2013). Owing to its location at the heart of the site, in a totally unobstructed and elevated position, the platform of Choqek’iraw constitutes an excellent viewpoint: by day the whole region can be surveyed, and the arrival of clouds or storms – especially hail – on the surrounding massifs can also be observed, as well as the movements of the sun or the moon. At night, it offers a clear view of the heavens for observing the stars, the Southern Cross, Venus, the Pleiades or the Milky Way, the sightings of which determine the cycle of the seasons (Urton 2006 [1981]). In addition, it is probable that certain summits, the easiest to see, were used as markers on the horizon to define the important moments in the ceremonial and agricultural year (Fig 19.4). At the June solstice, the sun appears on the horizon towards 8 am in a ‘cradle’ by a rocky peak, just to the right of the nevado Yanaqucha. It sets after 6 pm in the distance on the great glacier of Kitay. Moreover, the massif of Kitay is associated with another important astronomic phenomenon: when the sun passes through the nadir at two 215 ISS-19-Lecoq v3.indd 215 24/04/2014 08:21 PAT R I C E L E C O Q A N D T H I BA U LT S A I N T E N OY Figure 19.5 Choqek’iraw mountain, the Apurímac river, the Milky Way and climatic phenomena (image © P. Lecoq). significant dates in the Inca agricultural calendar (Zuidema 1981), it sets by an imposing rocky peak that can just be made out on the distant horizon formed by the skyline of this massive mountain’s principal peak. During the December solstice, corresponding to the peak of the rainy season, the sun is not associated with points on the horizon that can be seen from Choqek’iraw, as is the case for the June solstice. It seems to rise and set in a line more or less along the axis of the Apurímac Valley, up- and downstream respectively. As has been written elsewhere (Saintenoy 2011: 385), this apparent relationship of the sun of the rainy season with the Apurímac river may have played a significant role. This, at any rate, is what is referenced in a myth concerning Inca cosmology related, among others, by Garcilaso de la Vega (1976 [1609]: 108) who writes that ‘when the sun set … it was said it descended into the sea … and, like a strong swimmer, dived under the Earth to re-emerge in the east the following day’. In Andean cosmology it was thought that the Earth floated on the ocean, which was the source of all the water emerging by the lakes in the high altitude regions, such as Titicaca. This myth, related in the Spanish chronicles and collected several times by various twentieth-century anthropologists, has been the subject of numerous studies (Nuñez del Prado 1970: 63; Earls and Silverblatt 1978; Kaulicke 2000: 93; Urton 2006 [1981]). In the village of Misminay, where the sun is associated with the Vilcanota river, Gary Urton (ibid.: 73) relates that, for the inhabitants, this account explains the difference in the strength and size of the sun between the seasons. During the rainy season, the sun is bigger, brighter and hotter because during its night journey under the flooded rivers, it drinks their waters; consequently, the sun is very powerful when he comes out in the morning. On the other hand, during the dry season, the river has much less water and the sun is less powerful when he comes out as he has drunk less during his night journey. On the subject of Inca cosmology, Pierre Duviols (1993: 111), Tom Zuidema (1979: 330) and César Itier (2013: 14–16) associate the night sun of the underworld with the divinity Wiraqucha, who created the world as the Incas conceived it. So for them Wiraqucha was the nocturnal facet, called ‘villca’ by Bertonio (1984 [1612]: II, 386) of the diurnal sun divinity generally called Inti. Zuidema (ibid.) also puts forward the hypothesis that the vilca grain, round and black, of the psychotropic Anadenanthera colubrine – referred to earlier in connection with the cordillera of Vilcabamba – may have represented the ‘villca’ nocturnal sun Wiraqucha (Bouysse-Cassagne 2004). On one of the oldest maps known of the Vilcabamba cordillera drawn by Oricaín, and dating to 1786 (published by Aparicio Vega 1970), the region of Choqek’iraw is, in fact, called ‘Cordillera of Wiraqucha’. The Milky Way also seems to have played an essential role at Choqek’iraw, which it entirely dominates for most of the night for several months (Fig. 19.5). According to the data in the Huarochiri manuscript collected by the Spanish priest Francisco de Avila, and transcribed by Taylor (Taylor and de Avila 1980), the Milky Way was seen as a celestial river peopled with animals and mythical figures such as a toad, a partridge, a fox and serpents as well as a large 216 ISS-19-Lecoq v3.indd 216 24/04/2014 08:21 C H O Q E K ’ I R AW A N D I T S C E R E M O N I A L P L AT F O R M CA L L E D ‘ U S H N U ’ llama called Yacana, Catachilay or Choqechinchay, whose eyes are formed by two particularly bright stars, identified as Alpha and Beta Centauri in the European zodiac (Zuidema and Urton 1976). Each animal corresponded in reality to the dark patches in the Milky Way composed of interstellar dust clouds. The same manuscript specifies that the Yacana was the fertilising soul of the llamas and all the other camelids, and reveals the close connection joining the llama, the Milky Way and the waters. This constellation, present in the night sky in the cold dry months of April to August marking the beginning of the farming year, disappears in October when the rainy season begins (Zuidema and Urton 1976; Zuidema, 1989a [1980], 1992). From June to September, the Milky Way is immediately above the site; the llama’s eyes seem to dominate the ceremonial platform, its head extends over the cerro Ampay and its body over the mountain Qoriwayrachina, thereby symbolically uniting two of the most important massifs of the region. From the December solstice, on the other hand, the Yacana disappears from the night sky only to reappear six months later (Zuidema and Urton 1976), thus determining the rhythm of the seasons. This is why we have suggested the hypothesis (see Lecoq 2010, 2013) that the llama mosaics on the western slope of Choqek’iraw could be connected to this constellation. The Pleiades played and still play a similar role to the Milky Way: their appearance in the May night sky after being eclipsed for nearly a month was a sign for the farmers to harvest their crops. The same applies to the moon, of which the links with Choqek’iraw are still to be studied. Given all these phenomena, it is highly probable that the esplanade on the truncated hill of Choqek’iraw was used as an astronomical observatory, as were other Inca ceremonial platforms at Cusco, Huánuco Pampa and other sites (Zuidema 1989a [1980]; Hyslop 1990; Pino Matos 2005; Lecoq 2013). Choqek’iraw: centre of the Inca world in the valley of the Apurimac? For Zuidema (1989a [1980]; this volume), the ‘ushnu’ is a doorway into the underworld capable of absorbing the liquid offerings poured into it during ceremonies. He argues that, as the land absorbs the waters brought by the rain, rains are drawn to the ushnu by the winds from all the points of the horizon … As a temporal concept the ushnu also symbolises the moment in which the land opens, when it is sown in August, which marks the start of the agricultural year. From this moment the sun offers its drink to the land; the cold land is fertilised and not only drinks in the water brought by the rain and irrigation but also warms up owing to the rays of the sun that ripen the crops. During the period between August and April the sun passes through the zenith following a path high in the sky. In April the land closes up; from this moment until August the sun follows a lower path in the sky; the land is hard and dry – a season suitable for travelling (1989a [1980]: 452–3). In this hypothesis, the ushnu was not just a simple platform used for observing astronomical phenomena and landscape features but a well, basin or fountain associated with a gnomon, which played the role of an axis mundi connecting the ancestors and huaca with the divinities of the cosmos through the ritual flowing of fluids. If such was the case at Cusco, what was the situation at Choqek’iraw? Does the site have the same types of symbolic analogies? As in most Inca settlements, at Choqek’iraw water seems to have been of decisive importance both for the planning of the site and the smooth running of its inhabitants’ daily and ritual activities (Zapata Rodríguez 2005: 112). The water of Choqek’iraw comes from the glacier of the nevado Yanaqucha. The water is captured in the Chunchumayu canyon and channelled along the ridge through a canal, meticulously lined with stones and consolidated with retaining walls. Reaching the palatial core of Choqek’iraw the water passes through a fountain at the centre of the façade of the hanan plaza main temple. From there it flows through a stone conduit to another fountain at the southern extremity of the square. The water is then distributed through two connected channels: the first flows straight to the hurin plaza; while the second supplies a complex of small terraces where the water flows in a canal down to a basin. The crenulated design of this canal on the stairways which connect each terrace evokes the typical Inca paqcha constructed for libation purposes (Flores Ochoa 1998). In the hurin plaza, the water is first conducted through two structures before reaching a fountain with a bath. From that centre point, the channel splits in two directions: one tributary feeds the drainage network of the llamas terraces on the western slope, while another crosses the square to supply the terrace complexes dispersed on the eastern slope. A third channel probably travelled around the truncated hill to reach the fountain built above the ‘House of the Priests’ at the southern extremity of the settlement. The hydraulic network at Choqek’iraw is fundamental to the spatial structure of the settlement. The path of the main canal on the ridge divides the site into two sectors, east and west where the tributaries flow down to the Apurímac river. As a whole, the network seems to link the glacier of Yanaqucha to the Apurímac river in a cycle, as the waters of the snow-capped mountain that flow down to the Apurímac also seem to come back up on the slope due to the significant cloud convection of the cloud forest environment. Thus, the flowing of water materialises the fertilising character of the glacier, huaca paqarisqa that gives life to the land and allows the harvesting of the sacred crops – maize or coca – that were cultivated at Choqek’iraw (Valencia García 2005; Paz Flores 2007). The flowing of water is particularly interesting viewed from the top of the truncated hill because the main canal seems to plunge underground to the north only to reappear 217 ISS-19-Lecoq v3.indd 217 24/04/2014 08:21 PAT R I C E L E C O Q A N D T H I BA U LT S A I N T E N OY to the south near the House of the Priests, thereby reproducing the passage of the subterranean waters through the mountain that the ceremonial platform symbolises. The Apurímac, that flows 2000 m downhill, also seems to plunge under the earth in the east and re-emerge in the west having symbolically passed beneath the site (Fig. 19.4). There again, the platform of Choqek’iraw materialises the place where the waters come together underground. So the platform plays the role ‘of axis mundi’, with all its symbolic implications (Coomaraswamy 1977; Guénon 1984 [1958]; Staller 2008; Eliade 2010 [1957]) similar to that of the ushnu of Cusco as described by Zuidema (1989a [1980]). The main regional massifs also take part in this cosmological structure and evidence this upper and lower duality. The cerro Yanaqucha dominates Choqek’iraw and may have been its principal titulary huaca. But it is also the one that catches the clouds and receives precipitation from them. Its name, ‘Black Lagoon’ underlines its role as a provider of water, especially of subterranean origins; these waters circulate through the mountain and travel downstream towards Choqek’iraw by means of springs and channels – as arteries that give it life – and finally converge towards the Apurímac that leads them to the sea. The allusion to the human body is quite striking (Classen 1993; Bastien 1996). César Itier (2008: 120) throws more light on this theme of life-giving water from sacred but savage and inhospitable mountains: The Quechua language opposes the terms llaqta, ‘inhabited place’, and urqu, ‘mountain’ – the latter being the archetype of non-human space, expressing the huaca’s essential nature and a necessary complement to the world of the village. For the inhabitants of the valleys this complement was most of all the water from the mountain that irrigates the cultivated land. In certain cases at least, we know the huaca was conceived as the underground hydrographic network of which the mountain was the point of formation and the lakes and sources its points of resurgence. The cult of the huaca therefore was for the farmers essentially oriented towards obtaining water. But like the ancestors, the huaca also communicated their generative force to the men occupying their territory and making fruitful their fields and flocks. It seems the same applies to Choqek’iraw which, from a geographical point of view, is located at the centre of this path between the high mountains of the cordillera of Vilcabamba and the river Apurímac. The excavations on the summit of the truncated hill of Choqek’iraw – by Bingham in 1909, and by the archaeologists of COPESCO more recently – give yet more support to this hypothesis. These have brought to light rectangular geometric figures, divided into smaller spaces and formed from small stones fitted vertically into the ground. These figures can be divided into three groups. In the northwest, 12 chequerboard patterns have been found, aligned along two main axes, northeast–southwest and northwest–southeast, themselves oriented towards some of the main peaks surrounding the site such as Qoriwayrachina-Yanaqucha to the northeast or Wiraquchan to the northwest (Fig 19.3). In the southeast, two rows of stones forming large axes emerge, and in the north a small mound of pebbles from the destruction of other constructions of the same type. The presence of these small constructions on top of the hill suggests a close relationship with the mountains towards which they are oriented. These structures are not peculiar to Choqek’iraw – similar constructions have been found in other parts of the Andes, where they seem to have been associated with the surrounding mountains and meteorological phenomena; Protzen (this volume) mentions the presence of some on the ushnu of Tambo Colorado, as do Vivanco Pomacanchari (2004) and Ziólkowski (this volume) on the platforms of Inca and pre-Inca sites in the regions of Ayacucho and Arequipa. Even today, certain ceremonial sites, such as the Calvary of Copacabana on the banks of Lake Titicaca, or the summit of the Cerro Baúl at Moquegua, receive worship linked to the tutelary spirits supposed to reside on the tops of the surrounding mountains. The inhabitants of the neighbouring communities build models of houses surrounded by their miniature gardens, the forms of which evoke the remains found on the archaeological Inca sites. As usual, the ceremony is accompanied by numerous libations and the sacrifice of an animal – a sheep or llama – and the participants share the meat during a celebratory banquet. These ex-votos, locally named alasitas or peticiones (Girault 1988: 399–402) are destined to increase the prosperity of the harvests and the fertility of the flocks and are evidence of the persistence of certain prehispanic traditions. Llama breeders in the regions of north Potosí, in Bolivia, perform similar rites during Carnival. Having sacrificed a llama they place it, along with other offerings in the well dug for the purpose in the middle of the family enclosure (Lecoq and Fidel 2000, 2003) – a ritual that evokes the well in the square of Haucaypata at Cusco, a square where votive figurines of llamas have been unearthed (Zuidema 1989a [1980]: 446; Farrington and Raffino 1996; Farrington, this volume). In fact, if one considers, like Zuidema (1989a [1980]), the ushnu as ‘an access to the underworld, connected to the mountains and meteorological phenomena’, the platform of Choqek’iraw is indeed an ushnu. Thus, the chequerboard structures found at its summit and their orientation towards the main surrounding massifs seem to suggest this platform could have been the centre of a regional network of ceques comparable to that in the region of Cusco studied by Zuidema (1978a, 1995 [1964]). This is also what is suggested by the location of the two threepeaked mountains Wiraquchan and Lindicruz-Sojospata, along an axis oriented northwest–southeast, similar to the course of the river Apurímac. This alignment also evokes the symbolic axis that organises the dualism of the Bolivian high plateaux during the periods of Aymara and Inca domination (Bouysse-Cassagne 1978, 1987; Wachtel 1978), or the role played by the Vilcanota river for the Cusco Valley (Reinhard 2002a; Urton 2006 [1981]). 218 ISS-19-Lecoq v3.indd 218 24/04/2014 08:21 C H O Q E K ’ I R AW A N D I T S C E R E M O N I A L P L AT F O R M CA L L E D ‘ U S H N U ’ Lastly, we have seen above that Wiraqucha was the name given to a divinity presiding over agriculture and irrigation, ‘of which the existence depended on the abundant supply of water to the springs and lakes feeding the canals’ (Itier 2008: 121). According to this author: In ancient times [Wiraqucha] travelled about the world to create the fields to be cultivated, the walls that delimited them, and the irrigation systems, dividing these resources between the various ayllu and teaching men the agricultural techniques. In fact, one of the principal epithets the Incas gave to Wiraqucha was pacha Yachaqchiq, ‘he who lays out the land’. This expression refers both to the primordial act of creating the agricultural infrastructures and to the god’s constant intervention in the yearly production cycles (ibid.). In fact, if it is considered that the term Choqek’iraw is possibly a distortion of the word Choqe (‘gold’ or ‘brilliance’), and by extension of Choqella (‘lightning’) (Gonzalez Holguín 1989 [1608]: 117), it is surprising to find in the same region, and only a few kilometres away, two of the principal cosmic divinities in the Inca pantheon, Wiraqucha and Choqella under two different forms, but both associated with mountains: one to the northwest materialised as a three-peaked summit, and the other to the southeast represented by the mountain of Choqek’iraw, both positioned along a southeast–northwest axis similar to that followed by the Apurímac river. But as Itier again makes clear (2008: 122): Whereas Wiraqucha was the god of the underworld and of the waters rising up from it through the springs and lakes, the Lightning was the god of the sky, the atmospheric phenomena, and the rain … The dyad presiding over the Andean pantheon thus defined a cosmic opposition between lower and upper waters. It also embodied two principles that governed the alternating seasons: the wet heat of the period of the rains, manifestation of Wari/Wiraqucha, and the dry heat of the low-water months, of which the master was the lightning … This fundamental dualism was based on the social and economic principle of opposition and complementarity that existed within each local society between the ayllu exploiting the temperate valleys, the domain of agriculture and irrigation, and the ayllu practising stock raising and the cultivation of tubers in the puna. Wari/Wiraqucha, who presided over irrigated agriculture, was the tutelary god of the inhabitants of the valleys, while those of the high steppes considered themselves to be ‘sons of lightning’ … The lightning was also the one who conferred their powers on the curer-shamans, whose therapeutic arsenal essentially came from the wild flora above 3,800 metres. At this upper level of the Andean pantheon a sort of contract was established by exchanging gods between cultivators of maize and shepherds: Wari/Wiraqucha’s protégés periodically worshipped the tutelary god of the sons of the Lightning and reciprocally. So the cult of Wari/Wiraqucha and the Lightning sealed the relationship of opposition and complementarity existing between the inhabitants of each of the two mountain ecological zones. It can then be asked to what extent the opposition of the two massifs represents this symbolic complementarity and whether or not the site of Choqek’iraw was dedicated to one of these divinities. Conclusion The evidence we have brought together in this chapter concerning the truncated hill of Choqek’iraw seems to show that it was in fact an ushnu. Its location at the heart of the settlement and its topographic features, suited it perfectly as a stage for ritual performances and as a site for astronomic observations. Some evidence, such as the chequerboard structures found at the top of the hill and the orientation to the main surrounding mountains and rivers, as well as the fact that Choqek’iraw formed the centre of an Inca territory in the Apurímac Valley (Saintenoy 2011), suggests that this ushnu could have been the hub of a regional network of ceques, comparable to that of the Cusco region. This truncated hill also seems to mediate the cycle of waters linking the nevado Yanaqucha to the Apurimac river. In short, perhaps the whole site should be considered a regional huaca (Lecoq 2010, 2013), and as the complex expression of the concept of ushnu inscribed in the landscape. 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