Petrucci's Venetian Editor: Petrus Castellanus and his Musical Garden

Petrucci's Venetian Editor: Petrus Castellanus and His Musical Garden Author(s): Bonnie J. Blackburn Source: Musica Disciplina, Vol. 49 (1995), pp. 15-45 Published by: American Institute of Musicology Verlag Corpusmusicae, GmbH Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/20532390 . Accessed: 12/12/2014 16:13 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org. . American Institute of Musicology Verlag Corpusmusicae, GmbH is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Musica Disciplina. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 163.1.255.60 on Fri, 12 Dec 2014 16:13:33 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions PETRUCCrS VENETIAN EDITOR: PETRUS CASTELLANUS AND HIS MUSICAL GARDEN BONNIE J. BLACKBURN Ever since the Odhecaton first came to light in 1856, it has been known that Petrucci worked had an editor. But since no one knew who with Petrucci, he was or for how long he We com or forgotten ignored. "Petrucci's readings," or "Petrucci's cor that fact has often been speak about "Petrucci's sources," rections," as if Petrucci himself were responsible not only for the invention of music with movable of music type and the publication printing polyphonic books but also for the collection of the music and editorial decisions concerning music and text. In the absence of any other knowledge, this is allwe can do. But, monly in fact, we do not even know As a person, Ottaviano if Petrucci Petrucci himself was a musician. is remarkably elusive; apart from his publi cations and his petitions for printing privileges, and the two dedicatory letters in we on rests in all know of his life Venice the information given in the Odhecaion, Anton Schmid's pioneering book of 1845 on Petrucci andmusic printing in the sixteenth century.1 Every book and encyclopedia article on Petrucci, including Claudio Sartori's bibliography,2 faithfully repeats the biographical information a so far no given by Schmid. But Schmid lists not single source, and corroborating in his book evidence has come to light. On the other hand, Augusto Vernarecci, in some detail.3 Yet apart of 1881, documents Petrucci's civic life in Fossombrone 1 Anton Schmid, Ottaviano dei Petrucci da Fossombrone, der erste Erfinder des Musiknotendruckes mit beweglichen Metalltypen, und seine Nachfolger im sechzehnten Jahrhundert (Vienna: P. Rohrmann, 1845). 2 Claudio Sartori, Bibliograf?a delle opere musicali stampate da Ottaviano Petrucci (Florence: Leo F. Olschki, 1948). The biographical data in his Dizionario degli editori musicali italiani (Florence: Leo F. Olschki, 1958), 117-18, is unchanged. 3 Augusto Vernarecci, Ottaviano de3 Petrucci da Fossombrone inventore dei tipi mobili metallici fusi della m?sica nel sec?lo xv (Bologna: Gaetano Romagnoli, 1881); I have used the 2nd edition of 1882. This content downloaded from 163.1.255.60 on Fri, 12 Dec 2014 16:13:33 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 16 M?SICA from the fact that we know Petrucci DISCIPLINA came from Fossombrone and returned there seems little that Ottaviano Petrucci, the struggling music typogra by 1511, there at least 1498 to 1511, who called himself a "pover homo" pher in Venice from an when applying for extension of his Venetian privilege in 1514, had in common with the Ottavio Petrucci who held a regular succession of civic offices in Fos sombrone from 1504 to 1536.Can we be dealingwith two differentpeople ? Is the or meaningless signifi cant?4 This is a problem Iwish to raise but cannot solve; it bears further investiga it can safely be asserted that we know tion.5 At the present time, paradoxically, more about Petrucci's editor as a person that we do about Petrucci himself. distinction between the names Ottaviano and Ottavio Let us start with the primary documents, the two letters printed in the front of the Odhecaton!3 The first is from Petrucci, dedicating the book to the Venetian (Don?), and ending with a plea for pro patrician and diplomat Girolamo Donato to tection and patronage.7 Petrucci says he was encouraged approach Donato by man in both Latin and Greek, and most of distinction Bartolomeo Budrio, "a 4 One of the non-musical books that Petrucci printed in Fossombrone, Baldassare Castiglione's letter to Henry VIQ in praise of Guidobaldo, Duke of Urbino, printed in 1513, has both names. The colophon is signed "Impressum Forosempronii per Octavia num Petrutium civem Forosemproniensem," but the dedicatory letter is by "Octavius Petrutius," who states that he undertook to have the book printed because of its elegant style and its illustrious subject: "Libellum hune qui inmanus meas forte incidit, imprimen dum curavi, turn quod eleganti stilomini conscriptus esse visus est, turn etiam quod claris simi principis, & et de me oprime meriti vitam & gesta continet." "Imprimendum curavi" can be understood either as commissioning and financing the publication or printing it. 5 Vernarecci himself was puzzled that Schmid, "contro la consueta sua diligenza," did not document his statements; nevertheless he noted the fact "solo come cosa di cui ignoriamo la cagione, senza punto dubitare della conscienziosa esattezza dell'egregio autore," especially since the dates and facts "per nulla contraddicono idocumenti dame e da altri discoperti" (p. 34 n. 1).The problem may not even be soluble; Stanley Boorman has informed me that documents pre-dating 1513 in the city archives in Fossombrone, from which Vernarecci drew much of his documentation, were donated to theRed Cross in 1952 to be sold as scrap (pers. com. Aug. 1992). 6 For a transcription and new translation, see, most recently, Bonnie J. Blackburn, "Lorenzo de' Medici, a Lost IsaacManuscript, and the Venetian Ambassador," in Irene Aim, Alyson McLamore, and Colleen Reardon, eds., M?sica Franca: Essays inHonor of Frank A. DAccone (Stuyvesant, NY: Pendragon Press, 1996), 19-44. 7 On Donato's career literature. Lorenzo de'Medici Isaac in July 1491. and his musical sentDonato interests see ibid., with references to earlier (theVenetian ambassador) a book of songs by This content downloaded from 163.1.255.60 on Fri, 12 Dec 2014 16:13:33 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions PETRUCCI'S VENETIAN 17 EDITOR ... me with what re constantly singing your praises, and telling In the all those purer studies of finement you mellow philosophy with music." letter Petrucci relates that he came to Venice with the idea of perfecting his inven to you devoted tion of printingpolyphony, andhe undertook the taskwith the advice of Budrio. Ifwe can believe Schmid,who gives a birthdateof 18June 1466,Petrucci arrived in Venice about 1490, when he was about 24 years old. Not until 1498 did he a twenty-year to protect his to the publications. The Signoria for privilege was not to was the Odhecaion, duly granted, but the first volume, privilege appear for another three years. apply at increasingly began printing, volumes issued from his press shorter intervals, riis repertory was extensive: by 1509, the date of his lastVene tian publication, he had published Lamentations, chansons, motets, Masses, Once Petrucci laude, frottole, hymns, Magnificats, Was music? he editor-in-chief all this are contained in the second and lute intablations. How as well asmaster letter in the Odhecaion, had he obtained typesetter? Some answers from the man who encour to Girolamo Donato.8 aged Petrucci, Bartolomeo Budrio, which is also addressed one expects in dedicatory Though couched in the flowery and flattering form that some information: letters, it also gives us precious [itwill be] amost ... if this new child of your city [i. e., the ample reward is received into the choir of your muses with me too plead Odhecaion]... was Nature, ing for it. Long the fertile mother at last, after several miscarriages, with of inventions, the assistance in labor with of that most it; inventive Petrucci she gave birth to it, perfect in every detail... Here then for you are the first-fruits of theMuses' harvest, from the most abun dant and prolific garden ("ex ub?rrimo ac numerosissimo seminario") of man Ottaviano Petrus Castellanus, of the Order of the Preachers, most renowned for and for musical learning; these hundred songs, corrected by his labor ("cuius opera et diligentia centena haec carmina repurgata"), diligent and raised above envy both by bearing the names of the most eminent composers and above all because they are dedicated to you, we send off to religion capture the public under your auspices. 8 Budrio is equally obscure. He calls himself "Iustinopolitanus," from Capodistria (now Koper in Slovenia), and apparently belonged to the circle of younger humanists in Venice. This content downloaded from 163.1.255.60 on Fri, 12 Dec 2014 16:13:33 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 18 DISCIPLINA M?SICA In her edition of the Odhecaton, Helen Hewitt took due notice of this letter, tribute to Castellanus: and she pays he did an excellent As an editor... job. As one compares the version he pre one is pared for publication with manuscript constantly impressed readings, In almost every case with the accuracy and good judgment he displayed. a choice is the Odhecaton where proves the better version. Of possible actual errors in the print the number is too slight to warrant mention. And into the art of musical shows his penetration his choice of compositions of his time. The selection is notable for its breadth, its wide composition and above all for its variety of style, of form, and of subject matter, fine musical quality.9 uniformly Who was Petrus Castellanus? identified him with In 1938 Coenraad a "Petrus de Castello" mentioned in 1505 and 1512,10 but neither Order interest seems Walther Boer tentatively in the acts of the Dominican reference was very informative, and no to have been taken in him, despite his patent importance and Budrio's tantalizing description of him as "most renowned for religion and et musicae for musical learning" ("religione disciplina memoratissimi"). farther In the summer of 1986, while on obscure searching mentioned persons inVenetian archives and libraries for in the Spataro Correspondence,11 I a letter written was led to the in discovery of the identity of Petrucci's editor by a Benedictine monk in the monastery 1534 by Lorenzo Gazio, of September to in the music theorist Giovanni del Lago in Venice. The Santa Giustina Padua, information 9 Harmonice musices odhecaton A, ed.Helen Hewitt and Isabel Pope (Cambridge, MA: Medieval Academy of America, 1942), 9-10. She disagreed, however, with Gustave Reese's suggestion that Castellanus was responsible for bringing some of the three-voice works up to date by adding a contratenor, because she found no evidence thatCastellanus was a composer. See Reese, "The First Printed Collection of Part-Music (the Odheca ton)," Musical Quarterly 20 (1934): 39-76. 10 Chansonvormen 51, noted by Hewitt. op het einde van de XVde eeuw (Amsterdam: H. J. Paris, 1938), 1' Now published as Bonnie J. Blackburn, Edward E. Lowinsky, and Clement A. Miller, eds., A Correspondence of Renaissance Musicians (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1991). A preliminary report of my findings on Petrus Castellanus appears on p. 1008. This content downloaded from 163.1.255.60 on Fri, 12 Dec 2014 16:13:33 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions VENETIAN PETRUCCI'S a letter concerned dispute between 19 EDITOR the two over errors in proportions in an un named work by Franchino Gafurio. They were having difficulty in resolving cantus part. Del Lago they had only the and Gazio had to confess that he no longer had it: so, because them, and understandably had asked for the other voice, The one I have I found among some discards together with another part I had known about this work when from an equally old composition_If Iwas inMilan, Gafurio would have given it to me; through his kindness he was my great friend. I have ordered a search for it in Padua, and sent letters to Verona and Parma, in the expectation of finding it. Perhaps the similarly ? I think it person who inherited the music of Fra Pietro of San Zoannepolo ? was a Frate Harmonio is likely to have it.12 is the Venetian dialect name for "San Zoannepolo" (sometimes Zanipolo) e Paolo, monumental the great church of SS. Giovanni resting place of many Venetian doges and patricians.One would expect to find that ithad a flourishing to that of St. Mark's, the comparable on music in Venice is strangely silent doge's private chapel; if so, the literature about it.On the other hand, the church was attached to a convent of the Domini musical in the sixteenth tradition can Order and one might expect that the tradi but plainchant. The polyphonic (as the Frari is to the Franciscan Order), friars of this mendicant tions of Italian churches fined to cathedrals, theorists music (especially in conventual practices century that Nino order sang nothing of the fifteenth and sixteenth and while Franciscans) individual monks or music con largely or friars are known as music copyists, centuries are composers are rare, and churches may largely have depended on the improvisatory so Pirrotta has demonstrated cogently for secular music. 12 "Cercha l'altraparte, io non ne ho pi?, et quello che ho lo atrovai comme derelicto et io lo recolse insiema cum una altra parte de un canto non mancho vechio_Se havesse saputo de esso canto quando era inMilano, Don Franchino me ne haveria servito, el quai per humanit? sua era nostro amicissimo. Ho datto ordine che '1sia cerchato inPadua, et lo simile per littere nostre ho fatto inVerona et inParma, talmente che veder? de haverlo. Che sapesse colui ehe ha hereditato li canti de Fra Pietro de San Zoannepolo, che penso ehe 1 fusse un Frate Harmonio, f?cilmente lui Paver?a."Letter 85, ibid., 826. On Frate Armonio see ibid., 980-1. This content downloaded from 163.1.255.60 on Fri, 12 Dec 2014 16:13:33 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 20 M?SICA DISCIPLINA a skeptical about finding anything about Friar Peter who owned I of polyphonic music when opened the book of Council acts of SS. e Paolo.131 was therefore to find, under the year 1497, an Giovanni surprised church have a polyphonic choir entry proving that not only did this Dominican Thus Iwas a collection but also that itwas not dependent 1497 the head of the Dominican on the resident novices and friars for singers. In the church was located re in which province moved Frater Donatus Venetus from the convent and deprived him of the salary as a bass ("contrabassus"). But, the record he enjoyed for singing cantus figuratus a bass, he is to be succeeded goes on, since the chapel cannot function without by Frater Nicolaus Camaldulensis, that is, someone belonging to a different order, at afraid of losing the singer Frater Joannes de the same salary.14 In 1499 the Council, had apparently returned, increased his salary.15 By 1502 Frater Donatus recover to was his health, on the condition because he given leave for six months Francia, as before. for him in that he return and sing "in Capella" for sixmonths, Covering a at the Carmelite church, who was to his absence was a priest Bernardinus, singer one ducat.16 at a sing bass monthly salary of 13 All the documents concerning the church are now in theArchivio di Stato, Venice (hereafter ASV) in the fondo Corporazioni Religiose Soppresse, SS. Giovanni e Paolo. They are very incomplete for the 16th century, and the often informative account books are sadly lacking. The Council acts from 1450 to 1542 are extant, although they are very sketchy up to 1490 (Busta 11: Registri, capitoli e consigli 1450-1542). The entries from 1450 to 1490 are all in the same hand, and were probably transcribed from a previous register, now missing. After submitting this article I learned that Elena Quaranta has in press a book on music inVenetian churches in theRenaissance, which should fill a number of gaps in our knowledge: Oltre San Marco. Organizzazione e prassi della m?sica ne lie chiese di Venezia nel Rinascimento (Florence: Leo F. Olschki, 1998). 14 "Anno domini M?497 die 27Januarij post prandium. Cum Reverendus pater pro ammovisset vintialis a conventuali[ta]te istius convenais fratrem venetum Donatum nomine Reverendissimi magistri ordinis Et privaset ilium salario quod habebat ex cantu quia figurato s. cannebat [sic] contrabassum: Cum capella non posset stare sine contra basso decretum est per patres ut loco fratrisDonati succederet fraterNicolaus camadulen sis cum eodem salario fratrisDonati si autem velet expensas ut veniret ad refectorium aliter non haberet aliquid extra refectorium." (Busta 11, fol. 13v.) 15 "1499 die viij decembris. Item quia indigebat noster chorus sufficienti cantore: ne discederet frater Joannes de Francia pro ut determinaverat: visum est ipsum reti?ere hoc medio: quod Conventus teneretur ei dare annualiter pro suo salario s. pro officio cantorie quod ad stabit ducatos sex. Quare facto super hoc Consilio omnes consenserunt." Ibid., fol. 24v. 16" 1502 die 28 octubris. Et in eodem consilio captum fuit quod fraterDonatus causa recuperande sanitatis posset ire ad standum in quodam benefitio cuiusdam presbiteri in This content downloaded from 163.1.255.60 on Fri, 12 Dec 2014 16:13:33 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions VENETIAN PETRUCCrS 21 EDITOR At folio 33 of the first extant register of Council acts, under the date Octo ber 1502,1 found the name of a "Petrus Cantor," mentioned incidentally because the burnt cell that had belonged to him was given to another friar to repair and live in.17By folio 42, under the date 19January 1505,1 suspected I had found the man I was looking for: "It proposed vincial that Trater Petrus magister was in council in the presence of the Reverend Pro two and a half ducats and meals capelle' have he sings."18 (Itwas voted down, 17 to 10.) The identifi on the feast on which days cation became certain in another Itwas in the presence agreed, in August: entry of the Reverend and fathers that Frater Petrus de Castello by all the masters Provincial, be the master of the discant chapel to teach the boys discant. However, as he was before and that he be obliged in case of illness, or when he is lawfully prevented from doing so, he may devolve the duties on a substitute. For his work for the convent he is to There a 18 ducats receive are several more he was to him in the Council references for formal affiliation with proposed teritorio year.19 Tervisino: per sex menses. In quantum preceptis superioribus contradicendo. Quibus sex menses per cantaret ... sex menses ut in capella Item quod prius. quo et presbiter fratriDonato." 17 "1502 die 28 octubris. Captum patrum per omnes balotas quod dare non poteramus derogando ?eque transactis redire d?bet ad conventum et per est quod Bernardinus presbiter rediret: frater Donatus presbiter Bernardinus the convent; Hoc ventu et daretur ducatus unus pro mense casu nos on 2 May 1512 he was elected unani minutes: a conventu acciperetur nostro pro haberet contrabasso salarium a con et nihil aliud: et incepit prima die novembris et Bernardinus posset redire ad Carmelitas cedat Ibid., fol. 33. fuit in consilio Reverendorum Magistrorum frater Marcus Pensaben haberet cellam et combustam fratris Petri cantoris que supra angulum latrine et illam reaptaret et possideret donee ipse vixerit." Ibid. 18 "Item 1505 19 Januarii. Propositum fuit in consilio patrum Reverendo provinciali presente quod frater Petrus magister capelle haberet duos ducatos cum dimidio et colatio nes diebus festis in quibus cantant." In this register the year changes on 1January ("more ecclesie et non v?neto" is noted on fol. 52v). 19 "Die prima augusti M?ccccc?5?. Captum fuit presente Reverendo provinciali per omnes magistros et patres quod frater Petrus de Castello sit magister c?pele biscantus prout erat et quod sit obligatus docere pueros biscantum verum infirmitate causa possit alium subrogare vel etiam quando esset legitime inpeditus alium subrogare possit et pro labore convenais det eidem et solvat ducatos decem et octo in anno incipiendo a prima die augusti." Ibid., fol. 44. This content downloaded from 163.1.255.60 on Fri, 12 Dec 2014 16:13:33 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 22 M?SICA DISCIPLINA the next day, giving the convent three books (of music?).20 A month later mously 1512 he was elected to the post of he received a new cell.21 On 28 November sacristan, but had to resign inApril 1513 because of gout.22 He 1514: time under the date 17March no one itwas decreed, In the same council appears for the last objecting, and all ballots in favor, masters and fathers to Fra formerly given by the ter Petrus de Castello, who is at present living outside the order, is to be on to live in and rebuild as he to pleases, Magister Damianus Venetus given that Frater Petrus is agreeable and on the condition that the understanding he, as was reported, no longer intends to return to the convent.23 cell that was that the whole A proposal was made but he declined following month, as maestro to elect Frater Vincentius di cappella in the salary of six ducats (only one-third the offered 20 "M?D?XII(>die 2madij. Cum istiduo venerabiles patres frater Jeronimus de Sibini cho su [b]prior nostri convenais et frater Petrus de Castello diu nobiscum iuste ac recte vixerunt ideo decrettim fuit in consilio nostro per maiorem partem quod hij duo omnibus fratribus nativis proponerentur capitulariter congregatis pro eorum filiacione nostri con venais." (Ibid., fol. 59.) "Die 3madij. Proposiaim igiair fuit per Reverendum priorem an frater Petrus de Castello venetus in filium nativum nostri celleberimi convenais deberet et omnes unanimiter ylari vultti recipi convenais sanctorum lium nativum et concorditer et Pauli Joannis ipsum nemine et acceptarunt in fi sive contra dicente ellegerunt opponente, et est verus filius nativus nostri convenais et dicttis f. Petrus convenaii 3 libros donavit" (ibid.). This means that Petrus did not take the habit in SS. Giovanni e Paolo. He probably located in the district of Castello (see below, n. 25). professed at S. Domenico, 21 camera "Item die 5 (June 1512] per maiorem fratris dependencijs Donato Thome fuit concessa: partem consilij determinattim v. p. concederetur fratri Petro cum de Castelo fuit quod omnibus ipse autem daret conventui ducatos 5" (ibid., fol. 59v). 22 "1512 novembris. Capaim fuit per magistros et patres die xx8a dicti mensis in sacrista huius almi convenais venerabilem fratrem Petrum de Castello" (ibid., fol. 64). "Die eadem [11Apr. 1513] elecais fuit in sacristam convenais Reverendus magister Leonardus venenas ex eo quia frater Petrus de Castelo propter podragas non pooiit complere oficium suum ideo dicttis magister ut supra complere habet anum videlicet usque ad festum omn ium sanctorum et per omnes 23 proxime venturum" fol. (ibid., 65v). "1514 die 17Marcij. Insuper eodem consilio decretum fuit nemine contradicente balotas obtentum quod tota camera que alias concessa fuit per patres et ma gistros fratriPetro de Castello qui ad presens extra ordinem moratur daretur et concedere turMagistro Damiano v?neto ab ipso inhabitanda et edificanda prout sibi videretur. Hoc tarnen pacto quod frater Petrus esset contentus amplius non intendit redire ad conventum" et hac condicione quod (ibid., fol. 69v). This content downloaded from 163.1.255.60 on Fri, 12 Dec 2014 16:13:33 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions ipse ut relatum est PETRUCCrS VENETIAN 23 EDITOR the salary Petrus received); he was hired inMay on a discretionary basis, the to 8 ducats in 1515. The Council supplying his firewood, and his salary increased names of in the Council records; for a summary see singers appear sporadically the Appendix. Petrus was a native Venetian; Castello is one of the six sestieri of probably Venice, situated on the far east side of the city, distant from the center (the cathe dral, S. Pietro, is located there). In the absence of a family name, it can be very referred to only by their difficult to identify monks and friars, who are commonly first name and their city of origin. (Other friars from Venice were called "Vene tus" or "de Venetiis.") attached to the convent members it was "de Castello" in the convent? when Petrus became e Paolo. For 14651 found a list of Council both Frater Petrus de Venetiis Petrus denominated de Venetiis to discover difficult at SS. Giovanni that included de Venetiis. Was Petrus Thus By and Frater Petrus because 1471 the first of junior a already a these had become there was and the second had acquired another name, Colonna. (Surnames were Magister used when there was a risk of confusion.) The earliest certain reference Iwas able to find to Petrus Castellanus was of August 1486, when "Dominus Frater Petrus a list of Council members.24 de Castello" appeared in I next consulted the printed records of the Dominican Order and verified the references that Boer had discovered 1505 Petrus was sent from S. Domenico, the other Dominican to the Dominican convent in Recanati.25 ones, In many Orders, to be moved from convent earlier: InMay church inVenice, itwas common to convent, for friars, especially the younger sometimes for the purpose of study. In Petrus' would because it case, this could have had important musical repercussions, to give him the opportunity gather music from various sources and to have 24 ASV, SS. Giovanni e Paolo, P. X, Register "Libro ?ero," fol. 159\ 23 "Item Fr. P?tri de Castello de conventu s. Dominici de Veneciis ad conventum Racanatensem"; Acta Capitulorum Generalium Ordinis Praedicatorum, 4 (1501 -53), ?d. Benedictus Maria Reichert O. P. (Monumenta Ordinis Fratrum Praedicatorum Hist?rica, 9; Rome: Ex typographia Polyglotta S. C. de Propaganda Fide, 1901), 48. S.Domenico di Castello, founded in 1312, became the seat of the Venetian Inquisition in 1560. The com e Paolo in 1806 and the church destroyed in munity was joinedwith that of SS. Giovanni 1807 tomake way for the Public Gardens. The documents from the church, in theArchi vio di Stato, have not yet been inventoried. Unlike the friars of SS. Giovanni e Paolo, most of the friars came from other Italian cities, as far away asGenoa and Naples; a few came from Germany and France. This content downloaded from 163.1.255.60 on Fri, 12 Dec 2014 16:13:33 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 24 M?SICA DISCIPLINA to him by friars who knew that he was a collector. The move to was of short duration, in the records; three is not explained e Paolo, where he was made months later Petrus was back at SS. Giovanni ? as he was before. His maestro di cappella "prout erat" initial appointment the Council minutes were probably dates from before 1490, the point where entered with some regularity. e Paolo in the exhausted the scanty records of SS. Giovanni early Having music brought Recanati, which sixteenth I turned next century, at Santa Sabina inRome, to the Order general archives of the Dominican and specifically the registers of the letters of theMaster those for 1513 -18 are lost, so Iwas not able of the Order. Unfortunately, to find out to do so why Petrus left the order; he would have needed permission He was mentioned in 1490, when he was called "alias from theMaster-General. General de Ancona" contribute and given permission to the support of his mother.26 become affiliated with whatever Albertus de Castello granted Dominican to elect a confessor four times a year and to In 1502 he was convent wished to given permission to accept him.27 In 1512 Frater was next to the cell of Frater Petrus if given the cell lawfully was a well-known Frater the This Albertus Council).28 (by and various other liturgical writer, editor of a Bible, a Pontifical, to him books printed inVenice,29 and he is one of the rare witnesses we have to Petrus as a In his chronicle of the Dominican in 1516, Albertus musician. Order, published wrote: 26 "Frater Petrus de Castello alias de Ancona potest 4. in anno eligere confessorem et plena absolve [sic] et de bonis suis aliquid genitrici su[a]e contribuere. Venetijs eodem [1 Sept. 1490]." Archivio Generalizio delPOrdine dei Predicatori, Reg. IV. 9 (covering the years 1487-91), fol. 62v. 27 "Frater Petrus de Castello potest fieri nativus illius convenais suscipere etc. 20a Junii [1502]." Reg. IV. 15, fol. 44v. 2S Castello qui voluit eum "FratriAlberto de Castello v?neto conceditur camera vicina camere fratris P?tri de si ei legittime concessa fuit, ij Februarij 1512 Rome." Reg. IV. 18, fol. 38. 29 See the entry inDizionario biogr?fico degli italiani, 21 (Rome: Istituto della Enciclopedia Italiana, 1978) :642 44. He was born towards themiddle of the 15th century a and became Dominican around 1470. He was transferred to SS. Giovanni e Paolo in 1508. After the publication of his influential Liber sacerdotalis in 1523 nothing further is known of him. This content downloaded from 163.1.255.60 on Fri, 12 Dec 2014 16:13:33 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions PETRUCCrS Frater Petrus Castellanus VENETIAN Venetus, in the art of music, talents, especially in this time.30 25 EDITOR a man gracefully adorned with many of which he was amonarch, flourished From thisnotice itwould appear thatPetrus had died by 1516.And this is in fact the year quotes in an eighteenth-century chronicle now in not that have survived. The chronicler, Fra Rocco recorded based on sources Vicenza, Curti, of his death, the following annotation from a book in the sacristy: preserved 30April 1513.The end inoffice [of sacristan]of thevenerableFatherFrater Petrus de Castello out the whole realis, who in his time was amusican celebrated through world.31 This is followed by the statement: "The saidFatherPetrus died on 16May 1516." no not listed in the sacristy book eighteenth longer survives, and Petrus is of the because he died outside the Order. convent,32 perhaps century necrology The To summarize what we now know Venetian, a Dominican he was about Petrus Castellanus: a native e Paolo friar, and present in the church of SS. Giovanni a as maestro di cappella for second time in 1505 hired from at least 1486; he was 30 "Frater Petrus autem permaxime Castellanus in arte musice vir multarum Venetus, erat monarcha, hoc cuius virtutum tempore decore floruit." adornatus, From the Brevissima Chronica contained in the third edition of his Tabula superprivilegia papalia ordini fratrum predicatorum concessa (Venice, 1516). See Raymond Creytens O.P., "Les ?crivains dominicains dans la chronique d'Albert de Castello (1516)," Archivum Fratrum Praedicatorum 30 (1960): 226-313, at p. 301. 31 "30 Aprilis 1513. Finis in officio venerabilis Pat. Fr. P?tri de Castello realis; qui fuit Musicus toto terrarum orbe suo tempore celeberrimus. Scribebat Mag. Sixtus Medices. Obiit dictus Pat. Petrus 16.Maii 1516." Vicenza, Biblioteca Bertoliana, MS G. 3.4.9, p. 397.1 cannot explain "Castello realis"; the 18th-century chronicler renders it in Italian as "daCastelloreale," but in that case theword should have been "regio" or "regali." Possibly the adjective, whatever it is, agrees with "venerabilis patris Fratris Petri," perhaps recalling Albertus Castellanus' epithet "monarcha." At any rate,Albertus' designation "Castellanus Venetus" is more authoritative. 32 Venice, Biblioteca del Museo Correr, Cod. Cicogna 822, put together by Padre Lettore F. Urbano Urbani from books in the convent and in the parish church of Santa drawn up long after decease and based on unknown Maria Formosa. Necrologies, sources, are notoriously unreliable. This content downloaded from 163.1.255.60 on Fri, 12 Dec 2014 16:13:33 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 26 M?SICA DISCIPLINA (the first appointment probably dates from before 1490), resigned the office of sacristan 1513 because in April 1514, and died inMay of music. Petrus may music that was was frequently titles: Cantorinus, of gout, left the Order sometime before March 1516. He was famous in his day as amusician and collector treatise on also have been responsible for an anonymous inVenice in 1499 and was to be very long-lived; it first published included in Venetian publications useful to clerics, under various Albertus Castellanus' Liber sacerdotalis of 1523, the Familiaris 1530, and a number of publications with the title Sacerdotale (1554 and later).33 Little of the treatise is original; large portions are taken from clericorum Marchetto liber of of Padua's Lucidarium But it is admirably and Ugolino concise of Orvieto's in presenting Declaratio musicae the fundamentals necessary theorists refer to a and choirboys. Three contemporary Spanish in his Comento sobre lux treatise by Pedro de Venecia. Domingo Marcos Duran, bella of 1498, states that if a semitone does not exist in chant "itmust be provided were a tomoderate and principally invented by coniuncta, for B1, and the semitone on as in Petrus Venecis treatise de wishes his temper the harshness of the tritone, disciplinae. for, say, novices music."34 This matches the passage beginning "Inventum est autem B rotundum ad temperandum tritonum" in the Compendium musices, although the passage itself comes from amuch earlier treatise that Sarah Fuller has placed in the Cister e breve de canto llano (n.p., Spa?on, Introducion muy util C.1504) cites "Pedro de Venecia" twice: "Propriedad es una dirivacion de bozes: a un principio seg?n Pedro de Venecia" (sig. Alv), which agrees with the opening sentence of the Compendium, and "Deducion es un ajuntamiento o ylacion des cian orbit.35 Alfonso tas seys bozes, segun Pedro de Venecia: en su tratado de m?sica" (sig. a2), 33 David Crawford edited it as Anonymus Compendium musices Venetiis, 1499 1597 (Corpus Scriptorum de M?sica, 33; Neuhausen-Stuttgart: American Institute of a in is There version also Biblioteca Nazio Venice, 1985). partial manuscript Musicology, nale Marciana, VI??.82 (3047), fols. 148-51. 34 "et si no oviere semitono por canto llano: darlo hemos por conjuncta ca el bmol y el semitono principalmente fueron fallados para moderar y templar la dureza del tr?tono seg?n quiere Petrus de Venecis en su tratado de m?sica" (sig. d4). A similar reference is at sig. c8v. 1499 is the date of the earliest copy known to David Crawford; there may well have been earlier editions. 35 For the passage, see Compendium musices, ed. Crawford, p. 38.On theCistercian treatise see Sarah Fuller, "An Anonymous Treatise dictus de Sancto Martiale: A New Source for Cistercian Music Theory," M?sica Disciplina 31 (1977): 5-30. This content downloaded from 163.1.255.60 on Fri, 12 Dec 2014 16:13:33 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions PETRUCCI'S VENETIAN 27 EDITOR which in the Compendium.^ Bartolom? de agrees less closely with the definition canto Arte llano lux de videntis dicha (Valladolid, 1503), sig. a2v, cites Molina, "Petrus de Venecia" for three different kinds of mutation: "Tenemos tres maneras de mutan?a s.mutan?a de tono et de diathesaron et de diapente," which is not in the Compendium. Beginning with Pedro Cerone, ElMelopeo y maestro (Naples, 1613), the treatise is attributed music because probably though Cerone to "Padre Fray Alberto Veneciano de los Predicatores," inAlbertus it appears Castellanus' Liber sacerdoialis of 1523, refers to it as his "Compendio de M?sica."37 By a complicated bibliographicaltrailthrough theorists,Dominican bibliographers, andwriters on this ghost author has been sufficiently lively to survive in the new edition of Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart.39 His near neighbor in the convent, to be the author. Petrus, ismuch more likely music,38 What bearing does the identification of Petrus Castellanus have on Petruc ci's publications? the two must date from First, the relationship between 1490s. Petrucci may have made an agreement with Petrus to provide him with repertory 36 and prepare the copies for the typesetters. "Hamm enim omnium If this agreement was the the legal sex syllabarum aggregatis dicitur in cantu deductio" (Crawford, p. 38). 37 Indeed, the passage he quotes on p. 286 is found in the Compendium, ford, p. 45, and that on p. 696 is found on p. 44 in Crawford's edition. ed. Craw 38 Andres Lorente, El porque de lam?sica (Alcal? de Henares: Nicolas de Xamares, accuratis collectionibus 1672), 495; Ambrosio de Altamura, Bibliothecae Dominicanae... ... productae (Rome: Typis N. A. Tinassii, 1677), 294; Andrea Rovetta, Bibliotheca Chro nologica illustrium virorumprovinciae Lombardiae sacri ordinis Praedicatorum (Bologna: Typis I. Longi, 1691), 122; J. Qu?tif and J. Echard, Scriptores Ordinis Praedicatorum recensai (Par?s:J.B. Ballard and N. Simart, 1719-23), 2: 126; Jo. Dominicus Armanus, Monumenta selecta conventus SanctiDominici Venetiarum (Venice: "sumptibus auctoris," 1729), 115-16; Christian Gottlieb Jocher, Allgemeines Gelehrten-Lexicon (Leipzig: J.F. Gleditsch, 1750), 1: col. 208; E. L. Gerber, Historisch-biographisches Lexicon der Tonk?nstler (Leipzig: A. K?hnel, 1790-92), 1: 24; Johann Nicolaus Forkel, Allgemeine Litteratur der Musik (Leipzig: Shwickert, 1792), 486; F.-J. F?tis, Biographie universelle (2nd ed., Paris: Firmin-Didot, 1860-65), 1: 54; and Robert Eitner, Biographisch-biblio (Leipzig: Breitkopf & H?rtel, 1900-4), 1: 88. The Domini graphisches Quellen-Lexikon can bibliographers all listAlbertus Castellanus as well. Altamura cites aMS catalogue of Dominican writers by Hyacinthus de Parra as one of his sources; I have not been able to find this. 39 Vol. 2 (1995): 1338, in the article "Dominikaner" by Heinrich Huschen on the previous edition). based This content downloaded from 163.1.255.60 on Fri, 12 Dec 2014 16:13:33 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions (largely 28 M?SICA DISCIPLINA ized in any fashion, no record of it has yet come to light. But perhaps there never was one, because as members of amendicant order, friars were not entided to should not have been entering into legal agreements not think that the relationship with Petrucci involving financial transactions.401 do It is interesting that the first volume ceased after the publication of the Odhecaton. ? not what one would expect from the collec comprised French secular music tion of an Italian friar. Petrucci evidently calculated that he would initially achieve access to more sales in the the secular music appealing to laymarket. If Petrus had hold property that market, and therefore he unquestionably had an extensive collection of sacred music, which hewould have provided for thepolyphonic choir of his church. (Indeed, it is quite possible that the three books he gave to the church in 1512 when he became a "native son" of the convent were choirbooks). Thus it seems likely that the collaboration continued throughout the period that Petrucci was inVenice, till conditions forced him to move back to 1509, when political and economic rate.When tempting he began publishing again in 1511, but at a gready reduced It is did he go to Fossombrone? left the order inl513orl514, where Fossombrone, Petrus to think so, especially in view of the publication of the first volume of theMotet?i de laCorona in 1514 (onwhich more below), but that is a question that is unanswerable at the present time. seem gene about Petrucci's sources, which Scholars long have wondered we shall to concord with manuscripts in north-east originating Italy. Now rally sources? Itwas sug have to rephrase the question: what were Petrus de Castello's habit of transferring (and not only Dominican) gested above that the Dominican friars between different houses of the Order is one channel in the c?ssemination of 40 The Conventuals did allow friars to own personal property, as is clear from the records. SS. Giovanni e Paolo had a strong connection with Venetian printers, through at least the 16th century. In 1525 the convent recorded agreement with the Florentine printer Tommaso Giunta (son of Lucantonio), at the sign of the lily (the Giunta mark) for the rental of a place near the cavana [small canal or reservoir] for his foundry: "Messer Thomaso Zonta florentino tien per insegna el zio die dar al convento ogni anno per f itto de un loco lui tiene in convento a la cavana per far il furno ducati tre comenrio el suo f itto adi [blank] mazo 1525" (Registro XXIV, fol. 142v). Paul F. Grendler, The Roman Inquisition and the Venetian Press, 1540-1605 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1977), notes that the church provided storage space formany bookmen. When their guild was formed in 1549, their meeting place was in SS. Giovanni e Paolo (pp. 5, 19). This content downloaded from 163.1.255.60 on Fri, 12 Dec 2014 16:13:33 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions PETRUCCI'S especially when music, those VENETIAN 29 EDITOR friars are singers.41 In the general archive of the Dominican Order inRome I found anotice that ishighly suggestive in this regard. 18October On 1487 theMaster-General and elsewhere gave Frater Petrus Bassa e Paolo to go to permission, when he wished, return to and stay there, and then the convent, and during tellus of the church of SS. Giovanni Rome of the Order that time he was exempted The name Petrus Bassatellus from reading Mass and singing discant in church.42 e Paolo, but occurs in the records of SS. Giovanni none of them mentions that he is a singer.43 This document makes that clear, and also that he was normally under some obligation to sing polyphony. Suppose that Petrus de Castello said to him: "Iwant you to go to Rome and visit the singers of the Papal Chapel. You can take this collection of motets and Masses with you to present to them, and in return Iwant you to bring back the newest repertory for our church." Whom would he have found there? The composers who were van Weerbeke, were Bertrand Vacque singing in the Papal Chapel in 1487 Gaspar as Pamela de Orto, and Johannes Stokem. Not yet a member, ras, Marbriano was new Starr has recendy demonstrated,44 discoveries have con Josquin, but firmed Edward Lowinsky's hypothesis of his servicewith Cardinal Ascanio to have been in Rome at this time.45 Of these and he can be presumed another one by composers, Petrucci published a volume of Masses by Weerbeke, Sforza, 41 St. Vincent Ferrer, the Spanish Dominican famed as a preacher, whose career took him to Italy and France, and possibly England and Scotland (he died in Brittany in 1419), owned a Bible intowhich was pasted aKyrie in English discant. (Vincent's father was English.) See Reinhard Strohm, "Ein englischer Ordinariumssatz des 14. Jahr hunderts in Italien," Die Musikforschung 18 (1965): 178-81. 42 "Frater Petrus Bassatellus conventus sanctorum Johannis et Pauli de Venetijs potest quando voluerit ireRomam et alio etmorari et inde redire ad conventum suum et est exemptus a lectione misse et a discantu in choro et nullus etc. Non obstantibus etc. Venetijs ut supra [18Oct. 1487]." Archivio Generalizio dell'?rdine dei Predicatori, Reg. IV. 9, fol. 51. 43 was only an early phase of his career; in 1498 he was elected subprior Perhaps this and then "pater conventus." 44 Pamela F, Starr, "Josquin, Rome, Musicology 15 (1997): 43-65. and a Case of Mistaken Identity," Journal of 45 The findings were made public by Paul Merkley and Lora Matthews in ? paper at read the conference of the International Musicological Society in London, 15 Aug. at American of the annual the and 1997, Musicological Society, Phoenix, meeting again 31 Oct. 1997. This content downloaded from 163.1.255.60 on Fri, 12 Dec 2014 16:13:33 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 30 M?SICA Marbriano de Orto, three volumes DISCIPLINA of Masses quin, de Orto, Stokem, andWeerbeke, motets de Orto, by Josquin, Weerbeke, these composers. by Josquin, Mass fragments by Jos Lamentations by de Orto andWeerbeke, and Vacqueras, and chansons by all five of scenario is correct, it may that explain something hypothetical Richard Sherr in connection with Josquin's Missa de Beata Virgine. The If my puzzled and Credo alone (in reverse order) were copied into Cappella Sistina 23 in about 1505 7.46Both are very close in their readings to the Petrucci print of 1514, an odd passage in the Alto that is followed in two later including only manuscript Gloria sources.47 In the case of common errors between a and a print, we manuscript has been copied from the print, but that generally suppose that the manuscript had died two could not be the case here, because the scribe, Johannes Orceau, years before theMass was published. The hypothesis that Petrus had connections with the singersof thePapalChapel and thathe obtainedmusic indirectly from them (we have no evidence tion; it needs to be tested that Petrus himself went common against all the repertory.48 We know from the Spataro Correspondence sent each other music. Petrus could have received offers an explana to Rome) thatmusicians compositions quite frequendy in the same way, 46 This MS dates from the reign of Julius II (1503 -13); the handwriting of the scribe, Orceau, Johannes falls into Jeffrey Dean's chronology at stages 6 and 7a, and the rastra and paper types areRichard Sherr's 2.5/M and 2.6M2. For the argumentation as to dating, see Jeffrey J.Dean, "The Scribes of the Sistine Chapel, 1501 -1527" (Ph.D. diss., University of Chicago, 1984), ch. 2, and Richard Sherr, Papal Music Manuscripts in the Late Fifteenth and Early Sixteenth Centuries (Renaissance Manuscript Studies, 5; (Neuhausen-Stuttgart: American Institute of Musicology, 1996), 34-58, which includes a summary of Dean's stages. 47 A signum congruentiae, marked one semibreve too soon with respect to the other coincides with the same misplacement at a page turn inCS 23. See Richard Sherr, parts, "The Relationship between a Vatican Copy of the Gloria of Josquin's Missa de Beata Virgine and Petrucci's Print," inLorenzo Bianconi et al, eds., Atti delXIVCongresso della Societ? Internazionale di Musicolog?a: Trasmissione e recezione delle forme di cultura musicale (Turin: EDT, 1990), 2: 266-71. My remarks following his presentation are printed (slightly garbled) ibid., 278-79. 48 Sherr, however, does not see any other examples thatwould point to Petrucci's use (directly or at one remove) of Cappella Sistina sources. He suggests that Petrucci may have obtained the exemplar from which CS 23 was copied when he was in Rome in connection with a privilege he supplicated for in 1513. My hypothesis does not hinge solely on the demonstrable use of extant Roman sources; many of the works by the composers named above do not appear in Cappella Sistina manuscripts. This content downloaded from 163.1.255.60 on Fri, 12 Dec 2014 16:13:33 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions PETRUCCI'S VENETIAN 31 EDITOR was a chance of getting their works published especially if composers knew there was not on musicians. From much recent But Petrucci. Petrus by dependent only on courts of Italian dukes and princes, but also northern the work, especially such as St. Donatian churches in Bruges, we have learned a great deal from in ? In Petrucci's case the patron a relations with his patron. quiring into composer's ? was the Venetian or intended patron I Elsewhere patrician Girolamo Donato. was to have shown that Donato music, which he claimed extraordinarily devoted to listen to every day in his letter to Lorenzo de' Medici thanking him for the gift of the manuscript of Isaac's music.49 He spent his whole career in the diplomatic 1484 and his death in 1511 he was service of the Venetian Signoria: between France, Milan, among other places, to Portugal, the Emperor Maximilian, to Rome, and Ferrara. In these places Donato would have had ample opportunity in 1481-2, hear and collect music. The dates are suggestive: he was in Rome 1497 9,1505, and 1509 -11. As ambassador he would have attended all the great posted, as well as In private entertainments. religious ceremonies of the Papal Curia, 1501-2 he was the Venetian envoy to France, where he could have known or indeed renewed Josquin, resident Venetian an ambassador was Visdomino acquaintance with him. And he of Ferrara in 1499-1500. Lewis Lockwood or has have been a link between already noted the connection and suggested that he may Ferrarese music and Petrucci.50 Petrucci was very astute in dedicating the Odhe caion to Donato. Whether he was an actual patron or merely a prospective one at that time is unclear; the letter does not give evidence that Petrucci knew him and Petrus Castellanus were likely that Donato was one of acquainted (Donato had studied music in his youth), and that Donato in Petrus' garden and flowered in those bearing the seeds that were planted personally. But I think it quite as Pierre by northern composers such court from March to July of 1501, and at the French court when Philip the Fair visited with his chapel on the occasion of his signing the peace treaty with France later that year.51 Petrucci's prints. This could include works de laRue, for Donato was atMaximilian's 49 See Blackburn, "Lorenzo de' Medici, Ambassador," a Lost IsaacManuscript, and the Venetian 21. 50 Music inRenaissance Ferrara, 1400-1505 Press, 1984), 206 and n. 29. 51 Blackburn, "Lorenzo de' Medici," (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University 38-39. This content downloaded from 163.1.255.60 on Fri, 12 Dec 2014 16:13:33 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 32 M?SICA DISCIPLINA How did Petrus edit themusic forPetrucci? Scholarly opinions have varied are not as to the reliability of Petrucci's readings; certainly they perfect, and better versions of individual pieces can be found inmanuscript sources.52 But as awhole are of a a high caliber, and especially the Venetian prints.53 There is noticeable they in the late Fossombrone publications, falling-off umes of theMotetti de la Corona series, published in particular the last three vol in 1519, five years after the first volume.54 Perhaps itwould be possible to determine atwhat point Petrus stopped a close examination of the sources. This doing editorial work for Petrucci through be a difficult and exacting task, with perhaps inconclusive results. But in three areas in addition to the normal editorial intervention can be hypothesized an task we expect of editor in resolving problematic readings: the determination would of composer of attributions, canons. And obscure the addition of it can be demonstrated si placet parts, and the resolution of area: the revision in an unexpected texts. The question of attributions is a vexed one, particularly with regard to the differences between the different printings of the Odhecaton. Helen Hewitt gave to the whether Petrucci careful consideration had added six attributions question in the Bologna copy (clearly a different the other copies, some of which belong ing sufficient evidence to confirm or "withdrawn" the attributions in issue) to later printings (1503,1504).55 Not find or she treated them as deny the attributions, 52 See especially the article by Thomas Noblitt, "Textual Criticism of Selected Works Published by Petrucci," inLudwig Finscher, ed., Formen und Probleme der ?ber lieferung mehrstimmiger Musik imZeitalterJosquinsDesprez (Wolfenb?tteler Forschungen zur Musik der Renaissance I;Munich: Krauss International Publica 6: Quellenstudien tions, 1981): 201 -42. Noblitt maintains that Petrucci did not exert rigorous control over ? the music judging by today's editorial standards, however. 53 Stanley Boorman, in "The 'First' Edition of the Odhecaton A," Journal of the American M?sico logical Society 30 (1977): 183-207, has suggested that Petrus may have made alterations in rhythm to improve the interplay between the voices; see in particular his Ex. 5, 205, and the discussion at 205-7. 54 On the printing of these volumes see especially Stanley Boorman, "Petrucci at Fossombrone: A Study of Early Music Printing, with Special Reference to theMotetti de la Corona (1514-1519)" (Ph.D. diss., University of London, 1976). See also his "Petrucci's Type-setters and the Process of Stemmatics," in the volume cited above in n. 52, 245-80. Hewitt, Odhecaton, 6-8. This content downloaded from 163.1.255.60 on Fri, 12 Dec 2014 16:13:33 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions PETRUCCI'S VENETIAN 33 EDITOR comparison of the extant copies of Stanley Boorman's meticulous that the Bologna copy is the earliest, but that it is a the Odhecaton has confirmed to a different printing, and nineteen to composite; thirty-five of the folios belong yet another printing.56 The index belongs to the first layer. The missing attribu "uncertain." of the print tions in the later copies may be inadvertent or deliberate; knowledge on this matter. not ing process does help The question of the si placet parts is also difficult to resolve. As Hewitt we do not know that Petrus Castellanus was a composer,57 and not pointed out, some carry all of the added voices are exclusive to Petrucci's volumes. Moreover, a fourth voice to a is a three-part composition Adding test of skill, and it is perhaps this aspect that should be given more weight than the to date at a time were added to bring older works up plausible idea that such parts when secular music was increasingly written for four rather than three voices. The the name of a composer. was and not confined to the chanson; Stephen Self found at widespread practice least ninety added parts in the repertory from 1480 to 1530,58 and there may well be more, since the label is often omitted. The examples in Petrucci's first three in Canti B, and nine in Canti C; one prints (eight in the Odhecaton, in the success with which the enter twelve of these are unique) vary considerably was carried out. Itwould be very difficult to determine authorship simply prise chanson because the composer's freedom is so restricted by the part-writing of the existing voices. It ismuch clearer that Petrus has taken a hand in providing resolutions for especially those bearing obscure inscriptions. Such help for the idea that Petrucci, aiming at a wider singer fits well with Stanley Boorman's market, simplified some of the readings in order to cater to the "highest common canonic 56 voices, "The Tirst' Edition." 57 Hewitt, Odhecaton, 9 (on the siplacet works in the Odhecaton see pp. 83 86). It ispossible that the laudaAve Maria virgo serena attributed to "Frater Petrus" inPetrucci's Laude libro secondo of 1508 is by him. A modern edition is inKnud Jeppesen, ed., Die um 1500 (Leipzig and Copenhagen: Breitkopf & H?rtel, mehrstimmige italienische Laude 1935), no. 44. 58 See his edition, The Si Placet Repertoire of 1480-1530 (Recent Researches in the of the Renaissance, 106; Madison: A-R Editions, Inc., 1996), which includes twenty-four works, and his dissertation, "The Si Placet Voice: An Historical and Analyti cal Study," 3 vols. (Ph.D. diss., The Ohio StateUniversity, 1990). Self also points to ano thermotivation for adding voices of considerable significance: the arrangement of music Music for instrumental ensemble. This content downloaded from 163.1.255.60 on Fri, 12 Dec 2014 16:13:33 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 34 M?SICA factor," a notion DISCIPLINA that has been factor amplified by Thomas Noblitt.59 Another one: the canons is a to practical affecting the resolution of change from choirbook the locus of most partbook format, which Petrucci used for his series of Masses, canons. Some compositions have both the original form of the of the obscure voice part and its resolution, so labeled; others have only a resolution, which is not tenor as such. Some have been always labeled partially resolved, for example the of Josquin's Missa Hercules dux Ferrariae.60 Some relatively straightforward canons do not have a resolution, for example in Josquin's chanson Una musqu? de one case I believe Petrus resolved a canon incorrectly, the Buscaya. In at least ne II of Obrecht's Missa Je curious Agnus demande, where Petrucci's version version. Thomas Noblitt the concluded that differs considerably from manuscript Petrucci's revision was spurious; and that Petrus misunderstood I have posited that both versions are a resolution, the original canonic directions (not preserved) and it fit the other voices.61 The vogue for cryptic the part to make recomposed canons had crested at the and editors and point that Petrucci started publication, must to have wondered how much help they needed scribes give the singers in order to enable them to perform the music. Many original canons must be lost; we should be grateful resolution. Petrus may Petrucci's to Petrus for retaining also have taken a hand at least some as well as providing a in editing the texts. Two version differs from early manuscript sources examples where out. stand Antoine Bru mel's settingof the fiveJoys of theVirgin, Ave cuius conceptio,begins differently in Petrucci than in a manuscript source: 59 Boorman, "Petrucci's Type-setters and the Process of Stemmatics," 249; Noblitt, "Textual Criticism of Selected Works Published by Petrucci." 60 set I forth the hypothesis that the original notation included no music at all but was entirely accomplished with canonic directions inmy chapter on "Masses Based on Popular Songs and Solmization Syllables" in the Josquin Companion, ed. Richard Sherr (Oxford University Press, forthcoming). 61 See Thomas Noblitt, in Obrecht's Missa Je ne "Problems of Transmission demande? Musical Quarterly 63 (1977): 211-23; and Bonnie J. Blackburn, "Obrecht's Missa/<? ne demande and Busnoys's Chanson: An Essay inReconstructing Lost Canons," Tijdschift van de Vereniging voor Nederlandse muziekgeschiedenis 45 (1995): 18-32. This content downloaded from 163.1.255.60 on Fri, 12 Dec 2014 16:13:33 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions PETRUCCI'S VENETIAN Cappella SistinaMS 42 Petrucci,Motetti C Ave Ave cuius conceptio Solemni plena Celestia, Nova Exactly Maria... Mary's terrestria, Celestia, Nova letitia. replet celorum Maria gaudio the same difference 35 EDITOR plena domina gratia terrestria, reples in Petrucci's letitia. edition of Josquin's Ave virgo serena, inwhich the five Joys form the central section. The first of own in Anne's womb, known from Joys, in this text, is her conception appears Catholic doctrine (laterdogma) as the ImmaculateConception. The belief that Mary was centuries Sin had been amatter of controversy for Original at the time Brumel and set this text. still unresolved Josquin conceived without and was Sixtus IV sanctioned two different offices for the feast of theConception on 8 December (in 1477 and 1480), but did not formally declare thatMary's concep tion was without sin. The main proponents of the doctrine were the Franciscans the Dominicans. While this text does (including Sixtus himself), their opponents was "immaculate," any mention not of the Concep specify that the Conception tion at all at that time was likely to be interpreted as such. The Dominicans insistedon calling the feast the Sanctificationof theVirgin, holdingwith St.Tho mas that no human was from Original Sin, but that Mary had as the maestro di a been sanctified inAnne's womb. Petrus Castellanus, cappella in not motet Dominican have had in his repertory any that gave such church, would Aquinas exempt to the Immaculate Conception. Thus he must have changed the text prominence tomake it acceptable to Dominicans, and in this form the music was transmitted to Petrucci.62 a Loyset Compere's motet Sile fragor has reading that is shared by Motetti A and Verona 758 but differs quite drastically from the other surviving sources, are not which otherwise closely related (Cappella Sistina 15, the Chigi Codex, 62 On the doctrine and another motet text specifically for the Immaculate Concep tion, see Bonnie J. Blackburn, "The Virgin in the Sun:Music and Image for a Prayer Attri buted to Sixtus IV", inEncomium musicae: Essays inHonor of Robert J. Snow, ed. David Crawford (in press). See also Blackburn, "ForWhom Do the Singers Sing?," Early Music 25 (1997): 593-609, where I firstmentioned the reason for the change in themotet text at 609 n. 25. Another "Dominican" alteration may be observed in the some of the saints named inCompere's Ave Maria gratia plena inMotetti A. Where the Chigi Codex has Nicholas and Augustine, Petrucci has Dominic and Peter. The saints named differ in every source and may offer a clue to the provenance of the manuscripts. This content downloaded from 163.1.255.60 on Fri, 12 Dec 2014 16:13:33 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 36 M?SICA DISCIPLINA 454, Speci?ln?k).63 The text is obscure, to say the least, but since it calls in church, and speaks of music resounding the "mother of the Godhead" Barcelona upon we are justified in assuming that it is sacred. Thus the last two lines, in the readings of the other sources, come as somewhat of a shock: "Now it is fitting to go to the fountain where Bacchus himself dwells; and let water be gone, while we enjoy in tune streams."64 The reading of Petrucci and Verona, much more Bacchus' the rest of the text, is: "Thou art the sacred temple, thou art the most plenti ful fountain, whose water taketh away inexhaustible thirst."65 Indeed, Petrus' lines with text is at best a very very bad attempt at elegiac couplet; the Bacchus two hexameters, and the rest of the poem no better.66 The Bacchus text, however, are a correct fits the music much better, and it is found that it is the original text. Petrus must the presence of the god of wine unsuitable doubt and therefore he changed itwas the choirbooks the sixteenth thought, I think that there is no have appreciated the music but found in a text that could be sung in church, the last lines. on Petrus Castellanus If Petrucci Venice, in earlier sources; depended indeed a very sizeable one. The for the bulk of his repertory in sacred music must have come from e Paolo; no music survives from unfortunately, century or earlier.67 If the collection was inherited, as Lorenzo Gazio of SS. Giovanni by Frate Armonio, the singer at St.Mark's, itmay have perished with all 63 Jeffrey Dean kindly called my attention to this some years ago and provided a transcription with translation, used here. A modern edition is in Loyset Comp?re, Opera omnia, ed. Ludwig Finscher (Corpus Mensurabilis Musicae 15; American Institute of 1961), 4: 49-51. Finscher underlays both texts. Musicology, 64 "Nunc fontem adire decet quo Bacchus insidet ipse; et discedat lympha, Liberi dum carpimus rivos." All sources have "liberos"; Dean plausibly emended to "Liberi." 65 "Tu sacrum templum, tu fons uberrimus ille es / cuius inexhaustam detrahit unda sitim." 66 owe I thanks to Leofranc Holford-Strevens for his expert evaluation of the text. 67 Nor do we gain any clear idea from the extant records justwhen polyphonic music would have been performed. The choirmaster and other singers, however, were engaged by the Scuola piccola di S.Orsola, attached to the church of SS.Giovanni e Paolo, to sing a polyphonic Mass and at both Vespers on the feast of St.Ursula. This ismade clear in a register of the Scuola (ASV, Scuole piccole, B. 602) under the date 2 October 1516: "Per spexe ditte a chassa ditta contadi amesser fraVizenzo et compagni chanttadori cantto a lanostra festa do vespori et una messa a chantto figurao dacordo con luiper nome di tutti L.10." (fol. 10). This content downloaded from 163.1.255.60 on Fri, 12 Dec 2014 16:13:33 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions PETRUCCI'S the other sixteenth-century entirely be lost. The Padua A VENETIAN manuscripts records of SS. Giovanni 17, the Padua cathedral 37 EDITOR at that institution. But themusic may not e Paolo revealed choirmaster that the man who Giordano copied MS had his musical Passetto, we have of him, however, training under Petrus Castellanus. The earliest notice comes from Ferrara. In January 1504 the Ferrarese ambassador to Venice sent a a was to Ercole d'Est? be shown to composition by Venetian singer. The work must have been deemed Josquin for his evaluation. It acceptable, because inApril the ambassador sent the whole Mass, identifying the composer as "a friar of Santi Giovanni e Paolo, a conventual twenty years of age, named of the Order Fra Giordano a young man of San Domenico, de Venezia, who is considered very over any tenor awork also offered to compose gifted in these things."68 Giordano care to send him. We learn from the documents the Duke might of in SS. Giovanni e also an organist. InApril 1505 he was given permis sion to play the organ at the nunnery of Santo Spirito inVenice.69 And when the e Paolo, Martino V?neto, left the church in 1509, regular organist of SS. Giovanni Giordano assumed the post.70 He was made a "pater conventus" on 17December Paolo that Fra Giordano was 1518 and elected bursar on 11 February (his successor, Aloisius de Redulfis, 1520,71 but he left a few months was elected on 25 May) afterward to become 68 and Letters," in See Lewis Lockwood, "Josquin at Ferrara: New Documents Prez: des the International Josquin Proceedings of Josquin Festival-Conference, ed. Edward E. Lowinsky in collaboration with Bonnie J. Blackburn (London: Oxford Univer sity Press, 1976), 103-37 at 116 and 134-35. Lockwood made the identification with Passetto. 69 "Frater Jordanis Passetus potest ire ad pulsandum organa Sancti Spiritus Venetijs. Ultima aprilis [1505]." Rome, Archivio Generalizio dell'Ordine dei Predicatori, Reg. IV. 15, fol. 49. 70 ASV, SS. Giovanni e Paolo, Busta 11, fols. 48v-49, dated 10 March 1509. was to have 14 ducats in the first year and 16 in the second (the salary he had been paid He nuns of Santo Spirito). In 1518 he was earning 6 ducats from the Scola Germa the by norum of St.Nicholas, and another 6 ducats from the Scola of St. Peter Martyr, rising to 8 and then 10 in succeeding years (fol. 84).Martino went to the cathedral atUdine, where he was called a "celeb?rrimo organista"; he died in 1511. See Giuseppe Vale, "La cappella musicale del Duomo di Udine," Note d'archivio per la storia musicale 7 (1930): 87-201, at 99. Ibid., fols. 87v and 93. This content downloaded from 163.1.255.60 on Fri, 12 Dec 2014 16:13:33 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 38 DISCIPLINA M?SICA di cappella at the cathedral of Padua, where maestro he spent the rest of his career. He died in 1557.72 One of the conditions new script of "good and of Passetto's new post was songs and motets." It is very that he prepare amanu a large part of likely that PaduaA 17, copied in 1522, consisted of music broughtwith him fromVenice e Paolo under Petrus Castellanus' (if not sung) in SS. Giovanni In this connection, the large number of concordances with the first that he had heard direction. of theMotetti volume de la Corona is striking; although itwas printed in Fossom lifetime and could still have been edited by him, it came out during Petrus' even before Petrucci left Venice. Scholars have noted the similarities perhaps between the readings of Padua A 17 and this volume, and Stanley Boorman has the background of Passetto, he reasonably studied them in detail.73 Not knowing brone, posited that themanuscript had been copied from theprint. I think itmore likely, of both manuscript and print goes back to a common e Paolo. It is source: the choirbooks of SS. Giovanni certainly suggestive that the concordances between Padua A 17 and theMotetti de la Corona drop off sharply after the second volume: there are eight with vol. 1 and ten with vol. 2, but none that the music however, vol. 3 (much of it a rather older repertory), and only one with vol. 4. Much work still needs to be done on a systematic comparison of readings before we can be certain about the relationship between Padua A17 and theMotetti de la Corona with but I should (and the closeness of readings does not hold for every concordance), like to suggest that in both this case and that of Josquin's Missa de Beata Virgine, of readings between amanuscript discussed above, the close correspondence and a mean that the former was print need not copied from the latter. Church records, concerned as they are with day-to-day events, rarely favor us with any notion of the musical importance of the singers and choirmaster. Did we not know the remarks by Albertus de Castello and Bartolomeo Budrio, Petrus as the hundreds ? Castellanus would have appeared as insignificant amusician ? indeed thousands of choirmasters of churches and cathedrals who have left no mark in history. And yet the praise of Petrus as "amonarch inmusic'" and 72 On his career inPadua see Raffaele Casimiri, "M?sica emusicisti nella Cattedrale di Padova nei secoli XTV, XV, XVI," Note darchivioper la storiamusicale 18 (1941): 101 -3. 73 See "Petrucci at Fossombrone," ch. 10, and "Petrucci's Type-setters of Stemmatics," especially 260-61. This content downloaded from 163.1.255.60 on Fri, 12 Dec 2014 16:13:33 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions and the Process PETRUCCI'S someone VENETIAN 39 EDITOR never for religion and for musical learning" could account of a for the vividness of an eyewitness under compensate performance a a in Frater Felix Fabri, Dominican his direction. We may have such witness friar who "most renowned twice in the 1480s and has left us a full and colorful visited Venice account of I have not been able to document Petrus' presence at his impressions. Although e Paolo earlier than 1486, to the nature of the SS. Giovanni owing sporadic as maestro di records before 1490, nor to pinpoint the date of his appointment ? as a date before argued above, makes cappella though circumstantial evidence, 1490 likely? Fabri's description of music at SS.Giovanni e Paolo fits verywell with Albertus' and Budrio's was point for pilgrimages set out from Ulm of Frater Felix, who the normal Venice, the destination remarks. embarkation to the Holy Land, on his second pil grimage (havingbeen very dissatisfiedwith the first) in the company of a group of young German most noblemen fascinating pilgrimage in 1483. He account a detailed diary in Latin, this period.74 The travelers kept of surely the arrived in Venice on 27 April 1483 and settled into the Fondaco de' Tedeschi. Ithappened that because the expedition was and Felix spent the time pilgrimaging of bad weather, whole month, forced to stay in Venice for a around the city, visiting relics saints fell in that month, and attending Mass. Two feast days of Dominican on on 29 April and St. Catherine of Siena the first Sunday inMay St. Peter Martyr cases on the great concourse of in Felix remarks both (4May). people in the e Paolo, where the feasts were cele convent church of SS. Giovanni impressive brated with great ceremony. To this account he appends a description of the city of Venice, and when he comes to SS. Giovanni e Paolo he notes that in truth, the observance of the rule is scanty, nor has it been reformed, but the friars there live as itwere in the pomp of secular glory, so that on feast in polyphony days they sing the office of theMass, Vespers, and Compline reason which for with secular ceremony, young people and ladies flock 74 The standard edition is Fratris Felicis Fabri Evagatorium in Terrae Sanctae, Arabiae et Egypti peregrinationem, ed. Conrad Dietrich Hassler, 3 vols. (Bibliothek des literarischen Vereins in Stuttgart, 2-4; Stuttgart: Societatis litteraria Stuttgardiensis, 1843 49). Itwas translated into English by Aubrey Stewart and published in the Library of the Palestine Pilgrims' Text Society, 20 (London, 1892-93). This content downloaded from 163.1.255.60 on Fri, 12 Dec 2014 16:13:33 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 40 M?SICA there not so much and discantors. of divine because two have They DISCIPLINA service but in order to hear melodies organs_75 Felix belonged to theObservant branch of theDominicans, and the laxityof the Conventuals frequently shocked him (he thoroughly approved of the friarsof S. Domenico, where he often visited). The impressed him, and he remarks size of the church and the convent that there were more than one hundred also friars and at St. Frater Felix says nothing about the music (of theology). e Paolo at this time ? Mark's; perhaps itwas outshone by music at SS. Giovanni but then Felix arrived just after the feast of St.Mark, on 25 April, and his account many doctors might have been different Felix returned a Venetian, at which Order, by Dominicans e Paolo with considerable The meeting, SS. Giovanni by many German. Compline, attended Venetians, And "Verum men nowhere which and women was this more from throughout Europe, pomp and splendor (itwas alike), which evident this rather austere dazzled than during took place at also attended the final "Mass and ended with trumpets; Compline 75 on that the ceremonies day.76 a as to in 1487 the general meeting of the delegate Joachim Turrianus, was installed asMaster-General. had he witnessed to Venice organs, and straight and S-shaped polyphony, lasted three hours, but without boring those present alone observantia regularis est ibi tenuis, necdum est reforn atus, sed vivunt ibi fratres in quadam saecularis gloriae pompa, unde festivis diebus Missae off icium et vespe ras ac completoria cantant in figurad vis cum solemnitate saeculari; quapropter ad officia illa confluit multitudo juvenum et dominarum, non tarnpropter divinum officium, quam propter melodiae et discantorum auditum. Organa duplicata habent ..." Evagatorium, vol. 3, p. 425 (this section is not in the English translation, which stops at the point where Fabri left Sinai). Such reports form the basis of themodern notion of music in religious ceremonies in the 16th century. Just how rare such performances may be in the context of ecclesiastical ritual, even in the center of Christendom, the Papal Curia, has recently been underlined by Jeffrey Dean in "Listening to Sacred Polyphony c.1500," Early Music 25 (1997): 611-36. 76 Little is known about music at St. Mark's before Willaert. See Giulio Maria Ungaro, "The Chapel of St.Mark's at theTime of Adrian Willaert (1527-1562): A Docu mentary Study" (Ph.D. diss., University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 1986), ch. 2, "The Chapel of St. Mark's before Willaert." There were 16 adult singers and 7 boys (including Alberto's son Francesco) in 1486 (p. 42). Laurenz L?tteken has discovered that Johannes de Quadris was "musicus et cantor" there from at least 1436 to 1457; see '"Musicus et cantor diu in ecclesia sanctiMarci de Veneciis': note biografiche su Johannes de Quadris," Rassegna v?neta di studimusicali 6 (1990) :43 - 62. Iain Fenlon has published a very informative description made by aDutch pilgrim in 1525 in "St.Mark's before Willaert," Early Music 21 (1993): 547-63. This content downloaded from 163.1.255.60 on Fri, 12 Dec 2014 16:13:33 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions PETRUCCI'S VENETIAN EDITOR 41 because of the diversity of the music."77 That phrase, "because of the diversity the music," suggests that Petrus de Castello was already in of the music charge SS. Giovanni e Paolo in 1487. If Petrucci came to Venice because it was of at the center of printing Italy, he may also have come there because of the diversity of music it had to offer. Petrucci's invention would have availed him little had he not had an ample fund of first-rate music to print. It is time that we now pay tribute to the supplier and editor of that music, Petrus Castellanus. 77 non dico solennitate, sed pompa, officia "Denique dicere fas non est, quanta, divina peragebantur, praecipue Missa et completorium, quae in f igurativis organis, rubis et trompetis finiebantur, ita, ut completorium tribus duraret horis sine taedio adstantium propter musicae diversitates." Evagatorium, vol. 3, p. 435. Hassler published Felix's account of the general meeting of the Order at the end of his edition of the pilgrimage account. This content downloaded from 163.1.255.60 on Fri, 12 Dec 2014 16:13:33 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 42 M?SICA DISCIPLINA APPENDIX List of Singers Summary and Organists at SS. Giovanni e Paolo, 1496-1524 choir during Petrus Castella of singers in the polyphonic nus' term as maestro di cappella will have been novices in the convent, but profes ? ? were hired are nei almost all bass singers sional musicians regularly. There nor ther lists of singers payment records during this period; except where other An unknown wise noted, number comes all of the information from the minutes of Council meetings (ASV, SS. Giovanni covering the period 1450-1524 from 1450 to 1490 are very summary. Volumes Paolo, Busta 11). The minutes of the Order, the series Reg. IV are registers of letters of theMaster-General at Santa Sabina in Rome. the Archivio Generalizio the Liber Consiliorum in e in in Aloisius de Redulfis (Rodulphus) Venetus, Frater Present in the convent from at least 20 March Organist. 1511 he was named elected subsacristan. On 19November 1504, when he was "Infirmarius," and on of the novices. He was elected organist an on at 25 1520 annual salary of 12 ducats. On 24 November years May on 30 was elected 1523 "pater conventus." May subprior and 1521 he 16 July 1518 he became master Frater de Rechanato, Bartholomeus 1500 he was 6 November Singer. On income of Santa Maria dei Miracoli. conceded 2March On he earned as hebdomadal plus whatever 17 January 1505 he was given permission side the convent. He was Bernardinus, Bass singer. On the latter was priest at Santa Maria dei Miracoli. On with a few others to celebrate rites out elected master of the novices on 16 January 1516. as a 1502 he was hired at amonthly salary of 1 ducat for Frater Donatus, upon whose return he would resume 28 October contract decide whether 3 pounds monthly from the 1501 he was to have 6 ducats Presbiter temporary replacement his post at the Carmelite one-year for five church at 12 ducats. On Bernardinus chosen. 1510 at an annual n. (see above, 16). On or Donatus Bernardinus salary of 25 November was 12 ducats, 5Dec. 1503 he was 1504 the Council was a given asked to should be hired for the following year; rehired for three years on 20 December plus food and wine on on the feast days This content downloaded from 163.1.255.60 on Fri, 12 Dec 2014 16:13:33 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions PETRUCCI'S he sang, and on 25 April which VENETIAN EDITOR 1514 his contract was 43 extended for another three years. Presbiter Bernardinus, Soprano singer.On 27 April 1514 itwas proposed thathe be hired in exchange for a room and expenses only; owing decided not to engage him. Danielis to the dearness of the times, the Council Frater Venetus, as was named succentor, with the same salary he had Singer. On 28 July 1509 he was elected a "pater conventus," and singer. On 5 July 1518, then the subprior, he on 11 was elected prior of the September 1519 he became bursar. On the 16th he chapel of Madonna della Pace. Donatus Bass Venetus, singer. On Frater 27 January 1497 he was dismissed from the convent, where he was paid for singingpolyphony, and succeeded byNicolaus Camaldulensis (see 1498. On 28 October 1502 he was above, n. 14). He was reinstated on 27 March to recover his health on the condition that allowed to be absent for six months he return and sing in the chapel for another six months (see above, n. 16). On 18April 1503,having returned,hewas elected subprior.On 25November 1504, at a in view of his long service as a singer, he was rehired in place of Bernardinus one ducat, promising not to be absent without permission. monthly salary of Francisais, Presbiter the maestro di cappella. On 20 May Singer. Son of the lateMagister Albertus, 1524 he was permitted to have a room, bread, and wine on the same conditions as Johannes Antonius, singing in the chapel when needed.78 78 There isno other mention of aMagister Albertus asmaestro di cappella; probably he is theAlberto francese who was singer and maestro di cappella at St.Mark's, 1476-91. His name was Albert Pizoni or Pichion, as emerges from the records of his appearance before the Patriarch of Venice to answer the claim that his wife had engaged in a bigamous second marriage. See Ongaro, "The Chapel of St. Mark's," 39-40. This content downloaded from 163.1.255.60 on Fri, 12 Dec 2014 16:13:33 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 44 M?SICA de Francia, Johannes DISCIPLINA Frater 1499, to retain his services lest the choir suffer, his salary Singer. On 8December was set at 6 ducats for to the 4 ducats he received singing in the choir in addition for teaching ("pro cantoria") (see above, n. 15). Dominus (Cistercian monk) Johannes Anthonius, 1514 he was hired for one year on the condition Bass singer. On 8December he live in the convent, paid, without expenses prejudice to Bernardinus' that contract. Frater monk) (Camaldolese on was 24 September 1518 in exchange for He Bass singer. hired for three years to sing elsewhere if he provided a daily bread and wine, and also given permission substitute. Johannes Antonius, Frater Venetus, Jordanis Organist. See above, nn. 69-70. Martinus Venetus, Frater to 1487 he was permitted since at least 1486. On 31 August Organist play the 1498 his salary organ at S. Pietro Martire on Murano (Reg. IV. 9). On 23 October was set at 16 ducats, with the on requirement that he keep the organ in repair, and was to was 8November 1500 it 20 ducats. On 3 June 1501 he raised given part of 1504 he was ap the garden in front of his cell (Reg. IV. 15). On 6 December as a 1505 itwas decided that 16 ducats proved "pater conventus." On 1August was would be sufficient salary, though he still required to keep the organ in tune. a received On 10March that his vacant cell be 1509, having curacy, he petitioned to Frater Thadeus de Ambrosijs. He went to the cathedral at Udine, conceded where he died son of Giovanni Nicolaus, Organist. in 1511 (see above, n. 70). He was elected Diedo on 10 August 1516 for two years at a salary of 10 ducats. Petrus de Fosis, Magister Bass singer. On 23 October two ducats. 1498 he was hired to sing at the feast of All Saints for however, was struck through.) At that time Petrus de (The notice, Fossis was maestro di cappella at St. Mark's. This content downloaded from 163.1.255.60 on Fri, 12 Dec 2014 16:13:33 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions PETRUCCI'S Prosper, Frater (Franciscan "Cantor optimus." On VENETIAN EDITOR 45 friar) 18October 1493 the convent was to reimburse instructed him L.8572for his expenses in renovatinghis cell if theywished to lethim go (Reg. IV. 10).On 4November 1496, having decided to leave,he petitioned to give his cell to another 1499 he was the other Troilus, friar in exchange for his expenses in renovating it.On accorded a perpetual domicile in the convent and meals 11 January "similar to singers." Presbiter Bass singer. On 25 January 1515 he was hired, with bread and wine only as com pensation. Vincentius Venetus, Frater 1504 and renewed on 14December 1506 Bass singer. He was hired on 20 March under the same conditions as Frater Prosper. On 25 April 1514 he was invited to become maestro di cappella at the reduced salary of 6 ducats, because of the "disturbances of the time." On 2May 1514 he was reinvited, this time at no salary but with an allowance set at 8 ducats. On of wood, 2 February and he accepted. On 1 June 1515 his salary was 1521 he became master of the choirboys ("magister was da Venezia probably the Fra Vincenzo puerorum"). He a 1500-3.79 cani who was singer in the cathedral of Treviso musice 79 See Giovanni D'Alessi, La cappella musicale delDuomo (Vedelago: Tip. "Ars et Religio," 1954), 61. dei domeni di Treviso (1400-1633) The research for this paper was supported by grants from the Gladys Krieble Delmas Foundation (Summer 1986) and the American Philosophical Society (Summer 1987). I presented my initial findings at the annual meeting of the American Musicological Society, return toVenice and com I Pittsburgh, 1992, but delayed publication, thinking that would on music at SS. Giovanni e Paolo in the sixteenth century. But other topics research plete have occupied me in recent years. The opportunity to dedicate the study toNino Pirrotta, whom I firstmet in 1973 and visited inRome on a regular basis since Imoved to England in 1990, proved irresistible, and I offer it to him (now, alas, his memory) with warmest thanks from someone who was not quite his musicological "grandchild" but nevertheless learned an immense amount from his writings. This content downloaded from 163.1.255.60 on Fri, 12 Dec 2014 16:13:33 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions