Advent of the Second (Oba) Dynasty: Another Assessment of a Benin History Key Point Author(s): Dmitri M. Bondarenko Source: History in Africa, Vol. 30 (2003), pp. 63-85 Published by: African Studies Association Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3172082 Accessed: 01/04/2009 03:41 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=afsta. 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BONDARENKO RUSSIAN ACADEMYOF SCIENCES 1 Thereis no otherthemein precolonialBeninKingdomstudiesaround which so many lanceshave been brokenas that of consolidationof the present-daySecond(Oba) dynastyand the personof its founder Oranmiyan(Oranyanin Yoruba).The main reason for this is the existenceof considerabledisagreementsbetweennumerousBini and Yorubaversionsof the oral historicaltradition.Besidesthis, the story of Oranmiyanis one of the Bini and Yorubaoral historypagesmost tightlyconnectedwith mythology.This fact becomesespeciallyimportant if one takes into accountthat the oral traditionis no doubt the main (thoughnot the only) sourceon the consolidationof the Oba Dynastyin Benin.The key point on whichdifferentBiniand Yoruba traditionsopenlycontradicteach other,and whichscholarsdebate,is the originof the Dynasty.Who initiatedits founding:Binior Yoruba? Wasit a requestor a conquest?Arethe charactersof the oral tradition relationshistoricalfigures?Finally,whatwerehistorical,sociocultural, and politicalcircumstances of the Oba accession? If one disengagesfromdetails,threegroupsof traditionalversions that describethe origin and life of Oranmiyan(includingits period connectedwith Benin)can be distinguished.These groups may be designatedas the Yorubaone, the Benin "official"(i.e., traditionally recognizedby Oba themselvesand most widely spreadamong commonBini)and Benin"apocryphal"traditions.In the meantimeit *This study was supportedby RussianFoundationfor Hunanitarian Studies(project # 01-03-00332a). History in Africa 30 (2003), 63-85. 64 DmtitriM. Bondarenko should be borne in mind that Bini and Yorubanativegatherersand publishersof the oral historicaltraditioncould influenceeach other. Forexample,the YorubaJohnsoncould influencethe BiniEgharevba, while the latterin his turncould influenceanotherYoruba,Fabunmi, and so on. As in the,majority of other cases, the Yorubaversionsare, first, detailedthan Biniand, second,more tightlyrelatedto mnythollmore ogy. Traditionalhistoriesof precolonialYorubapolities (Ife, Oyo, moreor less similarly.If one tries Lagos,Egba,etc.) treatOranmliyan to sum lip what Yorubaversionshand down about Oraliniyan,his pedigreeand biographywill appearas follows. The name "Oranyan"meant, "myword has triumphed."He was the youngerson of Oduduwa,the man who had led the Yorubas' exodus to West Africa from the northeast,and of a woman called Omlonide,sometimesrepresentedas a prisonerfrom the locality of appearsas the son of two men, Ogotun. In some mythsOralnmiyan Oduduwaand Ogun (the deity of iron) from one woman;in other mythsas the youngergrandson,ratherthansonl,of Oduduwa. Oduduwahimselffrequentlyappearsas a deity who had ascended from Heaven by a chain and foundedthe town of Ife on the spot where he had createdland and the first lhumanbeing. In one of the mythsdrainageof the UnliversalOcean is attributedto Oranmliyan, in this case a deity, a son of Oduduwaand the goddessOlokun. At any rate, Oduduwaruledover Ife and orderedhis nulmeroussons to go in all the directions and to found new cities and dynasties. Oran- miyanwas knlownas the most martialamonigthe brothers.Obeying his father'swill, he foundedthe BeninDyuiasty;the firstOba, EwekaI was his son. The version of Oranmiyan'sarrival in Benin written down by Courlanderin Ife (Courlander1973:53-57)differsquite significantly frompracticallyall otherYorubaversions.Accordingto it, Beninwas Buteventuinitiallyruledby the Yorubadeityof prophecyOrunmnila. ally this role becameboringfor him and he returnedto Heaven.After that life in Benin turned for the worse and its inhabitants sent their representativesto Ife to ask Oduduwato come and rule over them. Havingreluctantlyagreed,Oduduwawent to Benin,accompaniedby Oranmiyan.When importantmatterscalled Oduduwa back to Ife, Oranmiyan was left to rule over Benin. The majority of Yoruba versions recognize that Oranmiyal's departurefrom Benin was forced. Having left his son Eweka to rule over Benin, he returnedto Ife. The reasonifor this was either father'sdeath or the seizureof the Ife throne by Oranmiyan'selder AnotherAssessimentof a Benin History 65 stepbrother(in anotherversion,his nephew),followed by marrying Omonide after Oduduwa'sdeath. Oranmiyandeclaredwar on his brother,gained victory,and residedin the native town. Oranmiiyan excelledall his brothers(potentialclaimantsto the Ife throne)in strictnessof character,readinessto tlndertakeextrememeasuresfor achieving his aim, bravery,aindother personalqualitiesthat helpedhim to seize the Ife throne.A legal justificationfor the youngerheir'sclaims was also found:it was arguedthat Oranmiyanhad been born when his fatherhadalreadyascendedthe throneandtihuscould inheritit, on overthe headsof the elderbrothers, the principleof porphyrogcniture, who had been born when their father had not yet become the supreme foundedone rulerof Ife (Ooni). Alreadybeingthe Ooni, Oranmniyan moredynasty,thatof the Alaafinof Oyo, by defeatingNupe. Oranmiyan's first successors in Oyo were his sons Ajaka and Shango,EwekaI's stepbrothers.Oranmiyandied in Ife (by another, less popularversion, in the town of Oko from where his hair and nailswerebroughtto Ife and buried).Manycenturiesago on the spot whereOranmiyanis saidto be burieda graniteobelisk5.2 metershigh was erectedand 123 ironnailsaredrivenin it. The obeliskdepictsthe staffof Oranmiyan,sovereignanidstranger.SamuelJohnsonexplained the syinbolismof the nails as follows: 61 nails in the central row shows how manyyearsOranmiyanlivedand two side rows of 31 nail in each promptthe age at which he came to power and the number of yearshe ruled(Johnson1921:146). Afterhis death Oranmiyan,a greatwarriorduringhis lifetime,servedIfe as a protectorspiritsaving her fromenemiesuntilthe town'sresidentsbeganto call him without any particularoccasion.ThenOranmiyan's spiritleft Ife forever. did not inherit AlthoughOranmiyan aly movablepropertyfrom Oduduwa,only land, he becamerichestamong all Oduduwa'sdescendantsbecauseall the brothershad to pay him for usingthe land. Oranmiyan bequeathed shares of his treasures the following way: the Oba of Beninreceivedmoney(cowryshells),the Alaketuof the town of Ketugot a crown as a symbolof power,and the land devolvedon the Alaafinof Oyo. Benin versions of the oral traditions-that is, the records of them mIade in the late nineteenth and twentieth centuries-inaturally pay principal attention to the episode of Oralmiyan's biography connected with founding of the Oba dynasty. The narrationof "official"versionsbeginswith the story of people'sdiscontentwith Evian and his son Ogiamwen, the interreglnum period rulers who 66 DmoitriM. Bondarenko attemptedto founda dynastyof theirown. Generally,all thatthe "official"versionssay about the interregnalperiodservesas overtureto describingthe most importanteventin country'shistory:the founding of the present-daydynastyby Oranmiyan. On the initiativeof Oliha,an Edionevbo(BeninCity"kingmakers"' council)memlbera delegationwas sent to Oduduwa,the rulerof tle Yorubacity of Ife (whichBinicall Uhe)with a requestto orderonieof his sons to go to Beninto found a new legitimatedynasty.Oduduwa consideredthe suggestionfor a long time and finallyagreedto satisfy the requestonly afterreceivingguaranteesof securityfor his offspring. He chose Oranmiyanand the Ife Princewent to Beninaccompanied by his retinue. After suppressingthe resistanceof Ogiamwen'ssupporterswho werestill in powerin the city, Oranmniyan ascendedthe Beninlthrone. Nevertheless,he was still afraidof Ogiamwen'spartyand had to erect his palacein the partof the city in whichthe Edionevboresided.Since they had called him and undertheirprotectionhe could feel moreor less quiet. UnderOranmiyanthe countryreceivedits new name:IleIbiinu("Landof Troubles").Anothernoveltytraditionallyassociated with Oranmiyan'sarrivalfromIfe is the appearanceof the firsthorses in Biniland. However,Oranmiyanfinallyreturnedhome,to Ife. Duringhis stay in Beninhe did not initiateany politicalreforms,but did found the new dynastyby declaringhis sonlto be his heir.Someof Oranmiyan's retinluedid lot returil with him, but remained in Benin, where they receivedsuch titles as Oloton (an UzainaNihinron, "kingmakers" associationmember),Iboyanyan(royalgroom),Obo-Oronnila(priest of Orunmiila, originallyYorubadeityof prophecy). did not speak the local languageand did not underOranmniyan stand Bini customs, and his voluntary abdication he explained by his confidencethat in the "Landof Troubles. . . only a child born, trainedand educatedin the arts and mysteriesof the landcould reign over the people"(Egharevba1960:7;Ebohon1972:3). Oranmiyan's a daughter was Bimni, heir was bornii in Benin;his motherErinmlwinde of the rulerof Egor,a settlementnorthwestof BeninCity.But as lie was raised by descendantsfrom Ife, the boy initiallyspoke Yoruba. He spoke his first word after victory in a gamieand that word was owomnika,"I succeeded."In the corruptedBini form of eweka it became the prince'snicknamle.Under the name of Eweka he was crownedas the first Oba in tile palaceleft by his fatherabout 1200. But even thoughresidingin Ife, Oranmiyandid not lose sight of the courseof evenitsin Benin,senidngthe new dynasty'sroyalinsigniafor A,other Assessimentof a Benin History 67 Eweka'scoronationcerelonly. Oranmiyanlalso appointeda group of regents at the young Oba-Eweka allegedly acceded at the age of about 15. A variationof the officialversionis the traditionaccording to which the rulerwho cane from Ife to Benlinand foundedthe dynasty was Eweka himself. In such stories Oranmniyandocs not figure at all. Finally, there are the apocryphal versions of Benin oral tradition. Supporters of some of them argue that Oranmiyan was the nickname tunderwhich princeEkaladerhan,the son of the last Ogiso (firstdynasty)rulerOwodo,caimeto power.It is told thatafterhis undeserved banishingfrom Beninin accordancewith his father'sorder,Ekaladerhan went southwardsand foundedthe coastal settlementof Gwato. Somle time later he left Gwato for Ife and resided there ullder the name of Omonoyan, which was corrupted into Oranmiyan at tle court of the Ooni whom he began to serve. Messengers from Benin invited on the throne precisely him because they had known that in reality was Ekaladerhan,the lawful heir of supremetitle. After Oranmniyan went back to receivingOoni's permission,Ekaladerhan-Oranmiyan his nativelandand foundedthe Oba dynasty. Accordingto other versionsof the kind, afterleavingGwato Ekaladerhanfoundedanothersettlement,le-Ife and becameherfirstruler underthe nameof Oduduwa.Whenhe was invitedlhomefor occupying the throne,Ekaladerhanrefusedas he was alreadyvery old. Instead he sent to Benin one of his sons (in some versions, the youngest one) born to him by a Yoruba woman. That son was Oranmiyan who with Edionevbo's support overcame Ogiamwen's resistance and occu- pied the Beninthrone.His son Ewekabecamethe firstOba. Ekaladerhan-Oduduwadied soon afterthe visit of Beninchiefs'messengers(in one version Oduduwa turns out an Ekaladerhan'sson and Oralnmiiyan his grandson). Thus in the apocryphal versions Oba are related to Ife and Yoruba in generaldue to a coincidenceonly, and are depictedas primordially Bini rulers. Some versions even argue that Ekaladerhan himiself, either under the name of Oduduwa or being his father, founded the town of Ife and established the office of supremleruler there-that is, not only is the Benin dynasty not represented as of the Ife origin and less ancient, but quite the opposite (aiid the city of Benin turns out to be older than Ife). The Oba dynasty is thus depicted as in fact not the Second but restored First one. However,a studentof ancientBeninmightfeel obligedto rejectthe apocryphal versions without hesitation as deliberately unauthcntic. 68 DmoitriM. Bondarenko There are no their records mnadebefore the early 1970s (Akinola 1976:21-36; Aisien 1995:18), while among coimmiono people the story of Ekaladcrhan that ends with the Prince's banishing froml Benin and subsequentdethronementof his father,the last Ogiso Owodo, is knowl (and was recordedhundredyears ago) (Roth 1903: 53-54; Emovon 1981: 268-70, 275-76). Thereis no doubt that the apocryphal versions are not ancient and are not popular. Their authors are representatives of the nationalistically-minded part of the Bini intelligentsia who are seeking to ground the idea of an exceptional antiquity for their people and claims for its exclusive part in the sociopolitical life of independent Nigeria (Akinola 1976:21-36; Otite 1977: 45; Ko- chakova1998:30).Behindsuchpseudohistorical studiesby intellectuals, as if harmless,one can makeout seriousproblemsof the country, interestsof politicalclans basedon theirmembers'ethnicconmmunity (Akinola1976:21-36).Not accidentally,the apocryphalversionswere firstpublishedin a BeninCity newspaperand then, as academicdebatesaroundthe founderof the Oba dynastytook the shapeof severe polemics(politicalby its nature)betweenthe Biniand Yorubahistorians in the centralNigerianpress(Kochakova1998: 37n10). II In the last fifteen years quite successful attempts have been made to analyze the legends elevating royal genealogies to mythic and deified characters, widely spread all over the archaic world (in particular see publications by Russian scholars: Bezrogov 1987:44-47; 1995:28-38; Kubbel' 1988:106-08, 112-13, 118; Sagalaev and Oktjabr'skaja1990). On the other hand, the traditional Bini story of the Oba coming to power also attracts attention by its typicality, in the sense that legends about local dynsties' founding by strangers invited for establishing order and justice are well known among many peoples of different parts of the world, too. (Among many others see e.g., Mcl'nikova 1995:3944; Bclkov 1996:70; Kochakova 1998:31-32). Belkov even inclines to seeing in such legends a "universal ethnographic fact" (Belkov 1996: 70), though this is perhaps an exaggeration (Mel'nikova 1995:39-44). Significantly, having analyzed a great many European "barbarian histories," Mel'nikova concluded (1995:44) that "legends about calling of a ruler in early Inedieval historiographic tradition . . . historicized reflecting true [my emphasis] interethnic conflicts of the 'barbarian' states formation period. Legitimation of ethnically alien AnotherAssessmentof a Benin History 69 rulingdynasties,groundingtheir claims for power was one of their major functions." It is also worth mentioning that the plot anidfabiula of these legends generalized by Mel'nikova are indeed very close to the BinistoryaboutOranmiyanand his foundingof the Oba dynasty (Mel'nikova1995:41-42). From the viewpoint of the historicity of Oranmiyan and the ascription that he founded the Second dynasty, the work of Belkov looks interesting,especiallyas it predominantlydeals with the Bini and YorubamythsaboutOduduwaand Orainmiyan (Belkov1996:6371). Belkovshowedthat "possession"of the mythdescribinga people and its royaldynasty'soriginsis a very importantattributeof rulers' authority.A ruler's"alienness"(ethnicas well as geographical),his belongingto anotherworld,is the most significantintegralpartof this attribute.However,thereis a necessaryconditionfor the introduction of political institutions alien by their origin: popular mentality must be of non-democratic characterand politicalculturemustcorrespondingly be basedon the ideologyof dominanceand subjection.In Benin this conditionwas fulfilledcompletely(Bondarenko1995:48-89,13352; Bondarenkoand Roese 1998b;Bondarenkoand Korotayev2000: 172-80). Undersuch circumstances,subjectionto foreignersis representedas a prestigiousact. In fact, for understanlding how the institutionof supremeruler functionedin Benin after the consolidationof the Oba dynasty,it is not importantwhetheror lnot Oranmiyanactuallylived. What is significant in this case is that the legend about Oranmiyan, notwithstanding the degree of its historicity, virtually gave the roya'l lineage a permanentmandatefor government.In this context Hooke (1991: 4) is rightarguingthat "withrespectto a mythnot the question:'Is it true?' but the question 'What is it intended for?' is lawful." But "the question: 'Is it true?"' becomes relevant when one analyzes myths and legends in connectionwith historyof the Oba dynasty'scoming to power.Sagalaevand Oktjabr'skaja (1990:70)emphasizethat [i]t might be possible to speak about two 'counter'processesin the concept of power formation.On the one hand, the supremeauthority sought to ground its claims for a specific position by ascending pedigree to deities. On the other hand, a tendency to mythologize real historicalfigures, rulerswhich have alreadyfound the status of is traced. ancestors, It is possiblethat these tendenciesinterlappedand solutedin the images of Oduduwaand Oranmiyan,who are representedsometimesas 70 Dmtitri M. Boindarenko deities, sometimes as historical figures. First and foremost, this is char- acteristicof Ife dwellers,whereworshipingOduduwaand Oranmiyan is spreadmost widely,whereasin Benintraditionthey are depicted, exceptionally,as humans.Generallyspeaking,thereare no reasonsto excludethatOduduwa,andespeciallyOranmiyan,couldbe (andwere IStrideand Ifcka1971:310;Babayemi1979; Smith1988:81])historical figures. If one proceedsfromthis premise(as the majorityof historiansdo, explicitlyor implicitly),it should be recognizedthat Oduduwaand Oranmiyanwere no doubt Yoruba,outstandingmembersof the Ife royaldynasty.Anotherpoint is that, due to theiroutstandingpersonalities, they acquiredfeaturesof deities, mythologicaland legendary characters,havingunavoidablylost many real charactersitcsand received "new" biographies.Such transforinationsare well knownito studentsof the Europeanheroicepos. Thus the fact that Oranmiyan in particularlyis "anarchetypalhero-figure"in no way automatically gives cause to look at him at as "a mythical creature," as, for example, Willett (1967:151) does. Even so, the supposed historicity of Odudu- wa and Oranmiyandoes not implythe historicityof all the deedsthey are credited with by tradition, even if one disengages oneself from stories about the creation of the land and so forth, which have formed the Yorubaset of storiesabouttheinas deitiesworshipedup to now.It is appropriate to quote at this point: Mythfor the Africanis a specificway of perceivingand transmitting his cosmic realitiesand experience.The purposeof myth is to explain, justifyand assertthe originand natureof social-political relationshipin a given structure.Suchaccountsmay disregardthe laws of sequence, time and space in its examples.Theyare not primarilyconcernedwith objectivereality.Historicalaccounts,on the other hand, use facts and events to discoverthe structure,not the otherway round,and it works by the laws of objectivereality.In Africantraditionalaccounts both myth and legendaryhistoryare inextricablyentwined, and it is the duty of the historianto understandtheiressentialnatureand function in orderto be able to extractfromthem the knowledgeusefulto him (Afolayan1986:35-36). PerhapsOduduwawas an outstandingIfe rulerin the period of its greatesteminence(ca. the twelfth century)to whom the dispatchof the dynasticfounderto Beninwas ascribed.Oranmiyan'sarrivalat Benin seems to be an event that could well have happened. "That this [Benin] dynasty was derived from Ife is beyond reasonable doubt", Bradbury(1964:151) wrote about the dynasty of Oba. AnotherAssessmentof a Benin History 71 In termsof this, it is remarkablethat Oba, BeninSeconddynasty rulers'title, is also the genericnotion for designatingsupremerulers' titles all over Yorubaland(for example,"Ooni is Oba of Ife"or "the Oba of Oyo is Alaafin").In the meantimenone of the Edo-speakiing peoples' rulers is called so except that of Bini (Obayemi 1976:245-46). Possibly, the point here is that the title of Oba could be associated not with a ruler in general but with a sovereign of particular type-one governing a society with a very complex organization. Only the Benin rulers could correspond to the Yoruba "standard"in the Edo-speaking world, where other rulers governed societies whose complexity did not exceed tie chiefdoin level. However, it looks unreasonable to reject the notion that the very title of Oba could appear in Benin due only to Yoruba origin of its holders. At the same time, it is known that the Yoruba did not influence the political systems of other Edo-speaking peoples, that is, peoples whose rulers are not called Oba. An important argument that favors the Ife origin of Oba dynasty is that Bini and Yoruba historical traditions are not the only sources supporting this hypothesis. Historically, ethnographic sources and European writings of the early and mid-sixteenth century (based on relations from Benin of the late fifteenth century) and of the early seventeenth century, also testify to the Second Benin Dynasty's links with Ife. These sources point at the Benin Oba's succession from the Ooni of Ife expressed in ritual forms. Particularly, "as a recognition of this fact deceased rulers' heads were sent to Ife for burial at OrunOba-Ado site... last time this happened in 1888. In its turn, a bronze depiction of tie head was usually sens back from Ife to Benin" (Willett 1982:22). Although no Ihuman remains or artifacts of Benin culture were found in six burials excavated at Arun-Oba-Ado (Willett 1982:2223), scholars usually do not reject the historical-ethnographic evidence as if false, but only introduce clarity into it (see e.g., Bradbury 1967:2; Willett 1973:129; Crowt(er 1978:41-42; Smith 1988:17). Egharevba relates that the birth of this tradition goes back to the very first Oba, Eweka I. He also argues that the hcad of a deceased ruler was sent to Ife after every third reign (Egharevba 1960:9). Perhaps the cult of the head (including that of the Oba), now popular among Bini, was introduced from Ife, where it is also well known. Besides that, "at various points in the annual cycle of kingship rites, the Oba receives fictitious gifts from his 'father'," the Ooni of Ife (Bradbury 1967:1-2). Another iinportant ethnohistorical piece of evidence is that during a new Oba's coronation, Yoruba 72 DmitriM. Bondarenko tribalmarkswere drawn with chalk on his cheeks and then erased whenthe ceremonywas over (Crowder1978:41). DuartePachecoPerciraandJoao de Barrosrelatedthat therewas a countrynot far fromBeningovernedby a greatrulercalledHooguanee by Perciraand Ogane by de Barros.This rulerwas honoredall over the region,like the Popewas by Catholics.Accordingto a very ancient custom, after acceding to the throne "the king of Benin" sent ambassadors to Ogane with expensive gifts to inform about the death of the previous ruler and to solicit confirmation of his right to succeed. As a sign of consent, the Ogane sent to Benin a staff and brass helnet which served as analogs to European kings' sceptre and crown. Ogane also sent a new Oba a brass cross which he must wear round his nleck. Without these symbols a Benin Oba could not be considered legiti- mate. Whileat the court of the Ogane, the "Beninking"'sambassadorsdid not see the greatautocrateven once:a silk curtainseparated themduringaudiences.Only beforethe ambassadors'finaldeparture a foot to whichthe Binienvoyscurtsyat parting,appearedfor a moient from behindthe curtain(PachecoPereira1956 11505/08]:139; Dc Barros1988 [1552]:83-84).In the 1610s and 1620s reportsof the of Agare,appearedagainin the memoirs Ogane,now underthe namne of Manuelde Figueiredo,DierickRuiters,and Alonso de Sandoval (see Bascoml973:34n4). Tlese descriptionsheardby Europealisin BeninresembleIfecourt rituals very much. It is also obvious that onllythe Ooni could be likened to the Pope throughoutthe Bight of Benin region. Filnally, Ooni sounds as Oghene in the Bini language(Bradbury1957:20; 1967:1), which is very close to Ogane (and looks an immeasurably moreplausibleconnotationthan the "historicallink Ogane-Ghana" supposedby S6oken[1954:899], especiallywith respectto the fact that ancientGhanahad not existed for four centuriesby the late fifteenth century.) The overwhelming majority of scholars from the beginning of the twentieth century have not doubted that Pacheco Pereira, de Barros, and others meant precisely the Ooni of Ife (see e.g., Stoll 1902:16166; Roth 1903: 61nl; Marquart 1913:52; Talbot 1926:1:155-56, 281-82, 3:573; Schurhammer 1928:28-30; Bradbury 1964:151; Palau Marti 1960:63; Mauny 1961:182; Law 1973:17-19; Obaycmi 1976:247). In the meantime, it seeins that the question is in ritual expression of recognition of the Ooni dynasty's superiority over the Oba dynasty, but not in any real dependency of Benin on Ife AnotherAssessnment of a Benin History 73 (especiallysincethe time of Ife'sacmlehad passedby the late fifteenth century(seee.g., Willett1982:20;Adediran1991:84-85). However,thereis a point that made Ryderand Thorntonoppose the identificationof Ogane with the Ooni of Ife (see Ryder1965:2537; Thornton1988:351-62vs. Akinjogbin1967:41-43;Willett1973: is that de Barrospointed 137-38; Obayemi1980:31-43).The mnatter fromBenineastwardswhile determiningthe geographicalpositionof the Ogane'sdomain,thoughIfe is situatedto the northwest.But this 'mistake'would not look so serious(especiallyagainsta background of the aforementionedevidencesupportingthe Ogane'sidentification with the Ooni of Ife) if one recallshow low the level of Europeans' geographicand ethnographicknowledgeof distantcountrieswas at that time. For example,lands that have neverexisted frequentlyappearedon mapsand were sought by generationsof travelersand adventurers,while Coliumbusdid not realizethat he had discoveredthe Americasuntilthe end of his life, if then. Europeanknowledgeof the African continent, especially of its iinnerparts, was all too scanty in late fifteenthand firsthalf of the sixteenthcenturies.In particular,no Europeansare known to have visitedIfe until the expeditionsof Leo Frobeniusin the beginningof the twentiethcentury. Two otherpointsshouldbe takeninto account.Europeansenjoyed linguistic difficulties while communicating with Bini and de Barros (as well as Pacheco Pereira) wrote about Benin and the realm of Ogane fromotherpeople'swords.All thiscould promotecorruptionof initial geographicalinformation.For example,the followingassumptionof Akinjogbin(1967:41-43)seemsto be quiteplausible: FromBeninto Atakpame, andfromLagosto Oyolie(OldOyoin the translated maps)Ifeis knownas Ifeondaiye,ibiojuti imowa.Literally intoEnglish thismeans"Ifethecreatorof theworld,fromwherelight comes."Properly understood,it means,Ifethe originof the world, fromwherecultureandcivilization radiate.. . . Theliteraltranslation "fromwherelightcomes"wasstillfurthermisconstrued by the early to referto the lightof the suncomingfromthe eastand Portuguese so theytranslated of Ifeas Ife,the orginof the world thatappellation whichlayto the east. Giving considerationto early Europeanvisitors' indicationthat the "landof Ogane" was situatedeast of Benin,one mnayalso pay attentionto the story of the BelgiantravelerAdolphe Burdo,who visitedWestAfricaabout 120 years ago. Burdo(1880:159-61, 16466) related that in the land of Ibo (Ibo), about 25 leagues froim the 74 DmnitriM. Bondarenko left bankof the Niger riverin the northernpartof delta (that is, precisely east of Benin)there was the sacredtown of Aro (Aro) whose rulerwas calledOgene(Ogene).However,the Ogeneis representedby Burdoas lackingany signsof sacralityand in general,his description of the rulerof Aro, his court,and palaceetiquettehas nothingin coinmon with what PachecoPercira,de Barros,and others wrote about the Ogane. So thereis little room for doubtingthe BeninOba dynasty'sfoundationby Orainmiyan, a memberof the Ife royalfamily.Buttwo other importantquestionsstill left:whendid it happen?Andhow? III Being influencedby Egharevba,modern Benin chroniclersare inclined to date the advent of Oranmiyanto Beninabout 1170-1200 (Egharevba1960:6-8,75; Egharevba1965:18;Ebohon1972:8;Eweka 1989:15-16).An exceptionto the rulearethe most apologeticallyand mindedwriters.Beingveryfar fromgenuinescholars, nationalistically in believe the they validityof evenearlierdates( e.g., Ugowe 1997:6severalyearsbeforeEgharevba,the EnglishmanPal,m7). Remarkably, er datedtraditionalrelationsof theseeventsto the sametime, "about 1200" (Palmer1928:87).In the meantime,his compatriotTalbot,who also recordedoral traditionsof the Biniin the 1920s, datedtie riseof the Seconddynastyto 1300 (Talbot1926:1:153).Ife nativehistorians wrote that Oranmiyanlived either in the eleventhcentury(Biobaku 1958:65-66)or between1200 and 1300 (Fabunmi1985:72). Therehas beenno unanimityon this point amongscholarsto date. Some, for exampleJungwirthand Onokerhorayc(Jungwirth1968: 69; Onokerhoraye 1975:297), accept the traditional date, that is, ca. 1200. But other opinions have been expressedas well. The archaeologists Shaw and Clarkdate this event to the eleventhand twelfth centuries(Shaw1968:14;Clark1977:206)whileanotherarcheologist, Darling(1984:1:157-60,2:336) thinksthatca. 1450 is a betterchoice. The historianKochakova(1986:176)does not see anyopportunityfor givinga moreexact date than the tenthto fourteenthcenturies,while her colleaguesDike, Isichei,Smith,and Sargentbelievethat the Oba dynastycame to power in the twelfth,end of twelfth,mid-thirteenth, and the firsthalf of fourteenthcenturyrespectively(Dike 1959:13;Isichei 1983:137;Smith1988:81-85;Sargent1986:406-07). Othershavealso contributedto the solutionof this puzzle:Lloyd's AnotherAssessment of a Bentin History 75 answeris the twelfth-fourteenthcenturies,Afigbo'sis the thirteenth century,Roese'sone is between 1200 and 1320, and Bradbury'sis the cusp of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries (Lloyd 1968:323; Afigbo 1980:315; Roese 1984:207; Bradbury1964:149; 1967:1; 197311959]:42).Finally,studentsof Benincourt art have also made attemptsto date the time of the Seconddynasty'scoming to power. In particular, Freyer and Mowat regard this as happening in the late fourteenthcentury(Freyer1987:9;Mowat 1991:2). The best-knownand most authoritativeamong all the dates differingfromthe canonicaldating(thatof Egharevba)is that proposed doubtsabout viz., ca. 1300. The Britishanthropologist's by Bradbury, Egharevba's date was based on his opinion that Egharevba had ascribed too long reigns to the early Oba, especially to those which ruled 42). priorto the firstEuropeans'arrival(Bradbury1973119591:37-41, How well are Bradbury's "claims"grounded? Accordingto Egharevba,in the periodpreceedingthe establishment of the Bini-European relations(1200-1481) 14 Oba reigned(Egharevba 1960:8-23),an averagereignlengthof 20.1 years.Butthe average lengthof reignfor the whole Oba periodby Egharevba(1200-2001) turns out even bigger(20.5 years),eveinif we omit twenty yearsof in earlysixteenthand the late nineteenth-early twentieth interregnums centuries.For the periodfrom 1481 to present,the averagelenlgthof reignis 21.6 years.Forthe whole timeof Benin'sindependenceunder the Oba dynasty(1200-1897 by Egharevba)each sovereignruledan averageof 19.8 years.Forcomparison,the averagelengthof rulewas equal to 12.3 yearsin Zainfara,13 yearsin Nupeland,15.6 yearsin Kuba(Smith1988:8n.13). The averagefigureof 20.1 yearsis achievedby the "pre-European" Beninrulersdue to six of 14 Oba-tradition assignsEwekaI, Udagbedo, Olihe, and Ewuare35, 39, 36, and 33 yearsrespectively,while Egbekaand Orobiruwerein powerfor seventyyearsin total (no more exact figuresbeingprovided).It looks quite possiblethat the periods of ruleascribedto thesesix Oba could havedevouredthe timeof other rulerswho did not commitanythingremarkableand wereforgotten by descendants(Crowder1978:16;Afolayan1986:34-35).Howeve;r even if one regards those six Oba's reigns as too long in the tradition, and imaginethat each of thlemwere, say ten or 15 yearsshorter,the divergencefor severaldecadeswill not look so importantin the perspective of the last eight centuries of Benin history. At the samemoment,Bradbury(1973[1959]:41)himselfnotedthe 76 DmitriM. Bondare.nko accuracyof EgharevbaandTalbot'sdatesfor the eighteenth-and nincteenth-centuryOba, yet the averagelengthof these Oba turnsout to be 23 years for Egharevbaand 22.8 years for Talbot. Furtherinore, amiongeight sovereignsthat governedbetween1713 (perEgharevba) or 1715 (perTalbot)anid1897, therewere Akengbudawho ruledfor 54(!) years,Osemwedefor 32, and Adolo for 40 years(by Egharevba; 43, 37, and 36 years respectivelyby Talbot).There seems to be no reasonto supposethat longevityincreasedconsiderablyin the Second dynastyperiod,and on the otherhand,at the end of fifteenthand first half of sixteenthcenturies,seventy-yearold people apparentlywere not a rarityin Benin(de Barros198811552]:27).Thus, it mustnot go withoutsayingthatamongfourteenknownmedievalOba, therecould not havebeenfiveor six who governedBeninfor over thirtyyears. Finally,accordingto Egharevba,twelve Oba reignedbefore the consolidationof Beniinempirefor about 273 years, from intronization of EwekaI in about 1200 to the deathof Ewuarein 1473. In the meantime,for examplethe firsttwelvesovereignsof the Ottomandynasty,whichcameto powerin 1281, wereon the thronefor 303 years (Alderson1956:128-29),that is thirtyyearson average,or longerthan the "preimperial" Oba. Thereis no doubtaboutveracityof the Ottoman dynasticlist, while nothingallows us to supposethat longevity was incomparablyhigherin medievalTurkeythan in contemnporary times,as perhapswas the case in pre-slavetradeand precolonialBenin,especiallyif one limitsoneselfto the iiobility. Thus it looks as though there are no seriousreasonsto consider the datesEgharevbasuggestsfor earlyOba as particularlyinlauthenltic or excessive.It is unreasonablethen to draw the date of the Second dynasty'sfoundationnearerto us for as miuchas a century,as Bradburydid. It is reinarkablethat his own chosenmethoddoes not give such reasons.The methodof calculatingaveragelengthof rule is the only one inherentlylogical, if not necessarilyreliable.However,having used the same ,method,Smithgot 1250 as the approxiiate (late for the Oba dynasty'sfoundation,and Jungwirthquite agreedwith date of 1200. Both of themgaineda foothold in the Jan Egharevba's Vansina'smonographthat becamea turningpoint in the studyof oral traditionas a historicalsource (Vansina1965), whereasBradbury's paperfirstappearedin 1959. Our surveyinclinesus to surmisethat the Oba dynastyimostlikely beganto governbetweenca. 1200 and ca. 1250, i.e., in the interval markedby the dates of Egharevba(and Jungwirth)at one end and of Smithat the other.Naturally,the adventof Oranmiyanhappened AnotherAssessmentof a Be.ninHistory 77 some time before that date. It seems that there are no possibilities (at least today) for suggestingany moreexact dates for these crucial eventsof Beninhistory(sharp,but just, criticismof Sargent's[1986] attemptsto suggestexact dates for early Beninhistory;see Manning 1986:432). Note that Egharcvbaunderstoodcompletelyhimselfhow relativethe measureof his dates' exactnesscould be (sec Bradbury 1973[1959l:23,40). Anotherconclusiondrawnfrom the analysisof Beninchronology has social anthropologicalimplications.It is quite obvious that the average length of the Oba's reign was much longer than that of the Ogiso, the FirstDynastysovereigns.These rulerswere in power for about 8.5 yearson average(Bondarenko2001:96). Probably,this fact can be regarded as an evidence for significant consolidation of the su- preineauthorityand its institutionsunderthe Seconddynasty. IV So, most probablythere are no serious obstaclesfor regardingas a historicalfact the BeninSeconddynasty'sfoundationby Oranmiyan of Ife. There are also no obstacles for dating this event the turn of the twelfth and thirteenthcenturiesor at least, the early decadesof the thirteenthcentury.However,while makingan attemptto reconstruct the course of events (Oraimiyan'sarrivalin Benin, his rule there, handingover the throneto EwekaI, and returnto Ifc)onlehas to keep a balancebetweenthe Biniand Yorubadescriptions. The first problemis: on whose initiativedid Oranmiyancome to Benil? Let us renmember that, accordingto the most popularYoruiba version,Oduduwa,the rulerof Ife, sent his sons to found new cities and dynasties(the storyput down by Courlanderis a remarkableexception). In Benin they say that Oranmiyan was invited to the throne by the Edionevbocouncil,on the proposalof its memberOliha.If one puts the problem of Oralnmiyan'sappearance in Benin in the same his- toricalcontext with tiheBini storyabout the interregnum's beginning (about the rule of Evian aind his son Ogiamwen), the version arguing that Oranmiyanwas invitedlooks muchthe moreplausible. By differentoral traditionrecords,by legendsand the languageof rites (Egharevba1960:5-6; Egharevba1965:18; Egharevba1970:6; 1990: Nevadomsky1984:56; Eweka 1989:15; 1992:8-9; Omnoregie 11-13; Curnow 1997:47) Evianand Ogiamwenwere relatedto the Efa,the firstsettlersof Biniland,subduedby the Bini(see Bondarenko and Roese 1998a). Furthermore,they are depictedas representatives 78 M. Boiidarenko Dmnitri of that people's nobility. Judging by the evidence of Dcnnett and Talbot (Dennett 1906:174; Talbot 1926:1:153, 2:582), Evian and Ogiamwen were among the retinue of Ogiefa, the supreme ruler of all the Efa. The spheres of their competence overlapped with those of the Edionevbo, the all-BeniniCity chiefs, Evian and Ogiamwen belonged to the dynasty of Efa chiefs whose authority stretched over the wards of the city inhabited by their tribesmen. Quite evidently, these were the wards whose dwellers now argue that their ancestors had not come to Benin from anywhere, but lived there "from the beginning" (Bradbury 1957:19; Igbafe 1974:2). It is also easy to imagine what tension could exist between the two "city halls" and how much each of them wished to monoopolizepower over the entire city. Of course, the fall of the Ogiso dynasty was a defeat not only of its last representativeOwodo, but of the Edionevbo. No doubt the "kingmakers" had nothing against their further influencing the course of events not only in the capital but in the whole country through weak rulers, like the majority of the Ogiso seem to have been. There are also no reasons to doubt that they took a hand in the campaign for OgiainwenI's non-recognition as a legitimate ruler (Eweka 1989:15). According to the official tradition, the Edionevbo used their rights as kingmakers and called a prince from Ife. We might suppose that they called him from there because for Benin people only a man from that town could be a legitimate dynastic founder. The point is that some versions of the tradition hold that Ife was the motherland of the institution of suprachiefdom authority in Benin as such: from there the First dynasty founder Igodo arrived in Biniland as well (Page 1944:166; Jungwirth 1968:68. For arguments in favor of this version see Bondarenko 2001:72-81; Bondarenko and Roese 2001). So the Edionevbo called Oranmiyan as the last argument in their struggle with the first settlers' descendants who, under the lead of Evian and then Ogiamwen, tried to make use of the uncertain political situationI after the last Ogiso's overthrow to fouiid a dynasty of their ownl and to push the Bini to the sidelines in their turn. If one looks at the history of the Second dynasty foundation (from the advent of Oranmiyan until Eweka l's coronation) in such a historical context, many other shadowy passages of and contradictions between the Bini and Yoruba oral traditions versions might become clearer. In particular, the contradiction between the versions arguing that Oranmiyan was invited to Benlin and those that he seized power after a victorious battle against the Ogiamlwen's army turns out be illusory. Our analysis has revealed that the call of AnotherAssessmentof a BeninHistory 79 Oranmiyan by the Bini chiefs all but unavoidably presupposed armed resistance of the Efa headed by Ogiamwen, who was in power in Benin at that moment. Thus, from the historical viewpoint the peaceful and military versions of Oranmiyan's appearance in Beniii do not contradict, but supplement each other. Furthermore, these Bini versions correlate with the Yoruba historical tradition and legends that depict Oranmiyan as the most bellicose of all Oduduwa's offspring. Perhaps Oranmiyan satisfied the Edionevbo not only as their ideological (a new dyinastywas to be of Ife origin) argument, but also military "last argument," for it must had been clear that Ogiamwen would never leave the throne without a fight. In fact, the dramatization of a battle between Oranmiyan and the enemies trying to prevent him from entering Benin City, forms a part of the Oba inthronization rites (Ajisafe 1945:22; Palau Marti 1960:72; Roese 1988:70). Precisely because Oranmiyan had to suppress resistance of a part of Benin dwellers in order to profit from tie invitation of another sector's chiefs, his rule turned out to be so uneasy. But to all appearances, Oranmiyan was not recognized unreservedly by the Bini either. As a result Benin had become for him the "Land of Troubles," a golden cage from which he finally escaped. But Benin and Yoruba traditions are not unanimous as to what extent Oranmiyan's departure from Benin and return to Ife was voluntary or forced. As has been noted had to come back home beabove, the Yoriubatell that Oranmniyani cause the political situation in Ife urgently demanded his presence. Conversely, the Bini argue that Orainmiyan left Benin without any connection with tihecourse of events in his native town but because he realizing his incapability to be a good ruler in the strange country. Speculatively, three hypothetical scenarios seem to merit more or less attention at this point. The first is that, even while residing in Benin, Oranmiyan dreamnedof ascending his father's throne in Ife, the most prestigious in the region. In this case, he dared not miss a chance to intervene in the struggle for it. Having guaranteed succession in Benin by founding the Oba dynasty, he departed for Ife. Another possible scenario supposes that, despite all the complexities in his relations with the subjects, Oranmiyan intended to rule in Benin until the end of lhislife insulated by the mighty Edionevbo, and to pass the throne on to his heir. But mutual estrangement of the Bini and their new foreign ruler reached a culmination and Oranmiyanlhad to leave Benin vacating the throne for Eweka, his son by a local woman. However, the third scenario seems the most probable. Notwith- 80 Dmaitri M. Boindarenko standinghis initialwishesand plans, Oranmiyancould simply"flee" with a plausible excuse (or even without one) from the Edionevbo who desiredto see himas theirpuppet.As the historyof the firstthreeOba reveals,the politicalmechanismin the countryhad beenlaunchedwith justsucha calculation;even the officialroyalisttraditionrecognizesit in practice (Eweka 1989:iv, 15, 16, 18). In this scenario's context, Oranmiyan's maxims that only a native of Benin must be her ruler look like being provoked by complexities in his relations not with the people but with the Edionevbo chiefs. In this case they should be lunderstood in the sense that it could be more difficult for the Edionevbo to manipulate a Bini-born sovereign, who might feel and behave more independently. Oranmiyan himself was regarded as prinmusinter pares in his relations with the Edionevbo (reminiscences of this formal position of Oranmiyan have preserved in semantic of the Oba's coronation ceremony; see Egharevba 1949:27-28). However, in fact he was under their not only protection, but also their vigilant control, which could hardly satisfy him. Nevertheless, Oranmiyan's "escape" could even gladden the Edionevbo, for it was evidently easier for them to manipulate his young successor, and his mutually antagonistic regents, than such a strong personality as Oranmiyan. When the latter sent insignia and symbols of authority for the rulers of the dynasty he had founded, it did not contradict the Edionevbo's interests. Although Oranmiyan had succeeded in the struggle for the Ooni's throne, the ritual and symbolic nature of that action was clear. Without depriving the country of any real sovereignty, the Edionevbo got an additional ideological pillar for the dynasty that then probably seemed them "pocket." Best of all, the symbols and insignia of the supreme power had been received, not just froln somewhere, but from sacred Ifc. Thus by the moment of Eweka I's accession, Bini hegemony over the Efa had been restored completely and forever. In a decisive mlcasure this was achieved with Yoruba help, while Oranmiyan was to symbolize the restoration of the pre-Evian order. The authority of Oranmiyan and his descendants was to be perceived as the legal "continuation" of that of the First dynasty rulers. The effect of this feelilig of the changes' gravity was to deaden in people's hearts and minds. 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