LSHSS
Research Article
The Relation of Linguistic Awareness and
Vocabulary to Word Reading and Spelling
for First-Grade Students Participating
in Response to Intervention
Young-Suk Kim,a Kenn Apel,b and Stephanie Al Otaibac
Purpose: The relations of phonological, orthographic, and
morphological awareness and vocabulary to word reading
and spelling were examined for 304 first-grade children who
were receiving differentiated instruction in a Response to
Intervention (RtI) model of instruction.
Method: First-grade children were assessed on their
phonological, orthographic, and morphological awareness;
expressive vocabulary; word reading; and spelling. Year-end
word reading and spelling were outcome variables, and
phonological, orthographic, and morphological awareness;
expressive vocabulary; and RtI status (Tiers 1, 2, & 3) were
predictor variables.
Results: The 3 linguistic awareness skills were unique
predictors of word reading, and phonological and orthographic
awareness were unique predictors of spelling. The contributions
that these linguistic awareness skills and vocabulary made
to word reading and spelling did not differ by children’s RtI
tier status.
Conclusion: These results, in conjunction with previous
studies, suggest that even beginning readers and spellers
draw on multiple linguistic awareness skills for their word
reading and spelling regardless of their level of literacy
abilities. Educational implications are discussed.
C
Ouellette & Sénéchal, 2008; Torgesen, Wagner, & Rashotte,
1994; Wolter, Wood, & D’zatko, 2009). Importantly, however, many investigations of the influence of children’s linguistic awareness skills on their development of literacy
abilities have focused on one of these linguistic awareness
skills. Thus, although these studies have informed the literacy
acquisition field regarding the individual influences that each
skill makes to literacy development, we still have a limited
understanding about the unique contributions that these
skills make when they are considered in tandem, particularly
for beginning readers and spellers. Such insight could guide
early literacy interventions and inform Response to Intervention (RtI) implementation (Individuals with Disabilities
Education Improvement Act, 2004).
RtI is a new approach that is widely used to provide
differentiated instruction and early intervention to children
in the United States (e.g., Gersten et al., 2009; Zirkel &
Thomas, 2010). However, to date, the field lacks guidance
about how various linguistic awareness skills might differentially influence word reading and spelling outcomes as a
function of both children’s language and literacy skills and
reading instruction. The purpose of this study was to examine
the impact of first-grade children’s linguistic awareness skills
(i.e., phonological, orthographic, and morphological awareness) and vocabulary on their lexical-level literacy abilities
hildren’s ability to think about and manipulate
various aspects of language, or their linguistic
awareness skills, contributes to their reading and
writing development (e.g., Apel & Masterson, 2001; Bear &
Templeton, 1998; Ehri & McCormick, 1998; Moats, 2000;
Schlagal, 2001; Siegler, 1996). Researchers have documented
that children’s awareness of sounds (phonological awareness),
letter(s) patterns (orthographic awareness), word meaning
(vocabulary), and relations among words based on meaning (morphological awareness) influences their acquisition
of word reading and spelling abilities (e.g., Bird, Bishop,
& Freeman, 1995; Burgess & Lonigan, 1998; Castles &
Coltheart, 2004; Deacon, Kirby, & Casselman-Bell, 2009;
a
Florida State University and Florida Center for Reading Research,
Tallahassee
b
University of South Carolina, Columbia
c
Southern Methodist University, Dallas, TX
Correspondence to Young-Suk Kim: ykim@fcrr.org
Editor: Marilyn Nippold
Associate Editor: Victoria Joffe
Received February 8, 2012
Revision received November 19, 2012
Accepted May 8, 2013
DOI: 10.1044/0161-1461(2013/12-0013)
Key Words: metalinguistic awareness, vocabulary,
word reading, spelling, RtI
Language, Speech, and Hearing Services in Schools • Vol. 44 • 337–347 • October 2013 • A American Speech-Language-Hearing Association
337
(i.e., word reading and spelling) and to examine whether any
influence from these linguistic skills on literacy abilities
varied by children’s RtI status.
According to the connectionist (or triangle) model of
reading, word reading in English depends on three critical
component processes: phonology, orthography, and semantics (Plaut, McClelland, Seidenberg, & Patterson, 1996;
Seidenberg, 2005). This influential model also has been
applied to spelling acquisition (Treiman, 1993). The role of
phonology (or phonological awareness) in word reading and
spelling has been widely recognized (National Institute of
Child Health and Human Development [NICHD], 2000)
as word reading requires converting letters to sounds and
spelling requires representing sounds using letters. Although
necessary, phonological awareness is not sufficient for word
reading and spelling; orthographic awareness also is necessary because both word reading and spelling involve knowing and representing letters and letter patterns. In addition,
knowledge of word meanings (vocabulary) is hypothesized
to interact with phonology and orthography and contribute
to word reading (Duff & Hulme, 2012; Nation & Snowling,
2004; Oullette, 2006; Ricketts, Nation, & Bishop, 2007).
Due to inconsistent grapheme–phoneme correspondences in English, children’s semantic knowledge might help
them read words over and above their phonological and
orthographic awareness, particularly irregular words in
English (Ricketts et al., 2007). It should be noted that although the connectionist model of word reading includes
semantics (vocabulary), vocabulary has been primarily examined for its contribution to reading comprehension (e.g.,
NICHD, 2000); only recently has the direct influence of
vocabulary on word reading been examined (Nation &
Snowling, 2004; Oullette, 2006; Ricketts et al., 2007). On the
other hand, vocabulary has received little attention for its
potential relation to spelling (Oullette & Sénéchal, 2008).
Findings from the few existing studies examining the relation
of vocabulary to spelling have shown weak to moderate
relations (Caravolas, Kessler, Hulme, & Snowling, 2005;
Sénéchal & LeFevre, 2002). In contrast, many studies have
examined the role of morphological awareness in word reading (e.g., Carlisle, 1995; Carlisle & Nomanbhoy, 1993; Casalis
& Louis-Alexandre, 2000; Mahony, Singson, & Mann, 2000;
Roman, Kirby, Parrila, Wade-Woolley, & Deacon, 2009)
and spelling (e.g., Bourassa, Treiman, & Kessler, 2006;
Deacon & Bryant, 2005; Kim, 2010; Nagy, Berninger, &
Abbott, 2006). In the present study, we investigated the unique
contributions of vocabulary and morphological awareness
to word reading and spelling in addition to phonological and
orthographic awareness.
In recent years, a few research teams have investigated
the simultaneous effects of the three linguistic awareness
skills on children’s reading and spelling abilities. However,
the results have not been clear developmentally across grades
or by outcomes (word reading or spelling). Despite the recognized role of phonological awareness in word reading and
spelling (NICHD, 2000; National Research Council, 1998;
Torgesen et al., 1994), its unique and independent contribution
to either reading or spelling, over and above morphological and
orthographic awareness, is not robust. For example, phonological awareness was found to be uniquely related to word
reading for first graders (Ortiz et al., 2012) and struggling
second graders (Nagy, Berninger, Abbott, Vaughan, &
Vermeulen, 2003) and to nonword reading for struggling
second graders (Nagy et al., 2003) and more advanced readers
(i.e., fourth, sixth, and eighth grade; Roman et al., 2009).
In contrast, phonological awareness was not found to be
uniquely related to word reading for students in the primary
grades (Apel, Wilson-Fowler, Brimo, & Perrin, 2012) and
in middle school (Roman et al., 2009) or to spelling for
students in the primary grades (Apel et al., 2012; Walker &
Hauerwas, 2006).
Similarly, findings about the unique role of morphological awareness to word reading and spelling over and
above phonological and orthographic awareness have been
somewhat mixed. Morphological awareness in kindergarten
was uniquely related to reading (word reading and reading
comprehension combined) for first-grade students (Ortiz
et al., 2012), to word reading for second- and third-grade
students (Apel et al., 2012), and to spelling for second- (Apel
et al., 2012) and third-grade students (Apel et al., 2012;
Walker & Hauerwas, 2006). In contrast, morphological
awareness was not found to be uniquely related to word
reading for struggling second- and fourth-grade students
(Nagy et al., 2003) or for typically developing fourth-, sixth-,
and eighth-grade students (Roman et al., 2009); nor was
morphological awareness found to be uniquely related to
spelling for first- and second-grade students (Walker &
Hauerwas, 2006) or for struggling second- and fourth-grade
students (Nagy et al., 2003). However, orthographic awareness does appear to be somewhat more consistently related
to word reading and spelling, as it has been found to be
uniquely related to spelling for primary-grade students (Apel
et al., 2012; Walker & Hauerwas, 2006) and to word reading
for typically developing (Apel et al., 2012) and struggling
primary-grade students (Nagy et al., 2003) and for typically
developing fourth-, sixth-, and eighth-grade students (Roman
et al., 2009). To our knowledge, no study has examined a
unique role of vocabulary to word reading and spelling in
English after accounting for the three linguistic awareness
skills.
These mixed findings of the unique roles of phonology,
orthography, and morphology might be attributed to multiple factors in previous studies, including differences in
participants’ grades and ages and differences in the study
methods (e.g., how linguistic awareness, word reading, and
spelling were measured). Furthermore, these studies tended
to have small sample sizes (Ns ≤ 50 per grade; exceptions
were samples in Ortiz et al., [2012] and in Nagy et al. [2003]),
which might have influenced their statistical significance.
Thus, additional information is needed regarding the unique
influence of phonology, orthography, morphology, and
vocabulary on the early stages of literacy development.
Findings from such studies will inform developmental theory. For example, in the past, many researchers advocated
for a stage theory of literacy development, such that different
linguistic awareness skills are acquired in a step-wise fashion
338 Language, Speech, and Hearing Services in Schools • Vol. 44 • 337–347 • October 2013
over time, and that different linguistic awareness skills influence literacy abilities during different phases (e.g., Bear &
Templeton, 1998; Ehri & McCormick, 1998; Moats, 2000).
However, the findings reviewed above suggest that even
beginning readers and spellers are acquiring the three linguistic awareness skills and vocabulary, and that these skills
might be impacting literacy acquisition simultaneously, although the exact nature and patterns of acquisition are still
unclear.
Knowledge of developmental relations of phonology,
orthography, morphology, and vocabulary and how they
may influence students’ response to beginning reading has
important educational and practical implications for implementation of RtI. The RtI model is used in all 50 states as an
early intervention approach (Jenkins, Hudson, & Johnson,
2007; Speece, Case, & Molloy, 2003). In RtI, students are
typically screened to determine which students have weak
literacy skills so that supplementary literacy intervention can
be provided to them. Although RtI models differ in terms
of how weak skills are defined, how much intervention
students receive, and how responsiveness is defined, most
involve multiple tiers of increasing intervention intensity.
The foundation for these models is Tier 1, or evidence-based
classroom instruction and screening. Typically, Tier 2 is
provided in addition to Tier 1 to students with weak skills;
if the students do not respond positively, they receive more
intensive help at Tier 3. These extra tiers involve increasingly
smaller group sizes, more instructional time, more expert
teaching, and often, different intervention materials (see
Al Otaiba et al., 2011).
Even at an early phase of literacy acquisition, children
vary widely in their phonology, orthography, morphology,
and vocabulary knowledge as well as their word reading
and spelling (Apel & Apel, 2011; Cassar & Treiman, 1997;
Ouellette & Sénéchal, 2008). Thus, if the nature of relations
differs for children with varying linguistic awareness skills,
then supplemental intervention at Tiers 2 and 3 could be
differentiated as a function of the children’s skill level not
only for reading, but also for language. If the nature of the
relations is similar, then what may need to be varied is the
pacing or intensity of instruction rather than content.
In our current investigation, students were screened for
a risk in literacy acquisition and were assigned a risk level
at the start of first grade, followed by random assignment
within classrooms to two types of intervention (see Method
for details). To date, there has been no investigation about
whether phonological, orthographic, and morphological
awareness and vocabulary are differentially related to literacy abilities in children at different tiers of intervention (RtI).
Determining whether the impact of these linguistic awareness skills differs by students who vary in literacy ability and
receive differential instruction based on an RtI model should
provide additional information on which to situate developmental theory and inform practice. Thus, the purpose of
this study was to determine the unique contributions of
linguistic awareness skills and vocabulary to word reading
and spelling in first-grade children participating in a yearlong evaluation of a three-tier RtI implementation.
The existing literature suggests no clear patterns for the
effects of linguistic awareness skills on reading and spelling
across a developmental spectrum, but instead suggests that
multiple linguistic awareness skills might be at play (e.g., Apel
et al., 2012; Roman et al., 2009; Walker & Hauerwas, 2006).
For instance, it has been shown that even novice spellers use
orthographic and morphological knowledge in their spelling
(Cassar & Treiman, 2009; Ouellette & Sénéchal, 2008). Thus,
we hypothesized that there might be no to minimal differences
among students in the three RtI tiers regarding the contributions of the three linguistic awareness skills and vocabulary to
literacy abilities. In other words, although children’s performance level on these linguistic awareness and vocabulary
skills might be different, the extent to which component skills
contribute to word reading and spelling might not differ for
children in different tiers of intervention.
Method
Participants and Schools
A total of 304 first-grade students (157 girls; Mage =
6.92 years, SD = .38) participated in the study. These
304 students were from 28 classrooms in five schools serving
students from a variety of socioeconomic status (SES) levels,
but predominantly lower SES, within a school district in a
southeastern US state. The number of participants per class
who completed the study varied from 5 to 17, with a mean
of 10.86 (SD = 3.30). All of the schools and teachers used
the Open Court Reading program (Bereiter et al., 2002) for
È90 min per day as their Tier 1 core reading program. All of
the schools were in their second year of RtI implementation.
Approximately 61% of the children were African American,
27% were Caucasian, 9% were multiracial, and 3% were listed
as other. By design, the majority of the children (72%)
qualified for free and reduced lunch status.
These students were participating in a larger study
investigating the efficacy of an RtI framework (Al Otaiba
et al., 2011). In this larger study, all 304 students were
screened at the beginning of the school year (within 6 weeks
after school started) on several literacy measures, including
a measure of teacher judgment of severity of reading difficulties. These initial screenings were used to develop school
norms, and results discerned who had the weakest initial
reading skills from their school peers. To be eligible for supplemental tiers of intervention, students were required to
score <40th percentile for their school on at least three of
four screening measures of real and pseudoword reading,
letter-sound knowledge, and letter identification or for their
teachers to judge them to have severe reading difficulties.
Further, students were excluded from intervention if they
read above a standard score of 95 on both the Letter Word
Identification and Passage Comprehension subtests of the
Woodcock Johnson Tests of Achievement, Third Edition
(WJ–III; Woodcock, McGrew, & Mather, 2001). Thus, the
sample for the present study included all students whose
screening results indicated that they had low risk for struggle
with literacy acquisition and were initially eligible for Tier 1
Kim et al.: Linguistic Awareness and Reading
339
only (n = 167; Mage = 6.66, SD = .49), those eligible to receive
Tier 2 intervention (n = 119; Mage = 6.73, SD = .58), and
those eligible to receive Tier 3 intervention (n = 18; Mage =
6.56, SD = .49). A one-way analysis of variance (ANOVA)
and chi-square tests revealed no significant differences across
the three tiers in terms of student age, gender, or free and
reduced price lunch participation.
Based on this initial sorting to tier eligibility, students
were then randomly assigned to one of two researcheradministered RtI models. In the typical RtI model, after
eligibility screening, children received Tier 1 at the beginning of the year and were eligible for Tier 2 if they had not
responded to Tier 1 by the second screening 8 weeks later.
By contrast, in the dynamic RtI model, children who were
eligible were assigned immediately to Tier 2 or 3. Preliminary
findings indicated no significant differences in the present
sample of students’ literacy abilities between these two conditions in the middle of the school year (Al Otaiba et al.,
2011). In the present investigation, we used data from the
middle and end of the school year. To summarize, students
were receiving intervention at one of three tiers: Tier 1
(90 min per day of classroom literacy instruction), Tier 2
(two 30-min supplementary sessions per week in groups
of 5–7), or Tier 3 (four 45-min supplementary sessions per
week in groups of 3). Children’s mean performances in the
screening measures at the beginning and middle of the year
are presented in the Appendix. In the present study, the
children’s linguistic awareness and vocabulary skills (predictor variables) were assessed in the middle of the school
year, and their word reading and spelling abilities (literacy
outcomes) were assessed at the end of the school year.
Measures
The three linguistic awareness skills, vocabulary, and
children’s tier status (i.e., Tiers 1, 2, and 3) served as the
primary predictor variables. The students’ word reading and
spelling abilities served as the outcome measures.
Phonological awareness. The students were administered two subtests from the Comprehensive Test of Phonological Processing (CTOPP; Wagner, Torgesen, & Rashotte,
1999): the Blending subtest (20 items) and the Elision subtest
(20 items). Each item was scored as correct or incorrect.
The total number of correct items represented the total raw
score. Internal consistency estimates were .89 and .92 for the
Blending and Elision subtests, respectively, for 6-year-olds.
Test–retest reliability estimates were .88 for the Blending and
Elision subtests for 5- to 7-year-olds.
Orthographic awareness. An experimenter-designed
task (1 practice item and 50 test items) was used to assess the
students’ awareness of orthographic patterns and rules. Each
item contained two pseudowords, one of which violated
English orthography. The English orthographic violations
included the following patterns in English: consonant vowel
doubling (e.g., akke - noop), vowel/consonant representations
of the vocalized /l/ and /r/ phonemes (e.g., tibl – tible, kr - ker),
positional constrains on the use of letters for the /k/ phoneme
(e.g., chacke – chake), phonological context rules for the use
of digraphs for the /ch/ phoneme (e.g., litch – lich), orthotactic rules for marking the rk versus rc blends (e.g., sorksorc), rules for representing the /a/ and /k/ phonemes (e.g.,
chank – changk), and contextual rules for representing the
vocalized /l/ phoneme after consonant doubles (e.g., fottle –
fottel). After the examiner modeled the task using the practice item, the students were requested to look at each word
pair and to circle the word that “most looked like a real word.”
Each item was scored as correct or incorrect, and the total
number of correct items represented the total raw score.
Internal consistency (Cronbach’s alpha) for this task was .90.
Morphological awareness. The morphological awareness
measure also was an experimenter-designed task (1 practice
item and 40 test items). For each item, the students heard
a word (e.g., happy) followed by a sentence with a missing
word (e.g., “When the student did not get an A, he was very
_______.”) and were instructed to complete the sentence with
a related word. The items to be completed represented inflected words (e.g., socks, cries), derivational words with
prefixes (e.g., unusual, disappear), and derivational words
with suffixes (e.g., driver, helpful). The first half of the inflected
and derived words were phonologically and orthographically
transparent with their base form (e.g., happy – unhappy).
The latter half of the inflected and derived words involved a
phonological and/or orthographic change from their base
form (e.g., cry – cries). Each item was scored as correct or
incorrect, and the total number of correct items represented
the total raw score. Internal consistency for this task was .92.
Vocabulary. The students’ expressive vocabulary was
assessed using an expressive vocabulary measure, the Picture
Vocabulary subtest of the WJ–III, which required the students to name pictured objects. Each item was scored as
correct or incorrect, and the total number of correct items
represented the total raw score. Woodcock et al. (2001) reported a Cronbach’s alpha of .70 for 6-year-olds.
Word reading. The students’ word reading ability was
assessed using the Letter Word Identification subtest of the
WJ–III, which required students to identify letters and then
to read words. Each item was scored as correct or incorrect,
and the total number of correct items represented the total
raw score. Woodcock et al. (2001) reported a Cronbach’s
alpha of .92 for 6-year-olds.
Spelling. The students’ spelling ability was assessed using
the Spelling subtest of the WJ–III. This subtest is a dictation
task in which students are asked to spell words of increasing
difficulty. The research assistant read each word, read the
sentence with the word, and then repeated the spelling word
(e.g., “Dog. I took my dog to the park. Dog”). Each item was
scored as correct or incorrect, and the total number of correct items represented the total raw score. Woodcock et al.
(2001) reported a Cronbach’s alpha of .92 for 6-year-olds.
Procedure
All predictor measures (i.e., morphologic awareness,
phonological awareness, and vocabulary) were individually
administered across three sessions within a span of 6 weeks
in the middle of the school year (Èfifth and sixth months).
340 Language, Speech, and Hearing Services in Schools • Vol. 44 • 337–347 • October 2013
The only exception was the group-administered (typically
3–5 children) orthographic awareness task, which was administered after all individualized tests were completed (e.g.,
Èseventh month). Outcome measures were administered at
the end of the school year (ninth month). All measures were
administered by undergraduate and graduate assistants who
had been trained by the authors. Due to the complexity of the
RtI project, all staff members were aware of assignment to
condition. Under more ideal circumstances, assessors would
be blind to condition. Because of this potential problem, we
explained to assessors that experimenter bias could undermine an otherwise very carefully planned study (e.g., Rosenthal
& Rosnow, 1984). The tasks were administered in the students’ schools.
Results
Descriptive Statistics and Correlations
Table 1 shows the mean, standard deviation, and range
of scores for each of the predictor and outcome measures by
the students’ tier. Where available, both raw and standard
scores are reported. Notably, by the end of the year, the
students’ word reading and spelling standard scores were in
the average range compared to the norm samples. A multivariate analysis of variance (MANOVA) was used to compare the mean performance of the students who were initially
eligible for Tier 1 only, Tier 2, and Tier 3. Significant differences were found, F(2, 294) > 15.06; ps < .001. Post hoc
tests (i.e., Bonferroni) showed that the Tier 1 students outperformed the Tier 2 and 3 students on all of the measures
( ps < .001), but the Tier 2 students did not differ from the
Tier 3 students on any measure after the Bonferroni correction (statistical significance at p < .004 = .05/12).
Table 2. Pearson bivariate correlations (two tailed) among the measures.
Variable
1. Spelling
2. Word reading
3. Morphological
awareness
4. PA Elision subtest
5. PA Blending subtest
6. Vocabulary
7. Orthographic
awareness
1
2
3
—
.87
.53
—
.59
—
.62
.42
.41
.63
.62
.45
.47
.58
.57
.53
.68
.40
4
5
6
—
.44
.47
.42
—
.36
.32
—
.27
Note. All coefficients are statistically significant at .001 level.
Finally, as shown in Table 2, all of the measures were
statistically significantly related ( ps < .001). The linguistic
awareness and vocabulary measures were all moderately related to end-of-year word reading and spelling (.41 ≤ rs ≤ .63).
In addition, these same four measures were somewhat weakly
(r = .27 between orthographic awareness and vocabulary) to
moderately (r = .68 between morphological awareness and
vocabulary) related with each other. It should be noted that the
children’s performance on the Blending and Elision subtests
was examined separately, although both subtests captured
phonological awareness, given suggestions from previous
studies that various phonological awareness tasks are differentially related to literacy abilities (e.g., Katzir et al., 2006).
Contributions of Linguistic Awareness and Vocabulary
Skills to Word Reading and Spelling
To address our research question, multilevel models
were fitted, using SAS 9.2 Proc Mixed procedures, for the
Table 1. Descriptive statistics of the measures included in the study (phonological awareness [PA], orthographic awareness, morphological
awareness, vocabulary, word reading, and spelling) for the entire sample and for the students by Response to Intervention tier.
Entire sample
(N = 304)
Measure
PA Elision subtest – RS
PA Elision subtest – SSa
PA Blending subtest – RS
PA Blending subtest – SSa
Orthographic awareness – RS
Morphological awareness – RS
Vocabulary – RS
Vocabulary – SS
Word reading – RS
Word reading – SS
Spelling – RS
Spelling – SS
Tier 1
(n = 167)
Tier 2
(n = 119)
M
SD
Range
M
SD
Range
8.38
9.02
14.72
13.50
37.14
16.73
19.05
98.27
37.38
109.30
12.66
24.14
105.32
15.60
4.27
4.40
3.25
2.68
8.51
7.48
3.14
11.06
7.71
0–20
0–19
1–20
5–19
16–53
0–36
10–28
60–127
16–62
64–141
10.16
10.08
15.58
14.20
41.01
19.83
20.13
102.31
41.82
116.06
4.15
4.63
2.84
2.41
7.43
6.89
2.87
9.62
5.80
8.98
4–20
0–19
8–20
9–19
16–53
5–36
12–28
75–127
30–62
90–141
5.50
9–39
61–145
27.24 4.29
113.86
11.84
18–39
80–145
M
SD
6.55
3.28
7.94
3.74
13.86
3.38
12.72
2.66
32.62
7.30
13.38
6.39
18.01
2.95
94.13 10.79
32.37
6.17
101.37
11.91
20.69
4.41
95.51 13.60
Tier 3
(n = 18)
Range
M
SD
Range
0–16
0–15
4–19
6–18
18–51
0–28
10–25
60–116
16–43
64–123
3.94
6.17
12.44
12.11
31.11
10.33
16.00
88.39
29.78
99.78
2.64
3.20
4.89
3.38
7.23
5.95
2.35
9.31
5.85
9.70
0–9
0–11
1–19
5–17
21–50
3–22
11–19
67–100
18–40
78–113
9–29
61–124
18.28
91.28
3.14
9.18
14–25
71–106
Note. RS = raw score; SS = standard score; Vocabulary = Picture Vocabulary subtest of the Woodcock Johnson Tests of Achievement, Third
Edition (WJ–III; Woodcock, McGrew, & Mather, 2001); Word Reading = WJ–III Letter Word Identification subtest; Spelling = WJ–III Spelling subtest.
a
Standard scores for these measures are in the scale of M = 10 and SD = 3, whereas standard scores for the other measures are in the scale of
M = 100 and SD = 15.
Kim et al.: Linguistic Awareness and Reading
341
word reading and spelling outcomes to account for nesting of
children within classrooms. The unconditional models showed
that intraclass correlations were .08 and .14 in the word
reading and spelling outcomes, respectively. In other words,
8% and 14% of the total variance in the word reading and
spelling tasks were attributable to variation among classrooms. The students’ tier status was included as a dummy
variable, with Tier 1 as the referent group.
The final model results are shown in Table 3. When the
outcome was word reading, the students’ performance on
phonological awareness, orthographic awareness, and morphological awareness (both elision and blending) was uniquely
and positively related ( ps = < .02), whereas their performance
on vocabulary was not ( p = .18). When the outcome was
spelling, the students’ performance on phonological awareness as measured by the Elision subtest ( p < .001) and orthographic awareness ( p < .001) was uniquely and positively
related after accounting for all of the other variables in the
model. The students’ performance on phonological awareness as measured by the Blending subtest, morphological
awareness, and vocabulary was not uniquely related to
spelling after accounting for all of the other variables in the
model. The main effects of tiers were statistically significant such that Tier 2 and 3 students had lower mean performances than Tier 1 students by 4.57 and 4.82 words in the
word reading task and by 2.93 and 3.74 words in the spelling
task after accounting for all other predictors in the model
(see the main effects of Tier 2 and Tier 3 variables in the
model). In other words, by the end of the year following
participation in RtI, after accounting for all of the other
predictors in the model, students eligible for Tier 1 after the
second screening (middle of the school year) outperformed
classmates receiving Tiers 2 and 3 in both word reading and
spelling. Interaction terms between the linguistic awareness
skills and vocabulary, and tier status, were systematically
included in the models to examine whether the effects of the
linguistic awareness skills varied as a function of the children’s
tier status. For both outcomes, no interaction terms were
Table 3. Fixed effects and variance components from multilevel models
for the word reading and spelling outcomes.
Word reading
Measure
β
SE
Fixed effects
Intercept
19.38 2.72
Morphological
.14 .06
awareness
PA Elision subtest
.41 .09
PA Blending subtest
.23 .10
Vocabulary
.17 .12
Orthographic
.21 .04
awareness
Tier 2
–4.57 .78
Tier 3
–4.82 1.36
Variance components
Level 1 – individuals
20.51
Level 2 – classrooms
2.00
p
Spelling
β
SE
p
<.001 11.38 1.93 <.001
.01
.04 .04 .26
<.001
.02
.18
<.001
.35
.14
.04
.21
.06 <.001
.07 .06
.09 .61
.03 <.001
<.001 –2.93
<.001 –3.74
.52 <.001
.95 <.001
11.07
.35
statistically significant ( ps > .05) and thus were not included
in the final model, indicating that there were no differences
in the contributions that three linguistic awareness skills and
vocabulary made as a function of students’ tier status.
Discussion
The purpose of this study was to determine the unique
contributions of phonological, orthographic, and morphological awareness skills and vocabulary knowledge to the
word reading and spelling abilities of first-grade children.
The children were part of an RtI model of instruction and
were receiving either Tier 1, 2, or 3 intervention. We found
that the three linguistic awareness skills (phonological,
orthographic, and morphological awareness) were unique
predictors of word reading, and phonological and orthographic awareness were unique predictors of spelling. The
unique contributions that these linguistic awareness skills
made to word reading and spelling were similar regardless of
the student’s initial RtI tier status.
Contributions of Linguistic Awareness Skills and
Vocabulary to Word Reading and Spelling
The phonological, orthographic, and morphological
awareness skills of the first-grade students in our investigation were all uniquely related to their word reading abilities,
whereas vocabulary was not after accounting for the three
linguistic awareness skills. These findings differed somewhat
from those of Ortiz et al. (2012), the only other research team
to examine the influence of these three linguistic awareness
skills on the word reading skills of first-grade children. In
their investigation, Ortiz et al. used kindergarten linguistic
awareness ability to predict first-grade reading (combined
word reading and reading comprehension). They found
that children’s phonological and morphological awareness
skills predicted their reading abilities, whereas orthographic
awareness skills did not.
The differences between the findings of the two studies
(i.e., unique contribution of orthographic awareness) may
be explained in several ways. First, Ortiz et al. (2012) measured students’ linguistic awareness skills in kindergarten
rather than first grade. Thus, it may be that differences
resulted from the age of testing: Kindergarten children may
have different profiles and abilities than first-grade children.
In addition, the reading outcome in Ortiz et al. was a combined measure of word reading and reading comprehension,
and word reading ability in kindergarten was included as
a control variable. Finally, we used a different measure of
orthographic awareness than did Ortiz et al.; we used a task
that required the students to consider allowable orthographic
patterns, whereas Ortiz et al. used a task that required the
students to name letters, which is typically considered as
alphabet letter knowledge. Although both tasks may tap into
orthographic knowledge (Apel, 2011), they require different
levels of linguistic awareness. It may be that the orthographic
task used in our investigation required a higher level of linguistic awareness and thus better represented the orthographic
342 Language, Speech, and Hearing Services in Schools • Vol. 44 • 337–347 • October 2013
awareness demands associated with recognizing words when
reading. In the future, investigators may wish to examine
whether the type of orthographic awareness task affects the
impact the skill has on word reading.
When spelling was the outcome variable, a slightly
different result was obtained. Phonological awareness and
orthographic awareness uniquely influenced the students’
spelling ability whereas morphological awareness and vocabulary did not. These results are divergent from Walker
and Hauerwas (2006), who examined the influence of firstgrade students’ three linguistic awareness skills on spelling
and found that orthographic awareness alone predicted
spelling. However, there are two caveats to the findings of
Walker and Hauerwas. First, their outcome variable was the
spelling of inflected verbs, which is a much more narrow
outcome variable than was used in the present study. Second,
Walker and Hauerwas combined the results of their firstgrade students with those of their second-grade students.
Thus, any developmental differences due to age or grade
could not be determined. It may be that phonological awareness ability could have impacted spelling skills had it been
examined for the first-grade students alone. However, Nagy
et al. (2003) also found that orthographic awareness alone
accounted for variance on spelling in a group of secondgrade students who were at risk for literacy development—
presumably a group of students with skills similar to younger
(e.g., first-grade or lower) students. Although these researchers (Nagy et al., 2003; Walker & Hauerwas, 2006) did not
find that phonological awareness skills, when examined in
tandem with other linguistic awareness skills, influenced
spelling ability in students in the early stages of spelling
development, our findings suggest that phonological awareness skills do impact spelling ability after accounting for
other linguistic awareness skills and vocabulary. Given the
theoretical importance of phonological awareness, and
converging findings supporting the importance of phonological awareness in word reading and spelling (Lonigan,
Schatschneider, & Westberg, 2009; NICHD, 2000; National
Research Council, 1998), additional research is required to
better understand the unique role of phonological awareness
skill, in combination with other linguistic awareness skills,
for literacy development.
In our study, morphological awareness did not uniquely
contribute to spelling—a finding contrary to those of other
investigations with second- through fourth-grade students
(e.g., Apel et al., 2012; Nagy et al., 2003; Walker & Hauerwas,
2006). This finding may be due to several reasons. First,
it is possible that first-grade students who, on average, are
still in the beginning stage of spelling might depend on
phonological and orthographic awareness to a larger extent
than morphological awareness. Although children are likely
to draw on multiple linguistic awareness skills for spelling,
the weight of contributions of multiple linguistic skills to
spelling might differ across developmental span in literacy
acquisition. Second, discrepant results might be attributed
to different types of tasks used across studies. Walker and
Hauerwas (2006), for example, required their participants
to spell inflected words. Thus, it seems logical that a relation
would exist given that their morphological awareness was
a cloze task that focused on inflectional morphology. Apel
et al. (2012) required their participants to spell between 30
and 50 words from the Test of Written Spelling—Fourth
Edition (TWS–4; Larsen, Hammill, & Moats, 1999), which is
a list that contains both inflected and derived words. In the
present study, the children also were required to spell words
from a norm-referenced measure that contained inflected
and derived words (i.e., WJ–III). However, unlike in Apel
et al., testing in our study was terminated when children
reached the ceiling as defined by the test manual. It may be
that our participants spelled less multimorphemic words,
which may have limited the influence of morphological
awareness on spelling. The relation between spelling and
morphological awareness, then, may depend on the degree to
which students are required to spell inflected and derived
words. In the future, investigators should examine how
different measures of morphological awareness and spelling
influence the unique role of morphological awareness in
spelling.
In our study, vocabulary also was not uniquely related
to word reading or spelling over and above phonological,
orthographic, and morphological awareness. Although previous studies suggested a unique role of vocabulary to word
reading (Oullette, 2006) and irregular word reading (Ricketts
et al., 2007), these studies did not include any of the three
linguistic awareness skills included in the present study. An
exception from another orthography, however, is relevant:
One study with young Korean-speaking children (Kim, 2010)
also found that vocabulary was not uniquely related to word
reading or spelling after accounting for phonological, orthographic, and morphological awareness and rapid automatized
naming. However, these findings are not directly comparable
due to differences in orthographic depth (Share, 2008) between
English and Korean. The Korean language has a relatively
transparent orthography where phoneme–grapheme correspondences are largely consistent and truly irregular words
do not exist (Kim, 2011). Therefore, sublexical strategies
(phonology, orthography, and morphology) might largely
explain variation in word reading (Katz & Frost, 1992) and
spelling without additional facilitation of semantic information. According to the present study, vocabulary does not
appear to be uniquely related to word reading and spelling
for English-speaking first graders after accounting for linguistic awareness skills. However, it is not clear whether this
is true for children who are more advanced in their literacy
skills (e.g., grade two and three) or whether results differ
as a function of type of words (irregular words vs. regular
words). Future efforts are needed to replicate and expand our
understanding of the relation of vocabulary to lexical-level
literacy skills.
We did not find any statistically significant differences
among the three RtI tier groups in the effects of the three
linguistic awareness skills on year-end reading or spelling
once students were given intervention. Taken together with
findings from previous studies with struggling readers in
second and fourth grade (Nagy et al., 2003) and typically
developing readers (e.g., Apel et al., 2012; Ortiz et al., 2012;
Kim et al.: Linguistic Awareness and Reading
343
Walker & Hauerwas, 2006), it appears that linguistic awareness at the middle of the school year did not differentially
contribute to the reading and spelling outcomes of children
based on their initial eligibility to different tiers. However,
caution needs to be exercised with this interpretation for two
reasons. First, the sample size for Tier 3 was small, which
might have influenced the results. Second, the participating
children tended to have relatively high performance in their
word reading and spelling as measured by the WJ–III compared to the norm sample (mean standard scores = 99.78
and 91.28 in word reading and spelling for those in Tiers 2
and 3, respectively). However, interesting to note are the
large differences in standard scores between the WJ–III
measures and scores on the Test of Word Reading Efficiency
(Torgesen, Wagner, & Rashotte, 1999) Sight Word Efficiency subtest (one of the initial screeners). According to the
latter, children in Tiers 2 and 3 were poor readers at the
beginning of the year, with mean standard scores <80.
Future studies are needed to investigate these discrepancies
in standard scores.
It should be noted that although the nature of relations
between linguistic awareness skills and lexical-level literacy
abilities (word reading and spelling) did not differ as a
function of children’s tier grouping, there remained performance differences between children in Tier 1 versus those
in Tier 2 and Tier 3 in the word reading and spelling tasks
even after accounting for all of the predictors in the model.
That is, after accounting for individual differences in phonological awareness, orthographic awareness, morphological
awareness, and vocabulary, the children in Tiers 2 and 3
had lower average scores in word reading and spelling
than the children in Tier 1. These results suggest a need to
explore additional factors influencing these children’s
performance on word reading and spelling. Given the
classroom-level variation in the outcomes (8% and 14%,
respectively, for word reading and spelling), classroom-level
predictors such as instructional quality and the extent of
differentiated instruction could be explored as potential
explanatory factors. Furthermore, additional child-level
factors such as executive functions (e.g., working memory,
self-regulation) might be potential predictors to examine in
future studies.
Our finding that students’ phonological, orthographic,
and morphological awareness skills related to their word
reading and spelling abilities supports more current theories
of literacy development that characterize literacy development as relying on multiple linguistic awareness skills simultaneously across development (e.g., Apel & Masterson,
2001; Bourassa & Treiman, 2009; Rittle-Johnson & Siegler,
1999; Siegler, 1996). Unlike stage theories (e.g., Bear &
Templeton, 1998; Ehri & McCormick, 1998; Moats, 2000),
these repertoire or overlapping waves theories suggest that
children have access to and use their phonological, morphological, and orthographic awareness skills when they are
engaged in word reading and spelling, with the use of those
linguistic awareness skills varying based on the requirements
of the literacy task. The present findings support this notion:
The students’ linguistic awareness skills uniquely influenced
their word reading abilities, and their phonological and
orthographic awareness skills contributed to their spelling
abilities. These findings suggest that the children had access
to all three linguistic awareness skills and used them differently depending on the literacy task.
Limitations
There are several limitations to our findings that should
be addressed. First, our results are based on correlational
data and thus causal inferences cannot be made. Although
theoretical accounts of word reading and spelling specify
causal roles of the linguistic awareness skills, bidirectional
relation has been suggested as well (e.g., spelling influencing
phonological awareness; Hecht & Close, 2002). In addition,
the results in the present study show a snapshot across an
important but brief developmental spectrum. Thus, longitudinal studies are needed to investigate the relations of the
linguistic awareness skills to word reading and spelling.
Second, our findings are based on the specific linguistic
awareness and literacy measures that were used in the present
study. Thus, it is possible that different outcomes would have
resulted had other measures been used. In the future, investigators should determine the role that specific tasks play
in studies of the impact of linguistic awareness skills on
reading and spelling ability. Third, there was a brief lag
between administration of the orthographic awareness task
and the phonological and morphological awareness tasks
due to practical reasons of administering a large battery of
assessments. Although we obtained similar results as other
researchers for the impact of orthographic awareness on
reading and spelling (e.g., Apel et al., 2012; Walker &
Hauerwas, 2006), it would have been optimal to have administered the orthographic awareness measure at the same
time as the other two linguistic awareness measures. Fourth,
the number of students in each tier differed. In particular,
the number of children in Tier 3 was small (n = 18 compared
to n = 167 and n = 119 for students in Tiers 1 and 2, respectively). Although this imbalance reflects a natural phenomenon in the schools, and reliable achievement differences
were observed in the models (Table 3), we acknowledge
that, statistically, it would be informative to have similar
sample sizes in each group. For instance, lack of statistically
significant differences in mean performances between Tier 2
and Tier 3 students and interaction effects might be attributed to the small sample size for the Tier 3 group. Fifth,
causal experiments could inform intervention efforts by
manipulating training in the three skills of phonological,
orthographic, and morphological awareness to examine child
by treatment interactions with larger samples of students
with language and reading impairments. Finally, by design,
the majority of our participants were African American and
came from low-income homes. It is unclear whether similar
results would be obtained from different populations. However, given that children from low-income homes are considered to be at risk for literacy difficulties (e.g., National
Research Council, 1998), this population was important to
study for practical purposes. Studies have shown that poverty
344 Language, Speech, and Hearing Services in Schools • Vol. 44 • 337–347 • October 2013
and its common correlates (e.g., lower parental education)
strongly influence children’s developmental trajectories in
oral language and emergent literacy skills as well as conventional literacy skills (Arnold & Doctoroff, 2003; Bradley
& Corwyn, 2002; Kaplan & Walpole, 2005). For instance,
children from low-income backgrounds often demonstrate
lower phonological awareness than children from middleincome homes (Lonigan, Burgess, Anthony, & Barker, 1998)
as well as smaller expressive and receptive vocabulary
(Arriaga, Fenson, Cronan, & Pethick, 1998).
Future Educational Implications
Although the findings of the present study are correlational and have limited causal implications, we cautiously
suggest the following educational implications. First, as
mentioned earlier, our results suggest that first-grade students with varied literacy abilities, show a similar pattern
of relations between linguistic awareness skills and lexicallevel literacy abilities. As such, educators and other specialists (e.g., speech-language pathologists) may apply similar
assessment and instructional practices to all students who are
in the process of acquiring their literacy skills. Specifically, it
appears that educational professionals might benefit from
assessing students’ abilities in all three linguistic awareness
skill areas to determine the need for instruction or remediation (e.g., Apel, Masterson, & Brimo, 2011). Using this
prescriptive assessment approach, educational or clinical
goals can be tailored for students’ specific needs. Likewise,
the present findings suggest a multilinguistic approach to
literacy instruction that emphasizes the different linguistic
awareness skills as foundational skills for reading and spelling
(Apel et al., 2012).
In conclusion, our results suggest that first-grade
children who were enrolled in three different tiers of an
RtI model used their phonological, orthographic, and
morphological awareness skills when reading and spelling
words. That is, it appears that literacy development is best
characterized as a conjoined acquisition process (Berninger,
Abbott, Nagy, & Carlisle, 2010) in which children use a
repertoire of linguistic awareness skills to read and write
(Apel & Masterson, 2001). These findings add to the literature base because, to date, no research has studied the
impact of these three linguistic awareness skills on reading
and spelling ability in a cohort of first-grade students who
receive differential instruction based on an RtI framework.
With additional investigations of the linguistic awareness
skills of young students with different literacy abilities, developmental theory and educational practices may be better
informed.
Acknowledgments
This work was partially supported by Grant P50 HD052120
from the National Institute for Child Health and Human Development. The opinions expressed are ours and do not represent views of
the funding agency. The authors wish to thank all of the participating
schools, students, and parents.
References
Al Otaiba, S., Connor, C. M., Folsom, J. S., Greulich, L., Meadows, J.,
& Li, Z. (2011). Assessment data-informed guidance to individualize kindergarten reading instruction: Findings from a
cluster-randomized control field trial. The Elementary School
Journal, 111, 535–560.
Apel, K. (2011). What is orthographic knowledge? Language, Speech,
and Hearing Services in Schools, 42, 592–603.
Apel, K., & Apel, L. (2011). Identifying intraindividual differences in
students’ written language abilities. Topics in Language Disorders,
31, 54–72.
Apel, K., & Masterson, J. J. (2001). Theory-guided spelling assessment and intervention: A case study. Language, Speech, and
Hearing Services in Schools, 32, 182–195.
Apel, K., Masterson, J. J., & Brimo, D. (2011). Spelling assessment
and intervention: A multiple linguistic approach to improving
literacy outcomes. In A. G. Kamhi & H. W. Catts (Eds.),
Language and reading disabilities (3rd ed., pp. 226–243). Boston,
MA: Pearson.
Apel, K., Wilson-Fowler, E. B., Brimo, D., & Perrin, N. A. (2012).
Metalinguistic contributions to reading and spelling in second and
third grade students. Reading and Writing: An Interdisciplinary
Journal, 25, 1283–1305.
Arnold, D. H., & Doctoroff, G. L. (2003). The early education of
socioeconomically disadvantaged children. Annual Review of
Psychology, 54, 517–545.
Arriaga, R. I., Fenson, L., Cronan, T., & Pethick, S. J. (1998). Scores
on the MacArthur Communication Developmental Inventory
of children from low- and middle-income families. Applied
Psycholinguistics, 19, 209–223.
Bear, D., & Templeton, S. (1998). Explorations in developmental
spelling: Foundations for learning and teaching phonics, spelling,
and vocabulary. Reading Teacher, 52, 222–243.
Bereiter, C., Brown, A., Campione, J., Carruthers, I., Case, R.,
Hirshberg, J., . . . Treadway, G. H. (2002). Open court reading.
Columbus, OH: SRA McGraw-Hill.
Berninger, V. W., Abbott, R. D., Nagy, W., & Carlisle, J. (2010).
Growth in phonological, orthographic, and morphological
awareness in grades 1 to 6. Journal of Psycholinguistic Research,
39, 141–163.
Bird, J., Bishop, D. V. M., & Freeman, N. H. (1995). Phonological
awareness and literacy development in children with expressive
phonological impairments. Journal of Speech and Hearing
Research, 38, 446–462.
Bourassa, D., & Treiman, R. (2009). Linguistic foundationzs of
spelling development. In D. Wyse, R. Andrews, & J. Hoffman
(Eds.), Routledge international handbook of English, language
and literacy teaching (pp. 182–192). London, UK: Routledge.
Bourassa, D. C., Treiman, R., & Kessler, B. (2006). Use of morphology in spelling by children with dyslexia and typically developing children. Memory & Cognition, 34, 703–714.
Bradley, R. H., & Corwyn, R. F. (2002). Socioeconomic status and
child development. Annual Review of Psychology, 53, 371–399.
Burgess, S. R., & Lonigan, C. J. (1998). Bidirectional relations of
phonological sensitivity and prereading abilities: Evidence from
a pre-school sample. Journal of Experimental Child Psychology,
70, 117–141.
Caravolas, M., Kessler, B., Hulme, C., & Snowling, M. (2005).
Effects of orthographic consistency, frequency, and letter
knowledge on children’s vowel spelling development. Journal of
Experimental Child Psychology, 92, 307–321.
Carlisle, J. F. (1995). Morphological awareness and early reading
achievement. In L. B. Feldman (Ed.), Morphological aspects of
language processing (pp. 189–209). Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum.
Kim et al.: Linguistic Awareness and Reading
345
Carlisle, J., & Nomanbhoy, D. (1993). Phonological and morphological awareness in first graders. Applied Psycholinguistics, 14, 177–195.
Casalis, S., & Louis-Alexandre, M. F. (2000). Morphological analysis, phonological analysis and learning to read French: A longitudinal study. Reading and Writing, 12, 303–335.
Cassar, M., & Treiman, R. (1997). The beginnings of orthographic
knowledge: Children’s knowledge of double letters in words.
Journal of Educational Psychology, 89, 296–300.
Castles, A., & Coltheart, M. (2004). Is there a causal link from
phonological awareness to success in learning to read? Cognition,
91, 77–111.
Deacon, S. H., & Bryant, P. E. (2005). What young children do and
do not know about the spelling of inflections and derivations.
Developmental Science, 8, 583–594.
Deacon, S. H., Kirby, J. R., & Casselman-Bell, M. (2009). How
robust is the contribution of morphological awareness to general
spelling outcomes? Reading Psychology, 30, 301–318.
Duff, F. J., & Hulme, C. (2012). The role of children’s phonological
and semantic knowledge in learning to read words. Scientific
Studies of Reading, 16, 504–525.
Ehri, L. C., & McCormick, S. (1998). Phases of word learning:
Implications for instruction with delayed and disabled readers.
Reading and Writing Quarterly, 14, 135–163.
Gersten, R., Compton, D., Connor, C. M., Dimino, J., Santoro, L.,
Linan-Thompson, S., & Tilly, W. D. (2009). Assisting students
struggling with reading: Response to intervention and multi-tier
intervention for reading in the primary grades. A practice guide
(NCEE 2009-4045). Washington, DC: National Center for
Education Evaluation and Regional Assistance, Institute of
Education Sciences, U.S. Department of Education. Retrieved
from http://ies.ed.gov/ncee/wwc/publications/practiceguides/.
Hecht, S. A., & Close, L. (2002). Emergent literacy skills and training time uniquely predict variability in responses to phonemic
awareness training in disadvantaged kindergartners. Journal of
Experimental Child Psychology, 82, 93–115.
Individuals with Disabilities Education Improvement Act of 2004,
Pub. L. No. 108-446, §118 Stat. 2647 (2004).
Jenkins, J. R., Hudson, R. F., & Johnson, E. S. (2007). Screening for
at-risk readers in a response to intervention framework. School
Psychology Review, 6, 582–600.
Kaplan, D., & Walpole, S. (2005). A stage-sequential model of
reading transitions: Evidence from the early childhood longitudinal study. Journal of Educational Psychology, 97, 551–563.
Katz, L., & Frost, R. (1992). The reading process is different for different
orthographies: The orthographic depth hypothesis. Haskins Laboratories Status Report on Speech Research, 111/112, 147–160.
Katzir, T., Kim, Y.-S., Wolf, M., O’Brien, B., Kennedy, B., Lovett,
M., & Morris, R. (2006). Reading fluency: The whole is more
than the parts. Annals of Dyslexia, 56, 51–82.
Kim, Y.-S. (2010). Componential skills of spelling in Korean.
Scientific Studies of Reading, 14, 137–158.
Kim, Y.-S. (2011). Considering linguistic and orthographic features in
early literacy acquisition: Evidence from Korean. Contemporary
Educational Psychology, 36, 177–189.
Larsen, S. C., Hammill, D. D., & Moats, L. C. (1999). Test of Written
Spelling—Fourth Edition. Austin, TX: Pro-Ed.
Lonigan, C. J., Burgess, S. R., Anthony, J. L., & Barker, T. A. (1998).
Development of phonological sensitivity in two- to five-yearold children. Journal of Educational Psychology, 90, 294–311.
Lonigan, C. J., Schatschneider, C., & Westberg, L. (2009). Impact of
code-focused interventions on young children’s early literacy
skills. In National Early Literacy Panel. Developing early literacy:
Report of the National Early Literacy Panel (pp. 107–151). Jessup,
MD: National Literacy Institute. Retrieved from http://lincs.ed.
gov/publications/pdf/NELPReport09.pdf.
Mahony, D., Singson, M., & Mann, V. (2000). Reading ability and
sensitivity to morphological relations. Reading and Writing:
An Interdisciplinary Journal, 12, 191–218.
Moats, L. (2000). Speech to print: Language essentials for teachers.
Baltimore, MD: Brookes.
Nagy, W., Berninger, V., & Abbott, R. (2006). Contributions of
morphology beyond phonology to literacy outcomes of upper
elementary and middle school students. Journal of Educational
Psychology, 98, 134–147.
Nagy, W., Berninger, V., Abbott, R., Vaughan, K., & Vermeulen, K.
(2003). Relationship Of morphology and other language skills to
literacy skills in at-risk second graders and at-risk fourth grade
writers. Journal of Educational Psychology, 96, 730–742.
Nation, K., & Snowling, M. (2004). Beyond phonological skills:
Broader language skills contribute to the development of
reading. Journal of Research in Reading, 27, 342–356.
National Institute of Child Health and Human Development: National
Reading Panel. (2000). Teaching children to read: An evidencebased assessment of the scientific research literature on reading and
its implications for reading instruction. Washington, DC: Author.
National Research Council. (1998). Preventing reading difficulties in
young children. Washington, DC: National Academy Press.
Ortiz, M., Folsom, J. S., Al Otaiba, S., Gruelich, L., Thomas-Tate,
S., & Connor, C. M. (2012). Predicting first grade reading
outcomes from kindergarten language and literacy skills:
Examining the contributions of dialect and morpho-syntactic
skills within a component model of reading. Journal of Learning
Disabilities, 45, 406–417.
Oullette, G. P. (2006). What’s meaning got to do with it: The role of
vocabulary in word reading and reading comprehension. Journal
of Educational Psychology, 98, 554–566.
Ouellette, G., & Sénéchal, M. (2008). Pathways to literacy: A study
of invented spelling and its role in learning to read. Child
Development, 79, 899–913.
Plaut, D. C., McClelland, J. L., Seidenberg, M., & Patterson, K.
(1996). Understanding normal and impaired word reading:
Computational principles in quasi-regular domains. Psychological Review, 103, 56–115.
Ricketts, J., Nation, K., & Bishop, D. V. (2007). Vocabulary is important for some but not all reading skills. Scientific Studies of
Reading, 11, 235–257.
Rittle-Johnson, B., & Siegler, R. S. (1999). Learning to spell: Variability,
choice, and change in strategy use. Child Development, 70, 332–348.
Roman, A. A., Kirby, J. R., Parrila, R. K., Wade-Woolley, L., &
Deacon, S. H. (2009). Toward a comprehensive view of the skills
involved in word reading in grades 4, 6, and 8. Journal of Experimental Child Psychology, 102, 96–113.
Rosenthal, R., & Rosnow, R. L. (1984). Applying Hamlet’s question
to the ethical conduct of research: a conceptual addendum.
American Psychologist, 39, 561–563.
Schlagal, B. (2001). Traditional, developmental, and structural
language approaches to spelling: Review and recommendations.
Annals of Dyslexia, 51, 147–176.
Sénéchal, M., & LeFevre, J. (2002). Parental involvement in the
development of children’s reading skill: A five-year longitudinal
study. Child Development, 73, 445–460.
Share, D. (2008). On the Anglocentricities of current reading research
and practice: The perils of overreliance on an “outlier” orthography.
Psychological Bulletin, 134, 584–615.
Seidenberg, M. S. (2005). Connectionist models of word reading.
Current Directions in Psychological Science, 14, 238–242.
Siegler, R. S. (1996). Emerging minds: The process of change in
children’s thinking. New York, NY: Oxford University Press.
Speece, D. L., Case, L. P., & Molloy, D. E. (2003). Responsiveness
to general education instruction as the first gate to learning
346 Language, Speech, and Hearing Services in Schools • Vol. 44 • 337–347 • October 2013
disabilities identification. Learning Disabilities Research &
Practice, 180, 147–156.
Torgesen, J. K., Wagner, R. K., & Rashotte, C. A. (1994).
Longitudinal studies of phonological processing and reading.
Journal of Learning Disabilities, 27, 276–286.
Torgesen, J. K., Wagner, R. K., & Rashotte, C. A. (1999). Test of
Word Reading Efficiency. Austin, TX: Pro-Ed.
Treiman, R. (1993). Beginning to spell. New York, NY: Oxford
University Press.
Wagner, R. K., Torgesen, J. K., & Rashotte, C. A. (1999). Comprehensive Test of Phonological Processing. San Antonio, TX:
Pearson.
Walker, J., & Hauerwas, L. B. (2006). Development of phonological, morphological, and orthographic knowledge in young
spellers: The case of inflected verbs. Reading and Writing: An
Interdisciplinary Journal, 19, 819–843.
Wolter, J. A., Wood, K. A., & D’zatko, K. W. (2009). The influence
of morphological awareness on the literacy development of
first-grade children. Language, Speech, and Hearing Services in
Schools, 40, 286–298.
Woodcock, R. W., McGrew, K., & Mather, N. (2001). Woodcock
Johnson Tests of Achievement—Third Edition. Itasca, IL: Riverside.
Zirkel, P., & Thomas, L. (2010). State laws for RTI: An updated
snapshot. Teaching Exceptional Children, 42, 56–63.
Appendix
Mean Standard Score and Standard Deviation of Students in Tiers 1, 2, and 3 on the Woodcock Johnson
Tests of Achievement, Third Edition (WJ–III; Woodcock, McGrew, & Mather, 2001) Letter-Word Identification
Subtest and the Test of Word Reading Efficiency (TOWRE: Torgesen, Wagner, & Rashotte, 1999) Sight Word
Efficiency Subtest at the Beginning and Middle of the School Year
Beginning of the year
Middle of the year
Measure
RtI tier
Score
SD
Score
SD
WJ–III Letter Word Identification
Tier 1
Tier 2
Tier 3
Tier 1
Tier 2
Tier 3
110.62
93.10
88.39
94.36
77.33
70.61
10.73
10.17
8.29
11.39
9.16
7.42
114.86
99.48
99.17
102.25
84.08
83.50
9.97
11.00
7.25
13.22
12.63
9.59
TOWRE Sight Word Efficiency
Note. Spelling was not used as a screening measure at the beginning and middle of the school year and thus is not
reported here.
Kim et al.: Linguistic Awareness and Reading
347
Copyright of Language, Speech & Hearing Services in Schools is the property of American
Speech-Language-Hearing Association and its content may not be copied or emailed to
multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission.
However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use.