Supporting Racially Diverse Students at HBCUs: A Student Affairs Perspective

Journal of Student Affairs Research and Practice ISSN: 1949-6591 (Print) 1949-6605 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/uarp20 Supporting Racially Diverse Students at HBCUs: A Student Affairs Perspective Andrew T. Arroyo, Robert T. Palmer, Dina C. Maramba & Dave A. Louis To cite this article: Andrew T. Arroyo, Robert T. Palmer, Dina C. Maramba & Dave A. Louis (2016): Supporting Racially Diverse Students at HBCUs: A Student Affairs Perspective, Journal of Student Affairs Research and Practice To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19496591.2016.1219266 Published online: 26 Sep 2016. Submit your article to this journal View related articles View Crossmark data Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at http://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=uarp20 Download by: [NSU Norfolk State University] Date: 26 September 2016, At: 09:17 Arroyo, A. T., Palmer, R. T., Maramba, D. C., & Louis, D. A. Supporting Racially Diverse Students at HBCUs: A Student Affairs Perspective. Journal of Student Affairs Research and Practice ISSN: 1949-6591 (print)/1949-6605 (online) Innovation in Research and Scholarship Feature Supporting Racially Diverse Students at HBCUs: A Student Affairs Perspective Andrew T. Arroyo, Norfolk State University Robert T. Palmer, Howard University Dina C. Maramba, Claremont Graduate University Dave A. Louis, Texas Tech University While research has shown that the racial diversity of historically Black colleges and universities (HBCUs) is increasing, the efforts of student affairs professionals to foster racial inclusivity are under examined. This case study discusses findings from student affairs professionals at one HBCU to understand what they are doing to foster a supportive environment for non-Black students. Findings presented in this article are critical as HBCUs seek to increase the racial diversity of their student bodies. Historically Black colleges and universities (HBCUs) are among the most celebrated and scrutinized institutions in American higher education (Gasman, 2006, 2007). While some scholars (Arroyo & Gasman, 2014; Fleming, 1984; Palmer & Gasman, 2008) commend these institutions for their contributions to Black college student success, others (Fryer & Greenstone, 2010; Jencks & Riesman, 1967) have long decried their work for Blacks as ineffective or outdated. Given that fewer Black students are choosing to attend HBCUs as they opt to attend predominantly White institutions (PWIs) and for-profit institutions (Palmer & Maramba, 2015; Sissoko & Shiau, 2005), these debates over their relevance are likely to persist. A parallel issue is beginning to spark new debates: the presence of non-Black students at HBCUs (Arroyo, Palmer, & Maramba, 2015; Palmer & Maramba, 2015). Despite a primary mission to serve Black students since the earliest HBCUs appeared in the mi\d-1800s, they have always emphasized educational opportunity and rigorous academic experiences for all (Jewell, 2002). Only over recent decades has the racial composition of HBCUs changed from nearly 100% Black to a more diversified demographic (Gasman, 2013). This shift has resulted from at least three trends: (a) more non-Black students choosing HBCUs to meet their educational needs (Conrad, Brier, & Braxton, 1997; Gasman, 2013; Maramba, Palmer, Yull, & Allen, 2015), (b) HBCUs seeking to diversify to remain competitive with PWIs (Stuart, 2013), and (c) public Andrew T. Arroyo, Associate Professor of Interdisciplinary Studies and Co-Director for Learning Communities, Norfolk State University. Robert T. Palmer, Interim Department Chair and Associate Professor of Educational Leadership and Policy Studies, Howard University. Dina C. Maramba, Associate Professor of higher education, School of Educational Studies, Claremont Graduate University. Dave A. Louis, Associate Professor of higher education, Department of Educational Psychology & Leadership, Texas Tech University. Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Andrew T. Arroyo at atarroyo@nsu.edu. JSARP © NASPA http://journals.naspa.org/jsarp doi:10.1080/19496591.2016.1219266 1 Racially Diverse Students at HBCUs HBCUs working to comply with legal mandates that require racial diversification (e.g., Adams v. Richardson, 1972; United States v. Fordice, 1992). To illustrate the present picture of diversification, a report from the Center for Minority Serving Institutions at the University of Pennsylvania (Gasman, 2013) presented aggregate enrollment data for all two- and four-year HBCUs. The report shows 24% of students enrolled in HBCUs represent nonBlack populations. Disaggregated by race and ethnicity, Asian American enrollments increased 10% over a 10-year period from 2001 to 2011. Latino/a participation at all HBCUs currently stands at approximately 3% (Gasman, 2013). Given that populations of Latino/a students are projected to grow rapidly in states where the most HBCUs are located (Gasman, 2013), a marked increase in Latino/a enrollments at HBCUs in the near future is reasonable to expect. In Mississippi alone, Latino enrollment has increased seven fold over its 2001 level (Boland & Gasman, 2014), and one Texas HBCU, St. Phillip’s College, is already both an HBCU and a Hispanic-serving institution. For Whites, although Shorette and Arroyo (2015) demonstrated an actual decline in White participation at the 85 public and private four-year HBCUs from 1987–2012, Gasman (2013) demonstrates Whites have occupied a share of 10–13% of enrollments at all two- and four-year HBCUs combined in the past 20 years. At two-year HBCUs alone, Whites occupy 34% of the student population, and White enrollments at two-year HBCUs account for 41% of total White enrollments at all HBCUs (Shorette & Arroyo, 2015). A small number of HBCUs (e.g., Bluefield State College, Gadsden State Community College, Lincoln University of Missouri, West Virginia State University) have been predominantly White for some time. These examples offer evidence of broad and local diversification. Such trends raise the question of how HBCUs will support non-Black students. While HBCUs’ efforts to support Black students are well documented (Arroyo & Gasman, 2014; Palmer & Gasman, 2008), less is known about their preparedness and policies to support individuals of other racial groups. No existing study has investigated this topic exclusively from a student affairs perspective. Because student affairs practitioners often have frequent contact with students and can positively or negatively influence their experiences (Hirt, Amelink, McFeeters, & Strayhorn, 2008; Terenzini & Reason, 2005), research is needed in this area. This qualitative study, which is part of a larger instrumental case study of HBCU student affairs professionals, investigated one question: What are HBCU student affairs professionals doing to foster a supportive environment for non-Black students? The subsequent sections of this article will discuss the relevant literature, present the methodology and findings, and suggest implications for practice and research. Relevant Literature Despite the lack of literature that directly focuses on HBCU student affairs professionals’ activities to support non-Black students, some studies (Arroyo et al., 2015; Carter & Fountaine, 2012; Closson & Henry, 2008; Harper & Kimbrough, 2005; Peterson & Hamrick, 2009) offer insights for these practitioners. Arroyo et al. (2015) studied non-Black recent graduates of HBCUs and posited that HBCU student affairs professionals should emphasize understanding these varied populations in order to serve them better. Closson and Henry (2008) interviewed White HBCU students and suggested that student affairs practitioners should create programs and opportunities “to facilitate White students’ development by moving them toward developing a White identity and critical consciousness that leads to enhanced racial understanding and ultimately, social action” (p. 531). Programs for Whites should examine “power, privilege, and oppression in exploring what it means to be White” (p. 532). 2 doi:10.1080/19496591.2016.1219266 http://journals.naspa.org/jsarp © NASPA JSARP Racially Diverse Students at HBCUs Supporting and enhancing these empirical studies is such conceptual work as that of Mmeje, Newman, Kramer, and Pearson (2009), which went a step further by suggesting that HBCUs implement designated minority affairs offices for White students. According to the authors, these would offer culturally relevant academic and cocurricular programming, campus-wide diversity training, and individualized advising or intervention for White students. Such insights and recommendations from the literature demonstrate a range of recommendations for fostering racially inclusive HBCU campuses, which is important because some non-Blacks feel a sense of discomfort on HBCU campuses due to their race (Carter & Fountaine, 2012; Closson & Henry, 2008; Palmer & Maramba, 2015). Research has shown that the racial composition of HBCU student affairs divisions is predominantly Black (Harper & Kimbrough, 2005), and the tendency of HBCU student affairs practitioners is to focus on Black student success (Hirt et al., 2008; Hirt, Bennett, Strayhorn, & Amelink, 2006; Palmer, Arroyo, & Maramba, 2016). In their national study of directors, senior officers, and chief officers at 52 four-year HBCU student affairs divisions, Harper and Kimbrough (2005) noted a mismatch between the average numbers of non-Black students who enroll at four-year HBCUs and the percentage of Black personnel occupying positions at the director (94.23%), senior officer (90.24%), and chief officer (100%) levels. Other studies (Hirt et al., 2008, 2006) of student affairs professionals at HBCUs suggest that these practitioners feel a sense of moral responsibility to create empowering climates for Black student success. For some practitioners, racial diversification is a way to serve Black students by better preparing them for the “real world” (Palmer et al., 2016). Even amidst compositional diversification, the primary focus of some practitioners remains on Black students. Methodology The intent of this instrumental case study was to provide insight into HBCU student affairs professionals’ efforts to support racial diversification at HBCUs. In an instrumental case study, “the case is of secondary interest; it plays a supportive role, facilitating our understanding of something else” (Stake, 1994, p. 237). Thus, our goal was to shed light on HBCU student affairs divisions beyond this case. An interpretivist lens guided us as we sought to understand participants’ lived experiences from their own perspectives. Geographic Location This study was conducted in the student affairs division at Lakeview University (pseudonym), which is a public, urban HBCU in the Mid-Atlantic region of the United States. When data were collected, Lakeview University enrolled over 6,000 students. Of these students, 82.8% were Black, with the remainder comprising the following: White (5.6%), Latino/a (2.6%), Asian/Pacific Islander (0.7%), Native American (0.2%), multiple races (2.8%), and unknown (4.4%). Participants in this study stated that employees in their division were predominantly Black and female. They were unable to cite a nonBlack employee in their unit. Participants To recruit participants, we utilized a purposeful sampling approach, which allows qualitative researchers to “inform an understanding of the research problem and central phenomenon of the study” (Creswell, 2007, p. 125). Our goal was to select persons from various functional areas in student affairs due to their different interactions with students. Using e-mail addresses from the student affairs web pages on the university website, we sent e-mail invitations, which included a description of the study, an informed consent form, a demographic questionnaire, and a request to participate. Eight JSARP © NASPA http://journals.naspa.org/jsarp doi:10.1080/19496591.2016.1219266 3 Racially Diverse Students at HBCUs persons responded. A ninth participant emerged from snowball sampling, which is the process of asking a participant to refer others who meet the study’s criteria (Creswell, 2007). The list of participants represented the various areas of student affairs, including residence life, career services, student support services, and student programming. Their experience in student affairs ranged from 10 months to 15 years. All participants were Black, and two were male. While all of the participants had advanced degrees, only four had an educational background in student affairs or higher education administration. Data Collection Data were collected in a bounded system (i.e., one that is limited to a particular context; Creswell, 2007) which is consistent with work involving case studies (Stake, 1994). Primary data were one face-to -face, in-depth interview with each participant, which ranged from 65 to 75 minutes in length. Secondary data were observational notes based on interviews and institutional documents (e.g., brochures, website). Participants signed an informed consent form and completed a brief demographic form prior to the interviews. Interviews were audio recorded and transcribed verbatim. Participants were assigned pseudonyms for confidentiality. Although a standard interview protocol was used to conduct the interviews, discussions often became conversational, which allowed the researchers and participants to mutually share experiences relevant to the topic of discussion, encouraging deeper reflection among participants. The interview protocol included questions pertaining to (a) participants’ views on the history and mission of HBCUs, (b) whether they felt HBCUs should diversify, (c) what they as individuals and divisions were doing to support non-Black students, and (d) what more they could do in their capacity to improve support. An essential aspect of qualitative research is judging when data collection has reached saturation, which is the point where information becomes redundant (Creswell, 2007). Employing this standard, each interview was reviewed (i.e., triangulated) in light of the other interviews and notes from observations. Results from this iterative process suggested that the participants in this current study provided sufficient information to inform an exploratory understanding of our central phenomenon. Data Analysis All researchers read through each transcript and subsequently met to code the data and discuss our thoughts. Specifically, we engaged in the constant comparison of data to identify recurring patterns in the transcripts and notes from observations (Creswell, 2007). Constant comparative analysis engages the researcher in a process of collecting and analyzing the data simultaneously (Creswell, 2007). To aid in organizing, managing, and coding the data, we used ATLAS. ti (7.0), a qualitative data management software program. We used line-by-line open coding to identify initial concepts and categories. Next we used axial coding to determine words or patterns that could be combined or collapsed into similar categories. Selective coding resulted in examples and accounts, which helped us to solidify and cluster the data into the themes presented in the findings section of this article. In the findings, we present excerpts from the participants’ responses verbatim to preserve the essence of their voices. Credibility and Trustworthiness To ensure the data’s trustworthiness, we triangulated the data by making use of notes from interviews and observations and documents collected from the university during the data collection process. We also conducted member checks by returning the transcribed interviews to all participants so they could review transcriptions to ensure that they were not misquoted. As the 4 doi:10.1080/19496591.2016.1219266 http://journals.naspa.org/jsarp © NASPA JSARP Racially Diverse Students at HBCUs study progressed, participants were provided an opportunity to review our interpretations of the data. Lastly, we used feedback in the form of debriefs from two peers who were well versed in indepth interview methods and active researchers on HBCUs to ensure credibility. In conducting these debriefs, they were provided with raw transcripts from each participant and later our interpretation of the data. They reanalyzed significant portions of the data and engaged the researchers in a series of ongoing discussions regarding the tentative meanings made of the participants’ experiences throughout the research process (Jones, Torres, & Arminio, 2013). Researchers’ Positionalities Discussing researcher positionality is important in qualitative studies (Jones et al., 2013). One White male, two Black males, and one Filipina American conducted this study. The White male and Filipina American conducted all of the interviews, while one of the Black males took notes during all of the interviews. The second Black male was involved during the data analysis process. The White male was employed at an HBCU during this study, while the other researchers were employed at PWIs. The first and second Black males attended an HBCU for graduate and undergraduate school, respectively, and the others attended PWIs. Professionally, all of us have backgrounds working in student support services in either an HBCU and/or PWI, and we have a longstanding passion for advancing student success. Our scholarly interests also focus on HBCUs, especially student success. Some of our recent work has discussed the experiences of non-Black students at HBCUs (Arroyo et al., 2015; Palmer & Maramba, 2015). Findings from these projects, coupled with the extant literature on non-Black students at HBCUs, has served as the inspiration for this study. Our personal and professional involvement with HBCUs may have biased how we structured the questions and analyzed the data. Despite our biases and experiences, we made efforts to allow the findings to emerge independently. Member checking and peer debriefs also helped to make certain that the findings were accurately reflective of the participants’ voices. Limitations This study contains two critical limitations. First, the study involved nine participants from one HBCU. Given the small sample size, we described the institutional context to allow readers to assess the transferability of findings to similar contexts. In addition, interviewing student affairs practitioners offers partial perspectives about what HBCUs are doing to support non-Black students, and longer interviews might have provided more nuanced perspectives. Steps taken for credibility and trustworthiness suggest the data provided essential information. Overview of the Findings Two themes emerged from this study. The first theme discusses participants’ efforts to facilitate a more inclusive campus environment for non-Blacks at their HBCU. Participants shared their institution recently became more intentional about promoting a multicultural campus. The second theme emphasized the challenges of orchestrating a more inclusive environment for non-Black students. While some participants suggested non-Black students were mainly interested in educational programming, many participants revealed that these students lacked interest in being socially engaged on campus. Some participants also shared their HBCU was more concerned with campus programming focused on Black students. In the following section, we delineate the themes with quotes from participants to preserve the essential aspects of their experiences. JSARP © NASPA http://journals.naspa.org/jsarp doi:10.1080/19496591.2016.1219266 5 Racially Diverse Students at HBCUs Efforts to Facilitate a More Racially Inclusive Campus Environment All participants perceived more non-Black students were enrolling at their institution. Seven discussed recently increased efforts their division was taking to foster a more welcoming campus environment for non-Black students. Charity, a participant with 15 years in residence life, explained she was aware of instances where Black students treated non-Black and LGBT peers differently. In an effort to promote inclusivity, the Department of Residence Life implemented programs to help educate the campus community. Charity posited this approach has helped to decrease some of those incidents. Specifically, she shared: Living on campus, I am aware of some incidents where [Black] students have said, “Why are you here,” and have not been necessarily receptive toward people who are different. We’ve had some incidents with [LGBT] students, [and] some incidents with White students, so I am aware that there are some students who aren’t open. But in our office we have started programming that focuses on inclusiveness, [and] that focuses on appreciation of diversity, and so those incidents are decreasing. She continued, “specifically in the Department of Residence Life, we have 350 to 500 programs per academic year, and many of those programs are on acceptance and understanding of cultural diversity.” Other participants also perceived that their student affairs division had established a variety of educational initiatives to help foster a more welcoming environment for the campus community. Laura, a participant with 13 years in the counseling center, offered more context about the center’s educational programs. She expressed: I would say that since I’ve been here, about 10 years, we’ve always mandated a certain number of programming. I can probably see a difference over the last three or four years, to specifically include cultural diversity. Not only racial, but with the LGBT community, older students, disabled students, and things like that. I think there has been an uptick in the last three to five years, probably because society has been changing, too. Leonard, a participant with 10 months in student programing, expressed that it is important for campus administrators to actively dialogue with non-Black students Leonard opined, “I think … [it is] important to talk to the students who are non-Black about their experiences. ‘How can we make you feel more included,’ or ‘How can we engage you in activities’ because … we have to cater to all students.” However, despite emphasizing that HBCUs have to be more intentional about talking to non-Black students in order to offer inclusive programming, in contrast to the majority of his colleagues, Leonard later confessed that he did not see an active push to reach out to non-Black students in his student affairs division. Francine, a participant with four years in student programming, made similar comments as Leonard. While she saw a recent increase in educational programs on cultural diversity at her HBCU, she expressed that the students, not faculty and staff, were responsible for starting cultural organizations and planning cultural events. She shared: I guess where I sit, from the faculty and staff side, I don’t really see it. Since I do work with student organizations, some students have come to me and they’ve established like an African Student Association. And [students] are working to get a Latina sorority and Latino Fraternity here … just different organizations like that … but nothing explicitly from the faculty or staff side that I’ve seen. Sheila, a participant with five years in student programming, also indicated students have been responsible for establishing White Greek letter organizations. She mentioned all of the 6 doi:10.1080/19496591.2016.1219266 http://journals.naspa.org/jsarp © NASPA JSARP Racially Diverse Students at HBCUs Greeks on campus gathered for a panel discussion and a member of the audience asked if the university had White organizations. Sheila explained after the council president responded, another person in the audience said if the student was looking to join a White organization, he should have attended [a White university]. Sheila said she was upset by the person’s comment and emphasized the importance of HBCUs continuing to educate the university community about appreciating and accepting cultural diversity. She confessed: We held Meet the Greeks … and there was a panel discussion with all of the chapter presidents, and one of the questions was asked, “Are there any White organizations on campus?” The council president said, “Well yeah, nine of 18 are White organizations …” but another student, he answered with, “If you want to go and join a White organization, go to [blank school].” I was furious. All of the participants acknowledged their HBCU had become more diverse in recent years. In fact, one participant perceived the institution may lose its identity as an HBCU by the year 2020 because it is aggressively recruiting non-Black students. Most participants also shared their student affairs division has instituted educational programming to help facilitate a more inclusive community for all students. Some of the participants shared these initiatives were needed because students (e.g., non-Black and LGBT) reported some unwelcoming encounters with their Black peers. Finally, though participants acknowledged their HBCU recently established cultural organizations and events to help tie non-Black students to the social fabric of the university, they also shared students were largely responsible for creating this social environment, not faculty or staff. Delineating the Challenges of Engaging Non-Black Students on HBCU Campuses While participants discussed efforts their student affairs division was engaged in to promote a more inclusive campus, they shared challenges emanating from their efforts to encourage nonBlack students to become more socially engaged on campus. Three participants indicated non-Black students were only interested in educational programming on campus, and four participants noted some non-Black students were not interested in being socially engaged on campus. Leonard, who earlier suggested HBCUs needed to more actively reach out to non-Black students, conceded there is a perception on campus and within his division of student affairs that non-Black students are only interested in participating in educational programs on campus and not anything else. He indicated, “I think there’s a perception that with the exception of some academic programs, they [non-Black students] don’t care or they won’t show up … Because again … they don’t come and participate in certain activities.” Other participants lent credence to Leonard’s remarks about non-Black students not showing up to certain events on campus. Francine also discussed the dearth of engagement among non-Black students at HBCUs. She suggested since the HBCU at which she is employed is in proximity to a predominantly White institution, she believed most non-Black students tend to be more engaged there. Francine reflected: I think that they go off campus for their activities. Because here, we have [local PWI], it’s not very far away and the student demographic looks a lot different. There’s not only a lot of White students but also a high percentage of Asian students. … So that’s a place for them to go. … I mean I think, and I don’t know for sure, but if I was in their place, I’d probably be at the [local PWI]. JSARP © NASPA http://journals.naspa.org/jsarp doi:10.1080/19496591.2016.1219266 7 Racially Diverse Students at HBCUs While Sheila emphasized the duty was on student affairs professionals to reach out and engage students by letting them know about the activities occurring on campus, she further explained in many situations, they do not attend. She noted: I think it’s important for us as professionals, to be able to reach out to them and say, “Come on to this program,” or “What are you guys doing?” We have to be more engaging. … We can ask the students to invite a friend, but they don’t even show up themselves, so it’s important again, for us as professionals, to continue to reach out to those students. Despite the fact most participants explained non-Black students were not interested in most of the events on campus, six participants argued HBCUs were not doing enough to engage nonBlack students. Several participants shared their HBCU was still primarily focused on programming that appealed mainly to Black students. These participants explained when they have suggested activities they thought would appeal to non-Black students they were not strongly endorsed by their peers. Sandra, a participant with 10 years in residence life, shared when she served on a campus committee of student engagement, she discussed several ideas for campus programming she saw happen on previous campuses where she worked. She explained, however, some of these events were not approved by the committee because they would not have appeal to Black students. She articulated, But just like there have been times that I may have suggested something that I had seen just at the different institutions I’ve worked at and it’s been immediately shut down because our students wouldn’t be interested in that or “They don’t do that. They’re not going to do a zip line,” or what have you. Stuff like where it’s just kind of that, “I’m just going to automatically assume that it’s not something that the Black students would like so we’re not going to bring it.” Sheila further delineated there is some unspoken tension between student affairs practitioners with an educational background in the field compared to those without such a background. She expressed those with training in student affairs understand the importance of diversity and working to include non-Black students in programming. Those without training, Sheila stated, are only focused on supporting Black students. She explained her perception: I think that the student affairs colleagues that I work with that were educated in student affairs do feel that and see the benefit. But the ones that kind of were grandfathered and don’t necessarily have the training in student affairs, don’t necessarily see the importance of diversity so much. They’re just kind of with this attitude of, “We’re here to look out for our own.” Participants delineated several challenges to encouraging non-Black students to become socially engaged on HBCU campuses. Specifically, participants indicated non-Black students appeared to be less interested in participating in many events on campus. A few participants perceived non-Black students as being less interested in social programs on campus and more interested in educational programs. Some participants also shared that their HBCU was not working to engage non-Black students. This disconnect underscored a continued primary focus on programming that appealed to Black students, despite a parallel perception that the HBCU was diversifying racially and offering more inclusive programming recently than in the past. Discussion Enrollment trends at HBCUs over recent years have revealed some racial diversification, especially among Asian Americans and Latino/as (Gasman, 2013). “Due to shifting demographics,” Gasman (2013) called on HBCUs “to take on the difficult task of finding innovative 8 doi:10.1080/19496591.2016.1219266 http://journals.naspa.org/jsarp © NASPA JSARP Racially Diverse Students at HBCUs ways to meet the changing needs of their students” (p. 14). Consistent with that suggestion, this case study explored what HBCU student affairs practitioners are doing to support non-Black students. Participants in this study instituted a number of programs within their divisions aimed to help increase campus awareness about cultural diversity and emphasized these initiatives were intended to help increase the inclusiveness of non-Black students, among others (e.g., LGBT). These actions connect to what Closson and Henry (2008) have asserted: “The role of student affairs practitioners is to intentionally create optimal programs and services that will meet the needs of the student body” (p. 531). Conceptually, such efforts align with Terenzini and Reason’s (2005) college impact model. The model gives attention to organizational influences on student outcomes for a positive student experience. Its sixth normative dimension states colleges should, “Ensure that all … students encounter diverse ideas, worldviews, and people as a means of enhancing their learning and preparing them to become members of pluralistic communities” (p. 5). Although the model was originally designed to support the first-year student experience, Terenzini and Reason (2005) asserted it could apply to all students. The authors also positioned student affairs practitioners as a “significant cluster of influences on students’ experiences and learning” (p. 9). Participants in the current study also observed a dearth of initiatives on campus to help facilitate conversations about cultural differences. As a result, some participants devised events and programs within their professional domain to bring this goal to fruition. Their proactive response aligns with a key lesson from Guy-Sheftall’s (1997) article, Teaching Diversity at a Historically Black College. In this article, Guy-Sheftall noted the curriculum of HBCUs excluded the histories and cultures of various racial and ethnic groups. As such, Guy-Sheftall underscored the need for HBCUs to be more concerted in infusing more issues of diversity into their curriculum. Open dialogues led by student affairs staff are an important cocurricular complement to that suggestion. Importantly, although they created programs to help foster a more racially inclusive campus environment, participants indicated non-Black students should take the lead in forming clubs, organizations, and fraternities to foster their engagement. Examples from other HBCUs show the presence of fraternities and organizations to help promote engagement on campus for nonBlack students (Stewart, 2014; Stuart, 2013). Johnson C. Smith University established a Latino fraternity on its campus, Lambda Theta Phi Latino Fraternity (Stewart, 2014). The dean of student success expressed establishment of the organization represented the university’s commitment to diversity and provided a cultural outlet for the students. Similarly, FUTURO, a Hispanic student organization, was established at Tennessee State University to showcase the history and culture of Hispanic students attending the university (Stuart, 2013). To what extent students or student affairs practitioners were involved in the design or implementation of these initiatives, or whether these participants’ sentiments are consistent with those of other HBCUs is not clear. Despite the participants’ efforts to help foster a more racially inclusive campus environment, they also revealed challenges. Some participants explained there was not an active agenda among some faculty, administrators, and staff to create activities that appeal to the interest of non-Black students. In their view, this HBCU was primarily concerned with creating programs, events, and activities that would mainly appeal to Black students, opining their HBCU was not doing enough to promote campus engagement among non-Black students. JSARP © NASPA http://journals.naspa.org/jsarp doi:10.1080/19496591.2016.1219266 9 Racially Diverse Students at HBCUs These perceptions are consistent with extant literature. Palmer and Maramba (2015) explored the experiences and perceptions of Asian Americans and Latino/as toward the faculty at HBCUs. They found although participants in their study discussed the supportive nature of faculty, course content generally took an Afrocentric perspective and did not incorporate the perspective of other cultures inside the classroom, which at times created an exclusive learning environment. With respect to student affairs practitioners, Palmer et al. (2016) found an Afrocentric inclination among these professionals to emphasize their service to a primarily Black population, given the historical and ongoing mission of HBCUs for Black students. Other studies (Hirt et al., 2008, 2006) have produced similar findings. Hirt et al. (2006) found “the notion of racial uplift is firmly entrenched in the worklife of [student affairs] administrators and giving back to their race … is what drew many of them to the profession and what sustains many of them in their daily life” (p. 673). These findings underscore the timely—and urgent—call of many researchers (e.g., Arroyo et al., 2015; Gasman, 2013; Lee & Keys, 2013; Mmeje et al., 2009) for more intentional efforts at inclusivity on HBCU campuses. Inclusive efforts include finding innovative approaches to foster non-Black students’ sense of belonging. Ways of supporting non-Black students will vary across HBCUs due to different institutional contexts and percentages of non-Black students (Shorette & Arroyo, 2015), but the principle of intentionality is critical. Implications for Practice and Research Findings from this study suggest several important implications for practice and research. Terenzini and Reason’s (2005) college impact model provides a supporting framework for several of these implications. Implications for Practice Student affairs practitioners at HBCUs—as with PWIs—play a pivotal role in fostering inclusive, supportive environments for all students (Terenzini & Reason, 2005). Educational programs that provide the university community crucial information about diversity are an important foundation to a positive experience for Black and non-Black students alike. Topics can include tolerance, acceptance, and culture, which complement academic efforts to draw students of various backgrounds together in mutual respect. Even as the practitioners in the current study endeavored to educate their students, practitioners at all HBCUs can do the same. Non-Black students also require student-centered experiences that foster a welcoming campus milieu. A holistic, developmental experience is vital for student retention and a hallmark of the HBCU educational approach (Arroyo & Gasman, 2014). Student affairs professionals should evaluate the latest research and theory to choose among the many options for achieving this goal (Terenzini & Reason, 2005). One option is the implementation of learning communities or living-learning communities. Discipline-specific or theme-based, learning communities integrate cocurricular activities with the curriculum. Living–learning communities also place participating students together on residence hall floors. Evidence has shown students in these communities connect with their campuses and each other in profound ways (Wood & Palmer, 2014). 10 doi:10.1080/19496591.2016.1219266 http://journals.naspa.org/jsarp © NASPA JSARP Racially Diverse Students at HBCUs Direct conversations with non-Black students are also key to ensure they would embrace strategies to serve them better. On some campuses, non-Black students may request assistance forming initiatives tailored to their cultures, as advocated by some researchers (e.g., Mmeje et al., 2009). For others, the opposite may be true: Non-Black students may wish to receive no special or extra programming outside what is offered to their Black peers. Some HBCU student affairs professionals might not focus primarily on engaging non-Black students (Palmer et al., 2016). At least two possible reasons for this exist. First, the overall mission relative to diversification could be vague. Leaders of individual HBCUs—including senior administrators in student affairs divisions—should clearly communicate the extent of their vision for racial diversification. Leaders should also offer a broad agenda for attaining their clear vision, so staff can align their efforts appropriately and without ambiguity. Leadership of this sort is a critical function at HBCUs and all minority-serving institutions (MSIs; Palmer et al., 2016). Second, many HBCU student affairs professionals might lack a formal education in student affairs. Some scholars (e.g., Harper & Kimbrough, 2005) have called upon HBCUs to hire more staff with formal educational preparation. Although other educational backgrounds such as psychology and human development are still relevant and beneficial in student affairs, all those working within the field, regardless of educational background, should have a deeper knowledge about college student issues and development through a student affairs lens. In addition to hiring staff with formal educational preparation, HBCUs could provide ongoing professional development workshops to foster all student affairs practitioners’ ability to work more effectively with diverse populations, while balancing HBCUs’ critical, ongoing service to Black students. Finally, given the near 100% Black composition of student affairs divisions, HBCUs might consider diversifying their student affairs workforces. Non-Black students might feel more comfortable approaching same-race student affairs professionals about organizing and programing ideas, similarly to Black students feeling more comfortable with Black faculty at PWIs (Schwitzer, Griffin, Ancis, & Thomas, 1999). Diversification would also bring HBCU student affairs divisions into alignment with HBCU academic affairs divisions, where diversity among faculty is strong (Gasman, 2009). All students, Black and non-Black alike, gain positive experience working with people from varied backgrounds. Implications for Research Due to the under examined nature of this topic, researchers have many possibilities for scholarship involving individual or multiple HBCUs. First, more in-depth interviews are needed with HBCU student affairs practitioners to understand their efforts to support non-Black students. Survey methods also would be useful for gaining broader input across HBCUs. In such research, delineating between those with and without formal student affairs training will be important in order to ascertain whether such training impacts perspectives and practices. Such research also should connect to or inform new or existing institutional theory to ensure proper conceptual grounding. Finally, researchers should interview non-Black students to understand how student affairs divisions can serve them better, even as they work to sustain the traditional mission of these institutions. Conclusion As the demographics in the United States and within higher education evolve, our case study offers student affairs practitioners at HBCUs, and other constituents in the field, perspectives on providing meaningful services and comfortable campus ecologies to racially diverse students via increased JSARP © NASPA http://journals.naspa.org/jsarp doi:10.1080/19496591.2016.1219266 11 Racially Diverse Students at HBCUs diversification. 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