AN ANALYSIS OF THE ISABELITA ROCK ENGRAVING AND ITS ARCHAEOLOGICAL CONTEXT,
CALLEJÓN DE HUAYLAS, PERU
VÍCTOR MANUEL PONTE ROSALINO
University of Wisconsin, Milwaukee
INTRODUCTION
Isabelita is the name of an impressive Early
Horizon rock engraving in Peru’s Callejón de
Huaylas. It was discovered in 1999 at the Amá
II site (Pan 5-49) while I was conducting an
archaeological study in the vicinity of the modern Pierina Gold Mine (Ponte 2005:247,
1999b). The rock stood in the upper part, or
Cotojirca neighborhood, of the village of Mareniyoc in the Jangas district, Huaraz province,
Ancash region (Figures 1, 2, 12-15). Its iconography consists of a human being holding a
trophy head, accompanied by four animals
(Figures 1, 3).
In modern Ancash Quechua amá means
“darkness” but is also a prohibitive grammatical
element more or less equivalent to the English
word “don’t”. In this context it most likely refers
to the shadows formed by large boulders because
Isabelita, in its original placement, was near
funerary chambers constructed in the shelter of
overhanging rocks (Figures 4-10).1 However, in
the Callejón de Huaylas, amá may be derived
from amay (the Spanish plural is amayes), found
in seventeenth century court trials and official
inspection tours from Cajatambo relating to
idolatry (Duviols 2003:178, 186). Here it seems
to mean a mortuary structure. Individual amayes
are characterized in the Cajatambo documents
1
Initially Isabelita was the name given to a mapping
control point atop a boulder. We later discovered petroglyphs lower down on its flat surface.
ANDEAN PAST 9 (2009): 131-175.
as “a modo de casilla” (in the form of a little
house), as “muy pintado” (heavily painted), and
with doors (ibid.:186). An important funeral
chamber within a circular structure may have
been associated with the Isabelita Rock during
the middle and late parts of the Early Horizon
(c. 600-100 B.C.).
The village of Mareniyoc occupies a large
mound composed of the remains of an Early
Horizon occupation (Figure 11). For millennia
Mareniyoc was a primary center within a locally
integrated settlement pattern. This pattern
included defensible sites that I believe maintained independent status and economic systems, but shared a powerful religious ideology
manifested by Isabelita’s iconography, and
present in other areas of the Andes.
In this paper I analyze the iconography of
the Isabelita Rock, establishing its relative
chronology and meaning through comparisons
with other Early Horizon sculptures. An analysis
of the engraving must center on the role and
purpose of religion as an institution, as well on
its sociopolitical impact within the community.
The location of the Isabelita Rock in a space
where mortuary rituals were performed connects
the image to the ceremonial architecture enclosing the nearby Great Stone, another large manmodified boulder. A human burial with offerings
was under the Great Stone, within a funerary
space constructed with fieldstones (Figures 5-7,
9). This context can be related to the Andean
ANDEAN PAST 9 (2009)
notions of machay and malqui documented for
late prehispanic and colonial times (Arriaga
1999 [1621]:21; Doyle 1988; Duviols 2003).
The Great Stone constitutes the machay, a
Quechua concept of a natural rock shelter or
cave suitable for ritual performances. Malqui is
the burial, the mummy of the principal ancestor
of the local community. Its people may have
gathered in the terraced space next to the
Mareniyoc mound to venerate it. In the central
Andes no ancestor cult has been detected in any
context earlier than that associated with the Isabelita Rock.
The cult there is probably contemporaneous
with the Capilla Style (600-200 B.C.; Table 1)
of the Huaricoto site (Figure12; Burger 1985),
the nearest Early Horizon site in the Callejón de
Huaylas that has been investigated. Although
more religious practices and human burials have
been detected in the temperate Quechua ecozone2 of Mareniyoc, they belong to later periods,
confirming the long tradition of ancestor veneration, especially in the Recuay culture (Table 1)
and in later times (Lau 2002; Hernández Príncipe 1923 [1622]).
I postulate that Mareniyoc was integrated
with other Early Horizon sites in a shared vertical domain extending from the warm floor of
the Santa River Valley to the cold puna of the
Cordillera Negra (Figures 13, 14). This perceived linkage led me to focus on the development of a local sociopolitical subsystem. I suggest that settlements in different ecological
zones participated in a social interaction sphere
that was centered in the area where ideology
took material form. If ideology is a source of
power and can be controlled by the dominant
group (De Marrais et al. 1996), the area of
Mareniyoc may have been the place where the
economic resources and subsistence pattern
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were organized through cooperation, trade, and
interrelationships with other areas. Even though
the primary site is defined only by its magnitude
and its connection with the religious and mythical personage represented on the Isabelita Rock,
I suggest that during the Early Horizon Cotojirca Phase I (Table 1), the foundation was laid
for a regional economic model that was duplicated by later groups without any substantial
changes.
The local religious tradition was stimulated
and influenced by important ceremonial centers
like Chavín de Huántar, Pallka in the upper
Casma Valley, Cerro Blanco and Punkurí in the
Nepeña Valley,3 Pacopampa in the Department
of Cajamarca, Puemape and Tembladera on the
north coast (Figure 12, Table 1), and Paracas on
the south coast. In other words, the Chavín
religious cult spread. The development and
management of similar ceremonial practices,
including the representation of common symbols, support arguments for the interaction of
the Callejón de Huaylas with much of the rest of
the Andes. Before explaining the archaeological
context and the interconnection of sites in
detail, I will outline the Early Horizon in the
Callejón de Huaylas.
THE AREA OF STUDY
The Callejón de Huaylas is a large intermontane valley delineated by two mountain
ranges. To the west is the Cordillera Negra. To
the east is the Cordillera Blanca (Figure 13).
The latter is the highest range of snow capped
mountains and glacial lakes in the Central
Andes. Within it are thirty peaks higher than
6000 meters. It also contains the Huascarán
National Park, one of Peru’s important nature
3
2
For a definition of the Quechua ecozone see “The Area
of Study” below.
For discussions of Punkurí in Andean Past see Bischof
(1994):172-173, figures 2,3, 12, 14c, 31 and Falcón, this
volume, pp. 109-129. For Cerro Blanco and Punkurí see
Daggett (1987).
133 preserves, and the goal of thousands of mountain climbers every year.
The perennial Santa River flows from the
Cordillera Blanca and through the Callejón de
Huaylas. It is, by volume, the largest Peruvian
river that empties into the Pacific Ocean (Wilson 1988:32). The Callejón de Huaylas was one
of the centers of plant domestication in the
central Andes. Evidence from Guitarrero Cave
has shown that maize and beans were important
staple foods in the region and Phaseolus may
have been consumed there since the beginning
of the third millennium B.C. (Kaplan and Lynch
1999:265). The study area discussed in this
paper is in the eastern foothills of the Cordillera
Negra. The study area includes four ecological
zones (Figure 14):
(1) The floor of the Callejón de Huaylas (at an
average elevation of 2800 masl) is heavily cultivated, especially to the north of Jangas and
Taricá. Currently, fruits and flowers are grown
for export. Tree crops such as Pacay, avocado,
and lucuma may have been gathered there by
early societies. The existence of a modern
community of potters in the small town of
Taricá has some implications for past practices.
(2) The Quebrada Cuncashca/Llancash system
(average elevation 3615 masl; Figure 14) is a
natural pass to the puna, and to the western
slopes of the Cordillera Negra and beyond to the
coast. It has perennial water and includes the
best agricultural land.
(3) The Quechua ecozone (average elevation
3500 masl) is where maize, tubers (oca, olluco
[Ullucus tuberosus], potatoes) and some trees are
grown. There is evidence of agricultural terraces
and irrigation canals. However, the area does
not offer much space for cultivation and the soil
is not rich in nutrients.
Ponte: Isabelita Rock Engraving
(4) Puna pastureland (average elevation 4000
masl) consists of relatively flat grasslands dominated by ichu and used today, as in the past, for
maintaining herds.
The ecological zones are integrated by an
ancient road that connects archaeological sites
belonging to several periods (Figure 14). The
road extends from Jangas (2800 masl) on the
Santa Valley floor, to Cuncashca on the puna
(4000 masl). Walking from Jangas to Mareniyoc
in the Quechua ecozone at 3050 masl can be
accomplished in about two hours. From there it
takes another two hours to reach Cuncashca.
Control of these various ecological zones may
have been maintained in the past, as first postulated for the Andes by John V. Murra (1975:6270). The major center was the Mareniyoc site.
Its position in the middle of the vertical ecological zones permitted economic control by the
local elite and the consumption of the products
of all four zones.
THE EARLY HORIZON
IN THE CALLEJÓN DE HUAYLAS
During the time when the Isabelita Rock
engraving may have been created, important
ceremonial centers functioned in the Callejón
de Huaylas. One of them is the temple of Huaricoto (Figure 12), a large mound where the
oldest ceremonial architecture dates to the
Preceramic Period. It served as the setting for
ritual practices related to the Kotosh Religious
Tradition (Burger 1992:42, 45, 49-50). Rites
were performed in small public buildings, circular in plan. Ceremonies included the incineration of offerings in central stone-lined fire pits.
Another ritual construction, associated in the
Callejón with the Capilla Style, was a circular
plaza. This suggests that the sunken plaza of
Chavín de Huántar was not necessarily the sole
model for Early Horizon religious structures in
the Callejón (Burger and Salazar-Burger
1985:131-132, among others). Other contempo-
ANDEAN PAST 9 (2009)
raneous public monumental centers also existed
in the Callejón and are said to belong to the
Chavín Style (Tello 1960:36). They are defined
by their magnitude, but have not been sufficiently studied. One such is Pumacayan (3100
masl), a large mound on the southern side of the
Santa River, and within the modern city of
Huaraz (Figure 12). Incised Black-and-Red Style
ceramics, carved slabs, and tenoned heads have
been found there, but without contextual data.
The Pumacayan building was remodeled repeatedly, specifically in Huarás and Recuay times
(Table 1). Long galleries, passageways, and
funerary chambers like those at Chavín are
hidden under Recuay structures (Tello 1943:
155).
Another important center in the Callejón
de Huaylas that has public architecture is the
Tumshucaico site (2295 masl) on the northern
side of the city of Caraz (Figure 12). It shares
both its plan and style of masonry with monuments in the Nepeña Valley (see Proulx 1985:
plates 15a, 16a, b). However, Bueno (2003:75)
has recently studied the site, concluding that
there are architectural connections with La
Galgada. Bueno dates Tumschucaico to the late
Preceramic Period. Both Pumacayan and
Tumshucaico were densely occupied by postChavín cultures, including the Inca. It will take
additional study to determine whether those
sites had a central and articulated role in the
diffusion of the Chavín religious cult, or
whether they functioned independently in so far
as ceremonies are concerned, with religion
serving to congregate people.
Within the Callejón de Huaylas there must
exist many other sites which were occupied
during the Early Horizon or prior to it. One
problem in identifying them is that much of
their architecture was buried and/or re-utilized
during later occupations. Chupacoto (Figure
12), another small Early Horizon mound, was
mentioned by Thompson (1962). He docu-
- 134
mented two carved stones in a clear Sechín
Style dated to the Initial Period by comparisons.
However, there is no direct evidence linking the
site and these carved stones found in isolation
and without context. The existence of any preChavín occupation will be clarified with future
findings of Initial Period sites in the Cordillera
Negra. I predict that these will contain cultural
elements from the coastal valleys.
North of the Santa River in Corongo province, a team headed by Terada (Terada 1975,
1980; Morris 1981:961) excavated the La
Pampa site (Figure 12), a platform mound
complex with retention walls and non-domestic
rooms from the Initial Period Yesopampa Phase
(Table 1). Yesopampa Style ceramics have some
affinities with the Initial Period Pandanche Style
ceramic assemblages from the Cajamarca region,
while the artifacts of the successive occupation,
the La Pampa Period (Table 1), have greater
affinities with Chavín Style. A stone lintel with
Chavín feline-serpent attributes probably belongs to this period (670-540 B.C.).
It seems that at the same time, different
religious practices existed in the highlands, with
some autonomy expressed in the ceremonies
performed. Likewise, the economic organization
of highland communities reflected territorial
differences. Nevertheless, the essence and
requirements of ritual forged inter-regional
connections through the procurement of goods
and raw materials both from the coast and from
the eastern tropical forest.
In the Marcara River Valley Gary Vescelius
recorded about 125 sites (Burger and Lynch
1987:1; Lynch 1970:12). Among them, the
Ucush Punta site yielded Chavinoid artifact
types such as incised and rocker stamped sherds
(ibid.). In the same area Gero (1992) excavated
the site of Queyash Alto, a ridge-top site at the
confluence of the Marcara and Santa Rivers.
Although it belongs to the Early Intermediate
135 Period, its earliest levels are related to the
Huarás White-on-Red Style ceramics (200 B.C.A.D. 250; Gero 1991:132). The site plan of
Queyash Alto features two small stone mounds,
each longer than it is wide, at the extremities of
the ridge. A linear arrangement of rectilinear
rooms and courtyards fills the entire ridge.
Terraces follow the contours of the long east
and west sides of the ridge (Gero 1991:130,
2001:19-20, figure 2, left).The layout of this site
is similar to those of Chonta Ranra Punta and
Maquellouan Punta, both sites in the Mareniyoc
area that are described below (Figure 13). Those
sites have produced Early Horizon and Huarás
White-on-Red Style ceramics. Marcum, near
the city of Huaraz (Figure 13), is another site
with the same sort of plan. It also has yielded
middle and late Early Horizon sherds.
MARENIYOC AREA
The modern village of Mareniyoc stands on
an artificial mound consisting of deep cultural
deposits. The site measures 1200 by 800 meters.
The mound is a series of stepped platforms and
large habitation areas where people carried out
ceremonial and domestic activities, as indicated
by the thick black midden deposits shown in
profiles (Figure 11). Judging from artifacts
disturbed by modern house construction and
remodeling, Mareniyoc’s first occupation probably occurred during the Early Horizon. A common Recuay settlement pattern in the Callejón
de Huaylas and in the Nepeña Valley (Ponte
2000:223; Proulx 1985:285) is the reoccupation
of Early Horizon villages by modifying their
scattered structures surrounding a high central
mound. The mound was the architectural focal
point where celebrations took place. The mound
is always formed by fill containing artifacts such
as sherds, animal bones, lithic instruments, and
garbage mixed with earth. This fill, contained by
stone blocks, constitutes the mound. The fill
could have accumulated during the first occupation of the site during the Early Horizon. Over
Ponte: Isabelita Rock Engraving
time, Mareniyoc grew as a local elite population
center, but it was also the focus of cyclical
ceremonial activities, as was the religious center
of Huaricoto (Burger 1993:54). The Mareniyoc
area, including the Amá site, has been occupied
many times, from the Early Horizon to the Late
Horizon. During the Early Intermediate Period
(c. 100 to 600 A.D.), Mareniyoc was probably a
center for the Recuay population. Recuay funerary structures surround the center in a dispersed
pattern.
The Amá II site is at an altitude of between
3500 and 3550 masl (Figures 15, 16). A central
trail crosses a large ridge with houses and agricultural lands on both sides. The site has a very
irregular and abrupt topography that includes
boulders used today, as in the past, as rock
shelters. The boulders are natural formations
that create shadows and dark spaces. The steep
slopes of the hill are leveled and contained by
retention walls forming terraces. These are said
by today’s Mareniyoc farmers to have been built
by earlier farmers. The modern terraces are
filled with agricultural earth and are divided
into segments of land called parcelas. Eucalyptus
is grown for its wood. Prehispanic deposits and
funerary structures were found in the lees of the
big boulders, under approximately 1m of modern
fill (Figures 4-7, 9, 10). The prehispanic terraces
were constructed in relation to the big boulders,
following the contours of the slope (Figures 6, 810). They were poorly preserved, with walls
standing only to a height of about 0.7m.
EXCAVATIONS AT THE AMÁ II SITE
(COTOJIRCA PHASE I)
For purposes of excavation, the site was
divided into sectors according to local agricultural plots and terrace divisions (Figure 6). This
was useful for determining the spatial distribution of features and for assessing differences
between ceremonial and funerary spaces as
constructed and used during the Cotojirca I
ANDEAN PAST 9 (2009)
Phase (755-170 B.C.) of the Early Horizon and
the Cotojirca II-III Phases of the Early Intermediate Period (Table 1).
Archaeological excavations were completed
on three levels of modern terraces consisting of
pirca (unmortared stone walls), irrigation channels, and planting surfaces (Figures 2, 4, 6-10).
Today these are also used as household dumps.
The area studied was limited to the north side of
the Jangas-Pierina road. Five separate Cotojirca
I Phase contexts were identified: (1) the Isabelita Rock (Figures 1-3, 8); (2) the ceremonial
structure surrounding the Great Stone (Figures
4-7, 9); (3) the Amá II Tomb E (Figures 4-7, 9);
(4) the Amá II Tomb R or offerings (Figure 6);
and (5) an area of domestic refuse containing
Early Horizon artifacts (Context 49IV30; Figure
6).
Isabelita Rock
The Isabelita Rock depicts a human figure
and animals engraved with a hard and sharp
instrument on the flat surface of the boulder
(Figures 1-3). The rock is andesite, according to
an identification made by geologists of the Pierina Mine (personal communication, Enrique
Garay, June 1998). It measures 3.0 by 2.5 meters
and the entire rock weighs approximately 8
tonnes. This was estimated by the relation of
density and weight (according to the geologists).
It was probably in its original position when
found, laid horizontally with the flat face bearing the petroglyph forming a table-like plane
(Figure 2). The rock was threatened by construction of a road to the Pierina Mine. Therefore, this huge petroglyph was relocated to the
lithic park of the Regional Archaeological
Museum of Huaraz. Now it stands vertically,
providing a greater visual impact to the public.
The incised boulder was between adobe houses
(Figures 2, 6, 8). The Great Stone (see below) is
20 m to the east (Figures 4-7, 9). The principal
design on Isabelita is a dancing man carrying a
- 136
human trophy head in his left hand (Figures 1,
3). The full figure human is depicted in frontal
position, while the animals, shown in profile,
appear to the right of the principal image (from
the viewer’s perspective). The animals represented are a reptile, a deer or fox, a snake, and
some sort of bird.
The engraved man has rectangular eyes, a
triangular nose, and an open mouth (Figure 3a).
The rectangular ears are similar to those in
Sechín Style sculpture, although Tello (1960:
figure 79) also found a stone slab with a frontal
human face resembling the Isabelita man at
Qaucho, a site near Chavín de Huántar. On the
top of the Isabelita human figure’s head there
are four long and symmetrical appendages that
seem to make up a kind of ornament. These
could be interpreted as simplified snakes in
agreement with John Rowe’s comparison of hair
to snakes (1970:78). In the Paracas pottery of
Ica a specimen with “head appendages” also
exists, but in that image there are only two long
appendages. On the Isabelita Rock, the human
figure’s left arm is exaggeratedly long, and only
three fingers are shown holding a trophy head
by its hair. The hair is represented by four ovoid
incisions, a convention that has been observed
in the iconography of Cerro Sechín (e.g. Tello
1956: figures 83-84). The trophy head is circular
with round eyes, and has a close relationship to
the Chavín trophy heads seriated by Peter Roe
(1974:17). The main figure’s right arm is less
visible because of the natural fractures of the
boulder and the stepped flat surface of the rock
surface into which the main figure’s right side is
carved. The Isabelita man’s chest is rectangular
in form and ends in a rectangular belt decorated
with cross-hatching. There are parallels to this
belt in the corpus of Sechín stone sculpture, but
the belt decoration per se does not exist within
Sechín’s “Sacrificial procession” (Bischof
1994:176). The geometric figures on the belt
have similarities to the incised resin-painted
designs on bowls and cups from Phase 9 of the
137 Paracas pottery of Ica (Menzel et al. 1964: figure
53e, f, g, I, k). Roe (1974:18) also showed a
“cross-hatched decoration” as feature 147 from
the EF Period of John Rowe’s Chavín seriation
that is exactly the same design as that of the
Isabelita man’s belt. There is a slight bending at
the knees of the Isabelita man. The feet are
shown facing in different directions, giving the
impression of movement. I interpret this position as representing dancing.
The profile of a reptile or serpent head is
above the true left shoulder of the human figure
(Figure 3b). It has a round eye with an incised
central dot. Two ovoid bands that extend from
each corner of the eye may represent tears.
There are many parallels to this kind of eye, in
a variety of media including clay sculpture
(Tello 1960:2 29), clay mural art (Pozorski and
Pozorski 1986: figure 5), engraved bones
(Bischof 1994: figures 18, 27a; Tello 1956:
figures 19, 22) and stone slabs (Burger 1992:
figure 184; Tello 1960: figures 62, 72, 74). It is
found on monuments in the Casma Valley and
in the Chavín de Huántar region. These two
areas seem to have shared a common tradition.
Other examples of eyes with similar bands have
been reported on Cupisnique Style bottles
carved in the form of serpents (Burger and
Salazar-Burger 2000: figure 39) and on modeled
ceramic vessels with Cupisnique associations
(Donnan 1992: figure 26). Bischof calls this a
“bi-corned eye” (1994:225). Roe called the same
iconographic motif a “double wing eye” (1974:
18), and Tello (1956:49) related it to the
wrinkles of felines and caymans, an interpretation that seems salient to an understanding of
the meaning of this motif. I will call the mouth
of the cayman head “saw-toothed, with a slightly raised snout”. The reptile mouth is depicted
as similar to a cat’s mouth in an association
interpreted by Rowe as a sign of supernatural
power (1970:81). This attribute is shared with
the being engraved in a bone from the Pallka
temple (Tello 1956: figure 22). There is a strong
Ponte: Isabelita Rock Engraving
similarity between the reptile head on the Isabelita Rock and the Pallka bone representation,
although the former has been simplified. Another similarity is found in the clay frieze from
Garagay, an Early Horizon temple within metropolitan Lima. Here a cross-hatched band encircles the head of a fanged supernatural being
(Burger 1992: figures 43-44).
A second animal, almost completely depicted in profile, is in the upper right of the flat
boulder (viewer’s perspective). This could
represent a deer or a fox with angular legs, a
long snout, and erect ear(s) (Figure 3c). Its
mouth is open, showing serrated teeth less
visible than those of the reptile. A similar animal, also with erect ears, is depicted on a carved
slab adorning the New Temple of Chavín de
Huántar and was interpreted as a viscacha
(Burger 1992: figure 184).
A third animal on the Isabelita Rock is a
bird with extended wings and a long beak (Figures 1, 3d). It most closely resembles some type
of seashore bird. Punctation indicates an eye
and the tail feathers are rendered with a simple
zigzag line. There are many examples of birds in
the iconography of the Early Horizon but they
are usually stylized versions of eagles and falcons. The simple design of the bird on the
Isabelita Rock is more similar to bird representations on Paracas Phase 10 artifacts from Ica (cf.
Menzel et al. 1964: figure 61c).
The fourth animal engraved on the Isabelita
Rock is a simplified snake which appears in the
bottom right corner (from the viewer’s perspective) beneath the bird. The snake is drawn in
profile with a triangular head and curved body.
The simplicity of snake representations was used
by Peter Roe (1974) to support John Rowe’s
seriation of the Chavín stone sculpture.
When seen in its full cultural context, the
principal figure, a dancing man carrying a trophy
ANDEAN PAST 9 (2009)
and accompanied by animals, constitutes an
important key to understanding the religion and
ritual related to mythical beings that spread
during the last part of the Early Horizon.
Ceremonial Structure around the Great Stone
Around the Great Stone there was an almost circular masonry ceremonial structure
(Figures 4-7, 9). A single course of masonry and
a long, rather weak retaining wall connect this
feature to the Isabelita Rock which is at roughly
the same elevation. Objects were arranged in a
cultural deposit at the Great Stone. In excavations of the platform, the topmost strata contained modern utilitarian ceramics manufactured in Taricá, a town of potters on the Santa
Valley floor (Figure 14). These ceramics were
found mixed with prehispanic artifacts. The
frequency of the latter increased with depth. An
artificial fill of stones and ceramic fragments
that covered an earlier structure characterized
the second stratum. This earlier feature was a
double-faced wall, 0.65 m wide by 0.50 m high.
It formed an ovoid enclosure around the large
stone. This irregular stone seems to have been
the center of ceremonial performance. It formed
a rectangular shelter aligned to the north within
which a bundle of human bones was found. This
feature is called the Amá II Tomb E. The orientation of the Great Stone is towards the snowy
peaks of the Cordillera Blanca and it defines an
almost direct line to Huascarán which, with a
summit at 6768 masl, is the highest peak in the
Cordillera Blanca.
The ovoid structure around the Great Stone
created an inner offering space where we found
two groups of poorly preserved deer and camelid
bones. On the southern side we uncovered a
small bowl with an exterior red slip surface and
flat base. Several blue beads were left inside of
this as an offering (Figure 17). On the western
side, two little structures shaped as altars were
each created by four rock slabs, with the open
- 138
side facing NNW. Altars imply the idea of
arranging objects in a ritual setting. One altar
supported two crossed long bones of a young
deer and seashells of Mesodesma donacium, while
another smaller one contained a bundle of
young camelid bones, not arranged in any
particular order. Bones were placed into the
structure, on top of the middle slab.
Amá II Tomb E
The chamber below the Great Stone was
0.85 m high and 2.15 m long. The funerary
space was delimited by a wall of undressed field
stones built against the Great Stone (Figures 47, 9). The space contained the incomplete
remains of an adult. The skeleton was in an
extended position with the head to the south
and the feet to the north. The bones were badly
preserved because of the acidity and humidity of
the soil. Only a few fragments of the skull, a
femur, and metatarsals were recovered. There
were several items associated with the burial,
including guinea pigs placed in a spondylus
shell, 81 chrysocolla beads (Figure 17), and 136
spondylus beads. Near the feet of the skeleton
the presence of ash indicates that ritual burning
may have taken place. We found ceramic offerings here. These consist of fragments of two
bottles, one jar, and three bowls. We also found
two 17 cm long copper pins (ticpis in Ancash
Quechua; for the metallurgical analysis of the
pins see Ponte 1999a: chart 4).
One bottle was almost completely restored.
It is dark gray with a round body and a long
neck with an everted rim (Figure 18). The other
was red, and only the long tubular neck (7cm)
was recovered. The gray bottle was 17cm tall
and is similar to a bottle found in a Tomb (GTm4) from the Kunturwasi site in Cajamarca
assigned to the Copa Phase, 380-200 BC (Table
1; Onuki 1997: 112, figure 53), although the
latter has a flat base and a thickened external
rim. There is some resemblance between the
139 bottles found in the Amá II Tomb E and bottles
from the Huaricoto site (Figure 12), which dates
to the Early Capilla Phase (Burger 1985: figure
22). These comparisons suggest an Early Horizon date for the tomb. Significantly, similarities
to the late Initial Period are less marked. There
is also a slight difference between the Cotojirca
I Phase bottles with round bases and the flatbased bottles registered by Tello (1956:
figure10c) from the Pallka temple in the middle
Casma Valley (Figure 12). Some relationship
with the Cupisnique ceramic assemblages can be
suggested because of the long tubular necks
(Tellenbach 1986: plates 131,4; 132,2).
The bowls from the Amá II Tomb E are 16
cm in diameter and 6 cm tall with divergent
sides (Figures 19-20). Both internal and external
surfaces have orange-to-light-brown burnished
surfaces. One of them is decorated with darkred horizontal bands. Red-on-Orange Style
ceramics similar to the bowls found in the Amá
II Tomb E have been found at the Pacopampa
site in the Cajamarca Department (Figure 12).
Daniel Morales has assigned these to the Capilla
Expansiva Phase (1998:119; Table 1). This local
Early Horizon ceramic phase is roughly coeval
with the Copa and Early Capilla Phases. If the
Tomb E construction can be dated by its associated ceramics, then, given its proximity to the
Isabelita Rock, a similar date may be extended
to the rock art itself (Ponte 2005:249).
Amá II Tomb R
Digging into a modern terrace we uncovered
a large rock about 1.05 m below the surface. To
call this a tomb may be over-interpreting the
feature. I suggest that human bones, now poorly
preserved, were left as part of ritual offerings.
Although this feature was recorded as Amá II R,
it could have been associated with Context
49IV30 (see below) because it was in the same
stratum and the components were similar. In
the lee of this large rock were fragments of a
Ponte: Isabelita Rock Engraving
human skull and two bowls (Figures 21, 22).
The latter were useful in further clarifying the
diffusion of ceramic styles. One, an open bowl,
has 4 mm horizontal incisions in the exterior,
repeated around the vessel (Figure 21). This
semi-hemispheric bowl is 9 cm high. Incised
lines were colored by orange pigment, as was its
flat base, while the rest of the surface has a red
polished treatment. An identical example found
in the Pallka Temple in the Casma Valley
(Figure 12) has been illustrated by Tello (1956:
figure 11y).
The other bowl from the Amá II R context
is short and globular, with white wavy band
designs on the upper part of a red polished
surface (Figure 22). This can be identified as an
example of Huarás White-on-Red. This style
was defined primarily by Bennett (1944:75)
from materials at Willcawain and Chavín de
Huántar. Recently Lau (2004:181, figure 2) has
analyzed a new set of radiocarbon dates for the
Huarás White-on-Red Style and suggests that
this style was in use between 400 and 100 B.C.
Lau assigns the Huarás Style to the early part of
the Recuay tradition, while other archaeologists
(Ponte 2000:223; Wilson 1988:295) define
Huarás as a late Early Horizon and early Early
Intermediate Period culture with socioeconomic
relations of varying intensities, and probable
interregional warfare. Whether the Huarás Style
is a reflection of a social group that later produced the totally different ceramics in the
Recuay Style, or was a distinct group that
vanished at some point in time remains a subject
for discussion. However, it is clear that the
Huarás Style existed during the decline of Chavín de Huántar and the rise of Recuay. Looking
at the Amá II R Context with the new radiocarbon data in mind, it appears not incongruent
that two different styles form part of the same
deposit. Both styles shared the same territory
and probably overlapped in time. Both are
found above Chavín components. Archaeologists (Burger 1985:125, 1992:165; Lumbreras
ANDEAN PAST 9 (2009)
1993:314) have confirmed the Huarás Red-onWhite Style’s position immediately over Janabarriu Phase (390-200 B.C.; Table 1) strata, but
in some cases it has been found to be contemporaneous with the Janabarriu Phase (Burger 1992:
228).
Domestic structures that yielded Huarás
White-on-Red Style ceramics spread over the
Circular Plaza building of the Old Temple of
Chavín de Huántar. There are many differences
between the Chavín architectural styles and
those of the Huarás culture. The quality of
Huarás structures is poor and their masonry is of
a different type from that of the temple. The
White-on-Red Style) has been identified in
several regions of the Andes, always above Early
Horizon levels. It existed during the probable
rise of interregional warfare and interregional
socioeconomic relations of varying intensities
(Wilson 1988:295).
Domestic Refuse Area with Artifacts:
Context 49IV30
A retention wall running east-west supported a platform near the Isabelita Rock into
which a 3 m by 1 m excavation unit was dug.
Within Strata 2, Context 49IV30 was isolated
from the rest of the excavation unit (Figure 6).
This context consists of a 30 cm deposit of loose
silty clay soil with abundant mid-size gravel (5-8
cm). This is a cultural fill, as is indicated by the
great quantity of diagnostic ceramic sherds
found mixed with the soil. Bones from an adult
and an infant were also found in the refuse area,
along with neckless ollas, shallow bowls, and
open bowls (Figures 23-27). The open bowls are
hemispherical and have flattened rims. Surface
treatment consists of burnished patterns and
circular stamped impressions made by a tubular
instrument (6-7 mm average; Figure 25). The
impressed portions are in the upper part of the
vessels, and the impressions are arranged in
horizontal rows. Similar bowls were found in the
- 140
Nepeña Valley by Donald Proulx (1985:325,
plate1A), and correspond to the Early Chavinoid Phase. Tello encountered Chavín ceramics
with incised decoration or stamped circles in the
subsoil of buildings A, E, and test pit 1 in the
Chavín de Huántar temple complex (1960:
figure 151) and at the Pallka temple (1956:
figures 161, 4, u). Carinated bowls with red slip
burnishing were also identified (ibid.: figure
15b). Richard Burger (1998:424, figure 333)
found the equivalent in the Janabarriu Phase of
the Chavín de Huántar settlement. A small
group of bowls with wide red bands decorating
the rim and the upper part of the vessel are
among the recovered materials from this context at Amá II (Figures 23d, 24).
There are numerous brown ollas and gray
globe-shaped neckless ollas with incurving rims
found in the refuse area. One fragment has red
pigment along the rim, while the body of this
sherd is a natural orange clay color and has a
fine incised diagonal punctated decoration that
may have been made with a cactus spine. This
fragment was found beside the Isabelita Rock.
Burger encountered a similar style of decoration
in the Chakinani Phase (460-390 B.C.; Table 1)
ceramics found in the presently occupied town
of Chavín de Huántar (Burger 1998:407, figure
229). Tello illustrated a similar specimen which
he assigned to the Chavín ceramic sequence
(1960: figure 159b). These parallels corroborate
the Early Horizon date of the Isabelita Rock.
Complementary to the aforementioned
styles are short-necked ollas with everted rims,
burnished red surfaces, and decorated olla and
jar body fragments with parallel red lines on a
yellowish brown polished surface. Finally, one
eroded rim with small punctated decoration in
a double row (Figure 25c) can be compared with
the late Initial Period Urabarriu Phase of Chavín
de Huántar that is associated with the Old
Temple (Table 1; Burger 1998: figure 137).
141 DEVELOPMENT OF THE LOCAL SUBSYSTEM
(COTOJIRCA PHASE I)
As mentioned above, a prehispanic road
connected Mareniyoc, a major Early Horizon
local sociopolitical center, with other contemporaneous sites. These include valley bottom
settlements as well as sites in the puna. Here I
discuss two puna settlements, Chonta Ranra
Punta and Maquellouan Punta. I then describe
Urpay Coto, a site located at the valley bottom
of the Callejón de Huaylas and Quitapampa C
(Table 1, Figure 13), a Recuay funerary chamber
in the upper part of the Cotojirca neighborhood
of Mareniyoc.
Chonta Ranra Punta
Within the steppe environment of the puna
a fortified site, Chonta Ranra Punta (PAn 5-1;
4291 masl) stands at the top of the hill of the
same name (Figure 28). A 2 m wide perimeter
wall surrounds the site. Chonta is divided into
three sectors: a natural rocky elevation on the
north, an intermediate flat open area where
storage rooms were built, and a rectangular low
platform with residential rooms. Although
excavations in the rectilineal-to-apsidal rooms
did not uncover plant remains or artifacts, these
rooms were probably used for the deposit of food
products. The isolation of the area, the consecutive linear pattern of structures, the cold environment which naturally preserves food, and the
necessity of foodstuffs for the people who remained in the site support this interpretation.
The residential area measured 27 m by 31 m and
was delineated by a low, square platform supporting a rectangular grid comprised of four
rooms, each 2 m by 3 m in plan, plus a trapezoidal structure standing alone and an apsidal
room attached to the platform wall. The rooms
are constructed of dressed stone masonry. Test
pits in one of the rooms revealed scattered
ceramics associated with charcoal.
Ponte: Isabelita Rock Engraving
The diagnostic ceramics recovered are fine
open bowls with red polished slip on both surfaces. They are related to the Early Horizon
styles of the Nepeña (Proulx 1985:341, plate
9B), Casma, and Santa Valleys. In spite of the
small number of artifacts found, I suggest that
domestic activities took place in these rooms. A
radiocarbon date obtained from the charcoal
found in the excavated room produced a calibrated date range between 390-210 B.C. (Table
2). No artifacts associated with warfare were
found. The lithic inventory is composed of only
three projectile points recovered from excavations and two polished points collected from the
surface. Point 109 (60 mm at maximum dimension) was found in the room and was associated
with ceramics and charcoal. Point 108/119 (41
mm at maximum dimension) comes from one of
the probable storage structures. Malpass (1983:
figure 43) recorded similar points from Casma
sites associated with ceramics.
Two D-shaped structures added to the
northeast platform wall may have restricted
access to the rooms. The position of this site
had strategic advantages because from here it is
possible to control the movement of people from
the western coastal valleys to the Callejón de
Huaylas. Also, the site is near the natural water
divide of the Cordillera Negra, between the
Santa Valley to the east and the highland puna
elevations to the west.
Maquellouan Punta
At the southern edge of the Quebrada Cuncashca, 200 m below Chonta Ranra, is another
hilltop site, Maquellouan Punta (PAn 5-4). This
had a different function, but shared aspects of
site planning with Chonta Ranra Punta. Maquellouan Punta was built along the slope and
top of a limestone rock formation at 4118 masl.
Its location, with a good view of the Callejón de
Huaylas, could have been a factor in choosing
this place for settlement. Maquellouan was
ANDEAN PAST 9 (2009)
connected to the Santa Valley floor by a prehistoric road (Figure 14). The occupants lived on
terraces, and the summit was used for ceremonial activities. The site plan shows an artificial
platform with complex architecture, a central
plaza with a rectangular room, and a northern
platform based on a natural mound that supports a residential sector (Figure 29). The plan
of Maquellouan Punta shares some common
features with that of Chonta Ranra Punta.
However, while Chonta Ranra Punta is bigger,
Maquellouan contains much denser archaeological deposits. Retention walls were used at this
site because of its very steep cliff, especially on
its northern and southern sides. The rectangular
room built in the plaza measures approximately
13 m x 4 m and yielded information about
ceremonial practices.
Sixty-seven percent of the tools made from
faunal parts that were recovered in the Pierina
area have been found at the Maquellouan Punta
site. Thirty-two percent of the artifacts made
from faunal parts found there were recovered
from the rectangular structure. The most common tools are made of camelid bones or taruka
(the northern Andean deer, Hippocamelus
antisensis) antlers used as gravers and for softpressure lithic flaking. Eleven projectile points,
six of black chert, four of fine shale, and one of
a porphyritic igneous rock (point 400-7) were
also found with minimal indication of flaking
(Grimaldo 1999:216). In general these projectile
points share similarities with those from the
Chonta Ranra site. The igneous point has
unique features including ferro-magnesium
crystals, a rectilinear distal base, and larger size
(64 mm long and 23 mm wide) compared to the
shale points. The shale and chert points have
polished surfaces, beveled edges, and flat sections (points 400-6 and 426). Similar points
were found in the debris of buildings A, E, and
F at Chavín de Huántar and were associated
with Recuay ceramics (Tello 1960: figure 142).
Ground stone points seem to be found above
- 142
triangular black chert points in excavation
contexts. Most of the ground stone points were
collected on the surface, except point 466 which
was associated with a biface. Point 400-2 can be
compared with Lynch’s Lampas Type 16 (Lynch
1980: figure 9.3, r). Cutting tools such as coarse
denticulate implements, or scrapers (n=433), a
uniface (lithic 400-5), and utilized flakes complete the lithic inventory.
A large number of Early Horizon ceramics
were found here (Figures 30, 31), as well as deer
and camelid bones. A silver pin was found in the
second patio next to the northern platform.
This item of personal adornment, as well as an
incised deer bone and fine ceramics, tells us
something about the social organization of the
people who lived at the Maquellouan site. A
three meter square excavation pit (Unit A)
placed perpendicular to the thick wall that
dissects Platform I yielded information about the
constant remodeling and construction at
Maquellouan. The foundation of Platform I was
a series of large, cut stones with a loose dirt and
refuse fill between them. Considerable labor
was necessary to build such platforms because of
the two meter deep fill and the structure’s many
remodelings.
At about 30 to 40 cm below the ground
surface of the artificial platform I encountered a
circular structure corresponding to the late
Cotojirca V (A.D. 1200-1400) occupation of
Maquellouan Punta. This was, perhaps, a domestic structure. Ceramic fragments dispersed
throughout the site are associated with the
Cotojirca Phase V. Below this was an Early
Horizon structure. The lower structure clearly
forms a circular room. Its masonry is elaborate
with carefully chosen cut stones arranged over
a limestone calcite soil associated with the core
Early Horizon occupation of the site. The structure is related to the Janabarriu Style and to
Huarás White-on-Red Style ceramics(Cotojirca
I Phase). At the bottom of Unit A was a deposit
Ponte: Isabelita Rock Engraving
143 resting in the small natural hollows in the upper
surface of the limestone bedrock.
Urpay Coto
The Urpay Coto site (PAn 5-39, Figure 32)
is on the upper part of a natural hill at 2938
masl. At this altitude the climate is warmer than
it is at sites on the puna or suni ecozones.4 The
site includes two levels of retention walls that
also could have had a defensive function.
Rooms and other structures on the top of the
hill can barely be seen because they are covered
by bushes. However, in the central part of the
site excavations uncovered a terrace wall that
separated a complex of small structures associated with camelid bones and ceramics (Unit C,
Figure 32). Camelid bones consisted of limb
parts of one adult alpaca, one adult llama, and
two young camelids (Rofes 1999:167). These
finds suggest that camelid consumption occurred here. A radiocarbon sample was taken
from a ceramic fragment (register number 3924)
and yielded a very early date of 1410-1265 B.C.
(Table 2). This measurement is problematical.
It is possible that the calcitic soil in contact with
the ceramic produced a contaminated date.
In the central part of the hill, I excavated a
2.20 by 2.90 m rectangular room with high
masonry walls. It had a narrow door and a low
bench inside. Its function was probably related
to habitation, although no domestic features or
artifacts were found inside. Most of the archaeological structures of Urpay Coto remain buried
and covered with vegetation. Therefore, the
map presented here must be regarded as preliminary. Nevertheless, the portion of retaining
walls investigated reveals a fortified site where
camelid meat was consumed and where neckless
ollas with spouts were used (Figure 33: 3913).
The Cotojirca I Phase ceramics are similar to
those found at Maquellouan, but compared to
the subsequent Cotojirca IV/Ancosh occupation
(A.D. 650-950) their presence is minimal at the
site.
Quitapampa C
Test excavations in the terrace 5 m east of
Quitapampa C (Pan 5-50), a Recuay funerary
chamber in the upper part of the Cotojirca
neighborhood, revealed a feature consisting of a
small, U-shaped stone structure with a different
function from that of the Recuay mortuary
structure. It is 1.46 m long and 0.79 m high and
was built with rustic masonry of mid-size stones
joined with mud mortar. The structure delineated a cist-like chamber filled with silty clay
soil to a depth of 0.56 m. Within this soil were
small pieces of charcoal and sherds of a neckless
olla which show clear indications of having been
exposed to fire. The floor of the cist is composed
of burnt clay soil 0.06 m thick. A radiocarbon
sample was taken from the charcoal deposited
on the floor. It yielded a date of 480-230 B.C.
(Table 2), which would place it within the Early
Horizon. The structure resembled an earthen
cooking oven or pachamanca. The utilitarian
ollas share some features, including sandy paste,
white inclusions, and orange color. Surfaces are
greatly eroded. The ollas lack parallels with the
Cotojirca Phase I Style. We could not continue
excavations in this area because of hostile
reactions from the landowner. This zone may
contain an Early Horizon component.
DISCUSSION, INTERPRETATION, AND
CHRONOLOGY
4
According to the classification of Peruvian geographer
Javier Pulgar Vidal, who drew upon indigenous concepts,
the suni zone is between 3200 and 4000 meters in elevation in the central Andes (Pulgar 1946:105) and is
suitable for the cultivation of tubers and Chenopodium
(ibid.:113-118).
Assessing the Cotojirca I Phase
The stylistic elements that comprise the
Cotojirca I Phase come principally from the
ANDEAN PAST 9 (2009)
Amá II Tomb E. The ceramics associated with
the burial constitute examples related to the
Early Capilla Style (600-400 B.C.). Bowls with
Red-on-Orange decoration and divergent sidewalls like that found in context 49N11 are
common in the Huaricoto and Early Capilla
Styles, but there is a slight difference in the
decorative painted band. The same Red-onOrange decoration appears on neckless ollas in
the refuse area context 49IV30 and is comparable to the Capilla Expansive Phase of the Pacopampa site dated by Morales (1998:118) at
around 400 B.C. From the same refuse context
decorations of circular and dash-like punctations confirm the correlation of the Cotojirca
Phase I with the Huaricoto Style.
Another piece of evidence key to accessing
the early chronology of the Cotojirca I Phase
comes from the pair of bottles found in the
burial. The gray bottle from the Amá II E mortuary context resembles a bottle found in a tomb
at the Kuntur Wasi site that corresponds to the
Copa Phase (c. 500-250 B.C.). Proulx (1973:
plate 1a-c) shows a group of long-necked,
single-spout bottles whose origin is in the Nepeña Valley. Because long-necked bottles have not
been found in the Callejón de Huaylas, one
could argue for an exotic or imported provenance. Generally, long-necked bottles are found
at north coast sites within the Cupisnique
tradition. Furthermore, the extended position of
the human body in the Amá II Tomb E conforms with coastal mortuary customs during the
Late Cupisnique (c. 500-200 B.C.; Elera 1994:
248) and with those of the Puerto Moorin Phase
(350 B.C. to A.D. 1) at the beginning of the
Early Intermediate Period for the Virú Valley
(Grieder 1978:51; Wilson 1988:149). A longnecked bottle with modeled and incised decoration depicting a reptile with the same attributes
as the reptile from Isabelita Rock has been
recovered from an unknown context at the
Tembladera site (Pasztory 1998:98). The vessel
has post-fired red resin paint and circular
- 144
stamped decoration. This amazing example is in
The Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York
and has been dated to between 400 and 200
B.C., within the range I have proposed for the
Isabelita Rock.
An incised broad line bowl found beside the
White-on-Red bowl in the Amá II R burial
context suggests a longer chronology than has
been assumed for the Huarás White-on-Red
Style. Lumbreras (1993:417) obtained radiocarbon dates from the temple of Chavín de Huántar from Huarás domestic contexts and burials
within a range from 780 to 150 B.C., but all of
these dates are uncalibrated. Surprisingly, the
Huarás White-on-Red Style is found in association with other styles from the Early Horizon
such as the incised bowl from the Amá II R
context. Similarities to the incised Amá II R
bowl may be found in Proulx’s (1985:198)
“Nepeña Broad Lined Incised” type dated to the
Early Horizon Chakinani Phase.
Circular stamped decoration on rounded
bowls has also been found in the refuse deposit
context 49IV30. This is a feature consistently
associated with the Janabarriu Phase, a late
Early Horizon manifestation. Observing the
variability of the styles from the 49IV30 context,
a chronological gap seems to exist among the
artifacts deposited with it, probably caused by
disturbance. A more refined classification would
distinguish more than one phase. The Isabelita
Rock engraving and the whole Amá II site were
located in a special place according to a sacred
geography.
Settlement Pattern
The evidence presented for interaction of
settlements during the Cotojirca I Phase is
deduced from similarities in artifacts, site planning, and dependency on agriculture and
pastoralism exploiting a number of vertical
ecozones. The sociopolitical organization cen-
145 tralized in Mareniyoc permitted the multiplication of rites and ceremonies at other, subsidiary,
sites on the puna above it as well as within the
lower warm valley ecozone near the Santa
River. Nevertheless, Mareniyoc is distinguished
from the rest of the sites in the area by its management and production of symbols. The large
funerary area is next to the religious site, Amá
II. Furthermore, ethnographic data from the
local farmers support the idea that during the
Early Horizon Mareniyoc was already a central
place controlling the Cuncashca puna where
today townspeople conduct their animals to dry
season grazing lands (Sergio Vergara, personal
communication, 1998). Transhumance among
various ecological zones at different altitudes
within the Callejón de Huaylas has been occurring since preceramic times (Lynch 1971).
The settlement pattern with the distribution
of open spaces as patios between artificial or
natural platforms reflects a desire to congregate
people in limited areas. The social activity
developed at the Maquellouan site seems to
have included ceremonies and rituals where
feasts were important to group coherence.
Information recovered from Queyash Alto has
indicated the role of celebration sponsored by
recognized social and political authorities (Gero
1992:18). Our data concur in that the community organized its collective life around celebration and drinking, thus affirming social relations
and reciprocity.
Fortified constructions at high altitude sites
such as Chonta Ranra Punta may be explained
by the need to install an outpost or refuge that
could control the puna and the Cuncashca
Quebrada. Both sites coexisted with similar
settlement plans. Furthermore, the communication with the primary center (Mareniyoc) in a
complementary economy was a means of integrating a region where attacks may have come
from people occupying the western slopes of the
Cordillera Negra. Wilson’s (1995) work in the
Ponte: Isabelita Rock Engraving
Casma Valley indicates warfare as a reason for
the profusion of fortresses during the Patazca
Period (350 to 1 B.C.). The increasing population and the need for more agricultural land
forced chiefdoms to fight among themselves.
The Amá II Ritual Area of Mareniyoc
As I mentioned in the introduction, the
simple architecture around the Great Stone and
its human burial beneath may have ceremonial
meaning related to the ritual of burial and
reverence paid to the interred individual.
Doyle’s definition of the Cusco Quechua machay
as a sacred space formed by natural or modified
caves, with openings that were intentionally
blocked to reduce the size of the entrances
(1988:110) exactly matches the Amá II Tomb
E.
Another factor that demonstrates the ceremonial aspect of the Great Stone is its orientation to the highest mountain peaks of the Cordillera Blanca. This is related to the well-known
Andean practice of showing reverence to mountains through rites performed with sea products
(Rostworowski 1986:87). A monolith, Piruro II
(PAn 5-9; Figures 34-36), with similar ceremonial attributes was found on the upper ridge
above the Amá II site, at the boundary between
the puna and suni ecozones (3930 masl). This
stone was modified to a cubical form. It was
made of tuff (silica), is 1.22 meters high, and is
enclosed by a nearly circular structure composed
of irregularly shaped rocks (Figure 36). The
faces of the cubic stone were carved with simple
designs, possibly depicting a human face, but
not in any particular style (Figure 35). Piruro II
faces north, towards the Huascarán peak. Only
two tubular kaolinite beads, each 5 cm long, and
one spherical metal bead were found in the
structure surrounding the stone. Neither ceramics nor bones were among the offerings. In
summary, the structures around sacred rocks
may have had the function of shrines, where the
ANDEAN PAST 9 (2009)
members of the local communities celebrated
ceremonies on special occasions, as they currently do throughout the year at small Catholic
shrines in Andean communities.
Isabelita: Assessing the Art Style
Although the incision technique on flat
surfaces of rock was used in the sculptures from
Cerro Sechín (Burger 1989:552), the representations on the Isabelita Rock are quite different.
The frontal position of the man with a trophy
head, as represented on the Isabelita Rock never
appeared at Sechín. The artist who made the
Isabelita image could have inherited the Sechín
technique, but his or her cultural expression
differs from the Sechín Style. The reptile head
on the Isabelita Rock is similar to the engraved
bone from Pallka and may have been intended
to represent the same being. Almost all the
diagnostic ceramics of the Cotojirca I Phase
found at the Amá II site have their counterparts
within the Pallka temple ceramic assemblage,
which may have been the center of diffusion at
this time.
The principal element of the Isabelita Rock
is the frontal man holding a trophy head. This
image represents a ritual human sacrifice intended to ensure a good harvest or success in
some other project (Benson 1997:11). This
image’s central position may indicate that it is
a deity, as seen in Cupisnique petroglyphs (Guffroy 1999:136). The mammal represented in full
body profile, if intended to represent a fox,
evokes the metaphoric significance of such
animals in the Andes in connection with agricultural cycles and productivity (Urton 1985:
267). Today deer are considered to be the cows
of the apus or sacred mountains. They belong to
them and when humans kill them they always
have to deposit offerings in exchange for them
(ibid.: 258-259). Both foxes and deer are currently seen in the Cordillera Negra in the puna
near outcrops.
- 146
A possible connection between the iconography of the Isabelita Rock and the manipulation of religious power in circular structures is
the representation of the cat mouth in the
images of the reptile and the feline. Rowe
(1970:81) argued for a relationship between the
jaguar mouth and the religious ritual associated
with important mythological beings. Furthermore, in the Cupisnique region a powerful
religious ideology appeared that featured human
trophy heads, a feline/bird/reptile triad, fish, and
spondylus imported from what is now Ecuador,
among other elements (Von Hagen and Morris
1998:57). All of these concepts are expressed on
the Isabelita Rock. Without doubt some kind of
generalized ritual must have existed in the
Andes when the late Chavín Style was current,
and aspects of this ritual seem to have been
both expressed by the Isabelita Rock and performed there.
When Menzel and her colleagues studied
the ceramic sequence of Ica, based on artifacts
from Ocucaje and Callango, they recognized
innovations introduced in Phase 9 that were
derived from Phase 8, the latter still under
Chavín Phase EF influence (Menzel et al. 1964:
259). The principal innovation, according to
Menzel et al., is a mythical personification of the
Oculate Being, represented as the full figure of
a man, with a trophy head, appendages on the
top of this head, angular arms and legs, and
incised lines marking off the fingers (ibid.: figures 44b, 52c, figure 40 from Willey 1974: plate
359). All of these attributes are exhibited by the
human-like being depicted on the Isabelita
Rock. Whether this figure is the same mythical
entity as the Oculate Being, or is the representation of a man with a trophy head and hafted
knife, remains unclear, but the figure appears
elsewhere in the Andes (ibid.: 259). In this
respect, Grieder (1978:183) suggested a Paracas
influence on elements of the Recuay Style
ceramics. Whether true or not, long distance
interactions were occurring at the same time.
Ponte: Isabelita Rock Engraving
147 The appearance of the trophy head theme in
two distant regions at the same time confirms
the decline of the Chavín Horizon, the demise
of its cult, and the emergence of sites such as
Pallka and Kuntur Wasi (Burger 1989: 561) and
the beginning of the White-on-Red Horizon
Style.
puna and valley floor interacted with the
Mareniyoc center in a pattern of vertical ecological control. The Cotojirca I Phase shows the
development of a kin-based chiefdom in a
circumscribed mountainous territory within the
Callejón de Huaylas.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
Elements of the iconography expressed on
the Isabelita Rock persisted in the art of societies such as Recuay and Wari. Examples of
Recuay art showing full frontal humans are
common in the media of petroglyphs, bone
carvings, and ceramics (Ponte 2005). In the
corpus of Callejón de Huaylas rock sculpture
produced during Wari times, one frequently
finds depictions of a central human being flanked by felines. This is a Recuay theme appropriated by the Wari imperial apparatus as part of
their efforts to control ideology.
I am grateful to my wife Shari for reviewing and
correcting the English text. Special thanks go to project
members Cesar Aguirre, Santiago Morales, Emily Baca,
and Sergio Anchi (all from the Universidad Nacional
Mayor de San Marcos). Luis Lumbreras commented on
the first Spanish language draft and I benefitted from
Richard Burger’s advice on a revised English version. Bill
Sapp also helped to improve this paper. Two anonymous
Andean Past reviewers made useful critiques and suggestions. Research was supported by Minera Barrick Misquichilca, S.A., owner of the Pierina Mine. Sincere thanks
goes to Barrick managers, especially Holton Burns,
Environmental Coordinator, who included cultural
mitigation in the environmental management master plan.
CONCLUSIONS
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Ponte: Isabelita Rock Engraving
151 -
Chronological Chart: Ceramic Styles of the Northern Highlands of Peru
Time
Scale
Cajamarca
Pacopampa
Callejón de Huaylas
Kunturwasi
La Pampa
Huaricoto
300
8
200
Cotojirca III
400
EARLY
INTERMEDIATE
PERIOD
100
100
8
200
Sotera
Stamped circles
300
400
8
Red-on-Orange
500
Copa
Copa
600
700
8
800
Kunturwasi
8
Huarás
8
Late Capilla
La Pampa
Early Capilla
Expansiva
Modeled, Incised
8
Pacopampa
Yesopampa
Ídolo
Cotojirca I
8
Casma Valley
8
Recuay/
Moche III-IV
9
Cotojirca II
900
1000
Nepeña Valley
Chavín de
Huántar
8
AD
BC
EARLY
HORIZON
Pierina
Huarás
Chankillo
San Diego
Janabarriu
Kushipampa
Pallka
Chavinoid
Las Haldas
Chakinani
Urabarriu
Ofrendas
Quitapampa
Huaricoto
Table 1: Chronology and ceramic styles of the northern Highlands of Peru.
Sector
Unit
Material
* C
F
137
3
A
Charcoal
-24.1
PAn 5-4
443
Platform I
A
Charcoal
AA32492
PAn 5-39
3924
Area 2
C1
AA32488
PAn 5-50
5025
II
Lab No.
Site
AA32484
PAn 5-1
AA32480
Register No.
C BP
1F
0.7575±0.0053
2,230±55
390-210 BC
-26
0.9211±0.0044
660±40
AD 1280-1390
Ceramic
-23.7
0.6834±0.0041
3,060±50
1410-1265 BC
Charcoal
-24.6
0.7504±0.0053
2,305±55
480-230 BC
13
14
Table 2: Radiocarbon dates for Chonta Ranra Punta (PAn 5-1), Maquellouan Punta (PAn 5-4),
Urpay Coto Site (PAn 5-39), and Quitapampa C (PAn 5-50),calibrated according to
Struiver and Becker 1986:863.
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- 152
Figure 1: Isabelita rock.
Figure 2: Isabelita rock seen from above (from Ponte 2005: figure 2).
Ponte: Isabelita Rock Engraving
153 -
Figure 3: Isabelita Rock motifs.
Figure 4: Great Stone.
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- 154
Figure 5: Plan of Great Stone and surrounding circular structure (after Ponte 2005: figure 4).
155 Ponte: Isabelita Rock Engraving
Figure 6: Plan of Amá II site (for “Great Rock” read
“Great Stone”).
ANDEAN PAST 9 (2009)
Figure 7: Dark Space underneath Great Stone looking east, where offerings were found.
- 156
157 -
Ponte: Isabelita Rock Engraving
Figure 8: Profile A-A, Amá II site. See Figure 6.
Figure 9: Profile B-B, Amá II site. See Figure 6.
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- 158
Figure 10, Profile C-C, Amá II site. See Figure 6.
Figure 11: Section of Mareniyoc mound made by local people during house construction.
159 -
Ponte: Isabelita Rock Engraving
Figure 12: Map of Peru showing Formative sites mentioned in the text. 1. Mareniyoc; 2. Huaricoto;
3. Pallka; 4. Tumshucaico; 5. Pumacayan (Huaraz); 6. Chupacoto; 7. La Pampa; 8. Guitarrero Cave;
9. Kunturwasi; 10. Puemape; 11. Piruro; 12. Pacopampa; 13. Chavín de Huantar; 14. Cerro Sechín;
15. Punkurí; 16. Queyash Alto; 17. Kotosh; 18. Puerto Morin; 19. Tembladera; 20. La Galgada;
21. Cupisnique; 22. Cerro Blanco. Garagay, Paracas, Callango, and Ocucaje are off the map. Garagay
is within metropolitan Lima. The Paracas sites are on the Paracas Peninsula on Peru’s south coast.
Callango and Ocucaje are in the Ica Valley, also on the south coast.
ANDEAN PAST 9 (2009)
- 160
Figure 13: Map of the Callejón de Huaylas showing the distribution of Early Horizon sites.
Key: 1 = Chonta Ranra Punta, PAn 5-1; 4 = Maquellouan Punta, PAn 5-4; 5A = Balcón de Judas,
PAn 5A; 5F = Marcum, PAn 5F; 9 = Piruro II, PAn 5-9; 13 = Tapa Punta, PAn 5-13; 16 =
Wiñaq Punta, PAn 5-16; 17 = Quenapun Punta, PAn 5-17; 24 = Shucsha Punta, PAn 5-24; 25 =
Racrish Punta, PAn 5-25; 29 = Oshku, PAn 5-29; 37 = Mareniyoc, PAn 5-37; 39 = Urpay Coto,
PAn 5-39; 49 = Amá II, PAn 5-49; 50 = Quitapampa C, PAn 5-50; 58 = Llaca Amá, PAn 5-58;
77 = Ainá, PAn 5-77; 79 = Castilla Coto, PAn 5-79.
161 -
Ponte: Isabelita Rock Engraving
Figure 14: Map of sites in study area. Key: 1 = Chonta Ranra Punta PAn 5-1; 4 = Maquellouan
Punta, PAn 5-4; 9 = Piruro II, PAn 5-9; 13 = Tapa Punta, PAn 5-13; 16 = Wiñaq Punta PAn 516; 17 = Quenapun Punta, PAn 50-1; 37 = Mareniyoc, PAn 5-37; 39 = Urpay Coto, PAn 5-39;
49 = Amá, PAn 5-77; 50 = Quitapampa C, PAn 5-50. Scale in kilometers.
ANDEAN PAST 9 (2009)
Figure 15: Distribution of funerary chambers in the Pierina area.
- 162
163 -
Ponte: Isabelita Rock Engraving
Figure 16: View of the setting of the Amá II site. The site stands on the ridge to the viewer’s right and is
covered by trees. The Santa River is in the middle ground.
Figure 17: Some of the lapis lazuli and green chrysocolla beads
found in the Amá II E Tomb (scale in one centimeter intervals).
ANDEAN PAST 9 (2009)
- 164
Figure 18: Reconstructed gray bottle from
Tomb E, Amá II site, context 49IV2. Scale
is in one centimeter intervals.
Figure 19: Cotojirca I
bowls from Tomb E at the
Amá II site.
165 -
Ponte: Isabelita Rock Engraving
Figure 20: Cotojirca I decorated bowl from Tomb E at the Ama II site.
Figure 21: Cotojirca I decorated bowl from Tomb R at the Amá II site.
ANDEAN PAST 9 (2009)
Figure 22: Cotojirca II decorated bowl from Tomb R at the Amá II site.
- 166
167 -
Ponte: Isabelita Rock Engraving
Figure 23: Cotojirca I sherds from the domestic rubbish heap at the Amá II site.
ANDEAN PAST 9 (2009)
- 168
Figure 24: Cotojirca I sherds from the domestic
rubbish heap at the Amá II site.
Figure 25: Cotojirca I ceramics from the domestic rubbish heap at the Amá II site.
169 -
Ponte: Isabelita Rock Engraving
Figure 26: Cotojirca
I ollas from the
domestic rubbish
heap at the Amá II
site.
Figure 27: Cotojirca
I bowls from the
domestic rubbish
heap at the Amá II
site.
ANDEAN PAST 9 (2009)
Figure 28: Plan of Chonta Ranra Punta (after Ponte 2000: figure 3).
- 170
171 -
Ponte: Isabelita Rock Engraving
Figure 29: Plan of Maquellouan Punta (after Ponte 2000: figure 6).
ANDEAN PAST 9 (2009)
- 172
Figure 30: Ceramics from the Maquellouan site.
Figure 31: Ceramics from the Maquellouan site.
173 -
Ponte: Isabelita Rock Engraving
Figure 32: Plan of Urpay Coto. PAn 5-39.
ANDEAN PAST 9 (2009)
- 174
Figure 33: Ceramics from the Urpaycoto site.
Figure 34: The Piruro II monolith in its original setting looking towards
the 6,768 m Huascarán peak.
175 -
Ponte: Isabelita Rock Engraving
Figure 35: A human face is barely discernable on the north side of the Piruro II monolith.
Figure 36: Plan of Piruro II monolith and surrounding structure.