LGBT Rights and Theoretical Perspectives
Francis Kuriakose, Rotterdam School of Management, Erasmus University Rotterdam
and Deepa Kylasam Iyer, Department of Politics and International Studies, University of
Cambridge
https://doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190228637.013.1291
Published online: 17 December 2020
Summary
The question of LGBT rights was first examined as part of gender and sexuality studies in
the 1980s, predominantly in the United States. This was a result of the LGBT movement
that had articulated the demand for equal rights and freedom of sexual and gender
minorities a decade before. Since then, the examination of LGBT rights has traversed
multiple theoretical and methodological approaches and breached many disciplinary
frontiers. Initially, gay and lesbian studies (GLS) emerged as an approach to understand
the notion of LGBT identity using historical evidence. GLS emphasized the objectives of
the LGBT movement in articulating its identity as an issue of minority rights within the
ambit of litigation and case law. However, the definition of LGBT identity as a
homogeneous and fixed category, and the conceptualization of equality rights as the
ultimate project of emancipation, was critiqued on grounds of its normative and
assimilationist tendencies. Queer theory emerged in the 1990s as a counter-discourse to
GLS, using the individual-centric postmodern technique of deconstruction as the method
of analysis. This approach opened up scope for multiple identities within the LGBT
community to articulate their positionality, and reclaim the possibilities of sexual
liberation that GLS had previously obscured.
Subsequent scholarship has critiqued GLS and queer theory for incomplete theorization
and inadequate representation, based on four types of counter-argument. The first
argument is that queer theory, with its emphasis on self as an alternative for wider social
interaction, concealed constitutive macrostructures such as neoliberal capitalism, as well
as the social basis of identity and power relations. The second argument highlights the
incomplete theorization of bisexual and transgender identities within the LGBT
community. For example, understanding bisexuality involves questioning the universalism
of monosexuality and postmodern notions of linear sexuality, and acknowledging the
possibility of an integrated axis of gender and sexuality. Theorization of transgender and
transsexual rights requires a grounded approach incorporating new variables such as
work and violence in the historiography of transgender life. The third critique comes
from decolonial scholarship that argues that intersectionality of race, gender, class,
caste, and nationality brings out multiple concerns of social justice that have been
rendered invisible by existing theory. The fourth critique emerged from family studies
and clinical psychology, that used queer theory to ask questions about definitions of all
family structures outside the couple norm, including non-reproductive heterosexuality,
polyamorous relationships, and non-marital sexual unions. These critiques have allowed
new questions to emerge as part of LGBT rights within the existing traditions, and
enabled the question of LGBT rights to be considered across new disciplinary fronts. For
example, the incorporation of the “queer” variable in hitherto technical disciplines such
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as economics, finance, and management is a development of the early-21st-century
scholarship. In particular, the introduction of LGBT rights in economics to expand human
capabilities has policy implications as it widens and mainstreams access of opportunities
for LGBT communities through consumption, trade, education, employment, and social
benefits, thereby expanding the actualization of LGBT rights.
Keywords:
activism, gender identity, heteronormativity, intersectionality, LGBT politics, LGBT
rights, LGBT studies, postcolonial theory, queer theory, sexual orientation
The Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender (LGBT) communities and the broad coalition of
sexual and gender minorities they represent have used both legal and social means to secure
rights and alter social norms. The modern human rights framework that encompasses discrete
sets of civil, political, economic, social, and cultural rights has been instrumental in enabling
1
the LGBT communities to access these rights for themselves. The theory of LGBT rights
spans the history of these struggles, the articulation of plural and diverse identities, the legal
expansion of these rights, and the socio-historical understanding of how sexual orientation
and gender identities have been formed and enacted through everyday lives. While the LGBT
communities have utilized human rights jurisprudence to secure rights, theorizing about
LGBT rights in turn has expanded the scope of the human rights framework.
This article discusses the major theoretical frameworks that illuminate the conceptualization
and actualization of LGBT rights. Tracing the theoretical development of LGBT rights, the
article illuminates three features that stand out. First, historical, social, and cultural
understandings of sexual and gender minorities inform the modern theoretical debate
concerning the realization of LGBT rights. Second, theoretical development of LGBT rights is
marked by the sustained academic tension between various paradigms as well as endogenous
and exogenous critiques that challenge the origin and notion of identity. Finally, academic
theorization of LGBT rights has significantly been informed by the politics of LGBT social
movements and community mobilizations.
Sexual and Gender Minorities in History
The historical presence of sexual and gender minorities and the question of their social, legal,
political, and cultural status precedes the modern notion of human rights by centuries. Ideas
concerning same-sex erotic love and romantic friendships, as well as gender variance in
different cultures, have been depicted in religious and secular texts, as well as through nontextual images. It is instructive to compare modern ideas of sexual orientation and gender
identity with those prevailing in ancient cultural traditions to understand the persistence of
certain social norms as well the significant divergences.
In ancient Greece, sexual orientation was not conceptually anchored in the gender identity of
the object of sexual desire (Nussbaum, 1999). Similarly, evidence from the middle kingdom
papyrus of Kahun in Egypt shows mythological representation of homosexual acts between
two male figures, Seth and Horus, that were described as acts of “dominance” and
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“submission” (Bullough, 1973). From these descriptions, it is clear that a distinction was made
between active and passive sexual partners regardless of their sexual orientation.
Furthermore, sex acts were considered as behavior rather than part of a stable and sustained
identity.
Similarly, in ancient India there was an attempt to categorize sexual behaviors and individuals
who expressed them. In the text of Kamasutra an individual identifying as neither male nor
female is depicted as “third type of nature.” Furthermore, classification of sexual acts
included various forms of non-vaginal sex (Parekh, 2008). There are descriptions of
“masculine women” as well as indications of lesbian sisterhood among wives in a polygamous
marriage (Douglas & Slinger, 1979). In the treatise of political economy Arthashastra minor
penance is reserved for non-procreative sexual acts, revealing that specific types of sexual
behaviors were condemned (Vanita & Kidwai, 2000).
In ancient China the word for homosexual was without gender specification, and used as an
adjective because homosexual acts were considered sexual behavior and not identity (Wu,
2003). From allegorical tales and classical poetic essays, accounts of male homosexuality of
members of the royal family are described during the period of Duke Ling in the state of Wei
(534–493 BCE) and the former Han dynasty (206 BCE – 23 CE) (Ruan & Tsai, 1987). The erotic
paintings of the Ming (1368–1644 CE) and Qing (1644–1911 CE) imperial courts are suggestive
of female homosexuality (Wu, 2003). In the Chien Lung and Chia Ching periods (1736–1820
CE) there are descriptions of establishments where young male transvestite actors performed
for an exclusive male clientele (Ruan & Tsai, 1987). The Silla dynasty of Korea had elite
warriors known as hwarang among whom male homosexual relationships were common and
publicly acknowledged (Kim & Hahn, 2006). Furthermore, theatrical and dramatic
performances with an all-male cast performing female roles and “drag” acts were common.
These textual evidences from various pre-modern cultures provide important information.
First, an array of sexual behaviors and gender characteristics were widely recognized and
fairly tolerated especially among upper class people and their households. Second, sexuality
was considered behavior rather than identity, and the sexual act was described as that
between a dominant (active) and submissive (passive) partner. Third, the passive homosexual
partner had lower social status and was often under the patronage of his dominant partner.
Finally, non-heterosexual relationships and non-normative gender identities received some
form of condemnation through social and legal opprobrium.
A comparative analysis of pre-modern notions of gender and sexuality emphasizes competing
visions of identities and rights that continue to persist in normative ideas across many
cultures in the early 21st century. Additionally, such cross-comparison also illuminates what
differentiates the modern human rights framework from pre-modern notions of rights, gender,
and sexuality. A brief overview of the modern human rights framework, and how it applies to
LGBT rights, is discussed in the following section.
From Human to LGBT Rights
Modern LGBT rights are conceptualized as part of the broader framework of universal and
fundamental human rights. The human rights paradigm presupposes a set of permanent
essential facts about the human condition. Consequently, these rights are broadly generalized,
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fairly abstract, and brief so that they might be applied to a wide range of contexts and
communities. The underlying rationale of this paradigm is that it protects activities and
relationships that enrich human life so that individuals are not reduced to mere instruments in
pursuit of extraneous and arbitrary goals.
The modern human rights paradigm is based on the Kantian notion that rational agency is
synonymous with membership in a moral community (Rorty, 1993). The contemporary
understanding of what constitutes human rights has evolved from historically competing
visions of rights, with the tension between religious and secular notions having been
particularly significant. It is important to understand how these rights came about because
doing so also reveals why human rights are composed as they are, and has bearing on the
scope of extending them to the LGBT community.
Religious humanism, stoicism, and natural rights theorists of antiquity significantly influenced
the secular and modern understanding of rights. The earliest philosophical contribution to this
thinking was the presupposition of universal human laws beyond customary and local
specifications. The holy scriptures of many religions mandated humanistic principles as
“duties.” The first prominent philosopher to put forth the idea that universal truth and forms
existed was Plato (Plato, 2000). Following this idea, in the later Roman period, an appeal to
universal human laws beyond customary and civil laws was made by Cicero (Cicero, 1928).
Philosophers also deliberated upon the nature of the system that actualizes rights. Aristotle
argued that concepts of justice and rights depend upon the constitutions and political
circumstances which deliver them (Aristotle, 1995). The proposal that only a peaceful and
stable political system enables an orderly concept of justice and faith was given by St.
Augustine (Augustine, 1998).
The actualization of such political systems delivering universal human rights emerged after
the European enlightenment. The birth of the nation state led to the re-imagination of moral
human conduct as being within the purview of the secular state authority as well as the
universal society of humankind. The individual citizen was the claimant of such rights.
Limiting the state’s intrusion into private life while guaranteeing a minimum set of rights to
the individual became the norm of conceptualizing civil and political rights. A minimum right
to life, liberty, and property was proposed by John Locke (Locke, 1952). Furthering the
argument, Rousseau argued that popular rights ought to represent the general will of the
people (Rousseau, 2013).
These human rights principles were reflected in many national constitutions and international
human rights documents. The basic set of human rights include civil and political rights such
as the rule of law, freedom of expression and association, equality of opportunity, and the right
to a basic level of material well-being (Lukes, 1993). As these abstract rights are transferred
to specific substantive issues for the LGBT community, they cover a gamut of laws dealing
with access issues such as zoning, licensing, immigration, affirmative action, and sex and
solicitation law. They also involve laws governing living associations, transfer of property, and
tax law, as well as legal frameworks governing social benefits associated with medical
insurance, aging, judicial and prison reform, and law enforcement.
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Theoretical Approaches to LGBT Rights
As claims regarding the rights of various types of minorities began to be articulated within the
modern liberal human rights paradigm, the study of sexual and gender minorities was
undertaken within the disciplines of sexuality and gender studies in the humanities and social
sciences. Gay and Lesbian Studies (GLS), social constructionism, and queer theory are the
three main theoretical frameworks that provided distinct methodologies by which to examine
the lived experience of LGBT communities (Carlson, 2013). These approaches grew out of the
larger paradigms of modernism and postmodernism.
The modernist approach uses scientific and rational methods to understand knowable
meanings (Seidman, 1993). GLS is a modernist approach in which sexuality and gender are
considered as stable and static identities. In contrast, the postmodernist approach opposes
biological determinism (also called essentialism) of identity. Queer theory and social
constructionism are postmodernist approaches that have questioned normative
understandings of sexuality and gender by adopting anti-essentialist positions. Although queer
theory and social constructionism hold that gender and sexuality are fluid and dynamic, their
anti-essentialist positions are distinct from each other. Queer theory critiques essentialism by
emphasizing self-reflexive understanding and resists all master narratives. Social
constructionism rejects essentialism by bringing out the role of historical and cultural
processes in shaping the meaning and interpretation of identities.
Gay and Lesbian Studies
The process of consolidating the needs and demands of sexual and gender minorities began
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with the homophile movement of the 1950s in the United States. Inspired by the civil rights
movement and second wave of feminism, the social movement for gay liberation brought a
wide range of sexual and gender minorities under the umbrella of LGBT in the 1960s
3
(D’Emilio, 1992). The gay liberation movement brought visibility and a semblance of
solidarity through the gay pride march, and consolidated the seemingly diverse and disparate
sexual and gender minorities.
The social movement for gay liberation was the foundation for GLS that emerged in the area
of sexuality studies. GLS examined sex and sexuality from the viewpoint of an essentialist
construction of identity (Gammon & Isgro, 2006). Its main objective was to forward the cause
of the gay liberation movement, while resisting homophobia and heterosexism (Abelove,
Barale, & Halperin, 1993). The methodological approach proposed by GLS was to use
historical narratives to understand the lives of gays and lesbians in order to cement notions of
stable, static, and universal identity categories. This approach helped in institutionalizing
homosexuality within the minority logic of ethnic-type identity. The main epistemic
contributions of GLS was making the “closet” visible and the process of “coming out” central
to the claiming of gay or lesbian identity (Cass, 1984; Dank, 1971).
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Social Constructionism
Social constructionism is a theory that argues that identity categories such as gender and
sexuality are defined and interpreted by historical process and cultural institutions
(Subramaniam, 2014). Social constructionism adopts an anti-essentialist position by holding
that identities are not strictly determined by biological characteristics, but socially
constructed. The boundaries around identity categories are always evolving and fluid, and can
therefore be contested and redefined. The anti-essentialist position of social constructionism
opens its scope to include sexuality and gender identity as fluid and dynamic across space and
time. It also enables social constructionism to question inequality and hierarchical categories
as products of unequal systems of knowledge and power relations.
The universal, essentializing, and transhistorical sexual subjecthood proposed by GLS was
critiqued by social constructionists predominantly through the work of Michel Foucault
(Seidman, 1997). The main argument of social constructionism was that homosexual acts were
historically present before the homosexual identity. The inference was that identities were
socially constructed phenomena that were passed through social communication (Foucault,
1981). While social constructionists supported the idea of sexual orientation as identity, their
main points of contention with GLS were two-fold. The first was that far from the natural,
biological, and essentialist notions of identity that GLS proposed, constructionists argued that
identity was historically, socially, and interpersonally created. The second argument was that
universalizing identities concealed the differences of lived experience of racial and ethnic
minorities, communities from different socio-economic classes, and non-normative sexual and
gender minorities.
Beyond the debate between GLS and social constructionists, both the theoretical branches
were critiqued for being discourses of compulsory homosexuality that crowded out other
forms of personal, private, and intimate relationships. This was illustrated by several
examples, such as the Australian notion of “mate” and South Asian reference to “yaar” as
forms of intimate male bonding (Durber, 2006; Rao, 2017). These forms of relationships
questioned the normalizing tendency of GLS and social constructionism in homosexualizing all
forms of same-sex intimacies.
Queer Theory
The third main theoretical position applied to sexuality and gender is queer theory. The word
“queer” can be used in three distinct ways within gender and sexuality studies (Gammon &
Isgro, 2006). In the first sense, queer merely stands for gay and lesbian identity. In the second
sense, queer represents a wide range of non-normative sexual desires that are non-reductive,
ambiguous, fluid, and marginalized. Finally, queer can be used as a critical lens through which
to deconstruct identity-based theories and discourses (Angelides, 2001; Jagose, 1996).
Queer theory, used in the third sense of the term, began as an offshoot of GLS and feminist
studies and politics in the 1990s (Duggan, 1995; Stein, 1999). Using postmodern and
poststructuralist approaches and inspired by Queer Nation, queer theory critiqued
metanarratives that were used to justify linear notions of history and the stable formation of
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identities. Instead, queer theory argued for self-reflexivity in understanding the lived
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experience of LGBT individuals, and argued for a fluid and flexible sense of the self. Queer
theory began to challenge the heteronormative construction of sexuality into homosexual and
heterosexual binaries (Fuss, 1991).
In effect, queer theory pointed out that universal notions of identity led to the erasure and
invisibility of differences. Therefore, institutionalizing gay and lesbian identities as essentialist
sexual minorities led to homonormativity replacing heteronormativity. Indirectly, this
argument also countered the project of rights as the emancipatory ideal for sexual and gender
minorities, and the use of law and litigation in claiming these rights. Instead, queer theory
decentered individuals and encouraged them to work for varied objectives ranging from
sexual liberation to the changing of social norms through everyday lives.
Queer theory’s position on deconstructing identities has been criticized from three
perspectives. The first critique is that queer theory’s emphasis on the individual comes at the
cost of community. Consequently, queer theory delegitimizes social identification, and results
in individual isolation and communal fragmentation (Kirsch, 2006). Second, queer theory in its
emphatic promotion of self-reflexivity ignores structures in which individuals are situated. As
a result, the theoretical lack of attention to material conditions conceals the aspect of
postmodernism that is a product of late capitalist structures (Hennessy, 2000; Jackson, 2003).
Third, queer theory has not fulfilled its radical promise of reducing binaries such as
“heterosexual” and “homosexual” to the point of critical collapse. This argument points to the
incomplete theorization of other types of sexualities and gender within the queer canon, and
aspires to reclaim the radical nature of queer (Halperin, 2003).
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Table 1. Theories of Sexuality Studies
Paradigm
Modernist
Central
Assumption
Analytical
Focus
Methodology
Impact
Identity as
stable,
innate,
static
LGBT as
essentializing
identities
Historical
examination of
identity and
social
movements
Litigation,
lobbying,
advocacy
Social
Constructionism
Identity as
socially
constructed
LGBT as nonessentializing
identities
Structural
examination of
history and
society in
identity
formation
Critical
examination
of history
Queer Theory
Identity as
fluid,
flexible,
dynamic
Destabilizing
identities
Deconstruction
of metanarratives
Everyday
living as
resistance
Postmodernist
Gay and
Lesbian
Studies
Source: Authors’ compilation
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A comparative examination of the three theoretical approaches of sexuality studies is
illustrated in Table 1.
Four Critiques of LGBT Theories
The most persistent academic tensions in theorizing LGBT rights have been between Gay and
Lesbian Studies (GLS) and queer theory (Carlson, 2013; Lovaas, Elia, & Yep, 2006). The
contested terrain between GLS and queer theory has implications in academia, politics,
community mobilization, and in building interpersonal relationships (Lovaas et al., 2006).
Although both GLS and queer theory are approaches to studying sexual subjectivities using
qualitative methods of enquiry and rooted in social movements of the LGBT communities,
significant differences persist.
The main point of contestation is that whereas GLS theorizes LGBT identities as essentialized
and stable, which comes with an attendant minoritizing logic, queer theory proposes fluid and
reflective sexual subjectivities. Consequently, GLS has been associated with the assimilationist
position of claiming equality and non-discrimination rights through formal channels of social
transformation such as legislation and litigation. In contrast, the reflexive position of queer
theory is more conducive to social destabilization of meanings and identities, shifting the
orientation from law to discourses. Furthermore, the “project identity” that came out of social
movements that GLS examined is opposed by the “resistance identity” of queer theory
(Castells, 1997). For queer theory, while the individual rather than the collective became the
center of agency politically, language rather than class became the unit of analysis analytically
(Foucault, 1972). As a result, the theoretical strategy favored by queer theory was that of
destabilization and deconstruction, as opposed to the historicizing tendency of GLS.
This academic tension has also influenced each theory’s intellectual development through
theoretical and methodological expansion, and its political engagement through community
mobilization (Gamson, 2000). Consequently, both methodologies are understood to provide
only a partial picture of the lived experience of communities. Subsequent scholarship has
advocated the use of mixed methods as a way out of this academic impasse (Carlson, 2013).
Furthermore, interdisciplinary research and the application of these theoretical paradigms in
other disciplines have demonstrated the possibilities and limitations of these approaches.
Capitalist Structures and LGBT Identities
The critiques of GLS and queer theory should be examined from the perspective of successful
campaigns for select rights amid ongoing political action to expand the scope of rights. The
first critique is about the absence of examination of structural conditions for the development
of sexual and gender identity. In particular, queer theory has been critiqued for its use of the
postmodern and poststructuralist frameworks, for these conceal structural dimensions in
which sexual orientation and gender identity are conceived and enacted.
Eagleton (1997) argues that postmodernity has real material conditions that spring from a
decentralized universe where technology, consumerism, and culture have given pre-eminence
to neoliberal capitalistic structures represented by the service, finance, and informational
industries. Neoliberal capitalism and the neoclassical economics on which it is founded focus
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on the individual at the center of economic production and consumption. Consumeristic
capitalistic structures use external devices such as advertising to mask and maintain internal
psychological phenomenon such as desire, blurring the boundaries between inside and
outside, high and popular culture, and art and everyday life (Eagleton, 1997). These
capitalistic structures perpetuate the idea of the self for its own sake, and as an alternative to
wider social interaction. Consequently, the impossibility of communal identification and the
undesirability of group identities and objectives are emphasized through these late capitalistic
structures (Kirsch, 2006; Mandel, 1972).
The structural conditions of neoliberal capitalism and heterosexist reframing of queer
practices have limited the queer potential to oppose beliefs about boundary and category
(Whitney, 2006). Within this structural condition, queer identity is principally mediated
through queer enterprises (Vaid, 1995). Queer as a category of identity is acceptable as a
“product” and “performance” that allows visibility of the “other” and whose world can be
regulated within the acceptable limits of heteronormativity. For example, the image of the
“camp” for homosexual men and that of lesbian “chic” for a wide range of lesbian women
testify to this limited tolerance within the ambit of consumerism (Zimmerman, 2000). LGBT
identity-based consumerism is shaping identity politics and gay culture into a discourse of
exclusive lifestyles, foreclosing pathways for deeper structural change (Whitney, 2006).
Traditionally, communities have resisted external and structural forces that reduced the role
of maintaining social relationships. But continued separation and objectification of the
individual from her social environment have gradually resulted in the disappearance of the
individual as subject (Jameson, 1991). Queer theory has inadvertently become a subject-less
critique through its persistent focus on the individual to the exclusion of structures and social
relationships. The refusal to engage with the wider society has produced internalized
homophobia (Kirsch, 2006).
Subsequent scholarship in queer theory has addressed this dilemma of incorporating context
into the queer. One argument is that queer could potentially identify “with” something as
opposed to identifying “as” someone, so that social networks remain alive (Kirsch, 2006).
However, some scholars argue that winning certain objectives through coalition building
comes at the cost of the larger goals of the social movement, by privileging the needs of the
elite constituencies within these communities (Mayo-Adam, 2017). This is because coalitions
simultaneously reinforce the hierarchical exclusion and continuous marginalization of issues
that challenge conventional power dynamics. Additionally, the episodic nature of rights
campaigns prevents the formation of enduring collective identities, and creates division within
communities. The “alliance model” of coalition building, which is plural, inclusive, and devoid
of hierarchy, is one way of imagining queer revival that guards against hierarchical and
exclusionary trends. The main objective of such communal mobilization is to develop a
discourse that involves the interplay of productiveness and playfulness, efficiency and
pleasure, so that the formality of structures can interact with the informality of social
relationships (Drucker, 2011).
The second argument to expand the scope of queer is to include the historical material
analysis of non-conformist and marginalized LGBT communities within the queer methodology
(Drucker, 2011). An important consideration in such an analysis would be the growing income
and wealth inequality that exacerbates differentials in power among different classes of LGBT
communities. This strand of thought would also open the possibilities of examining how sexual
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and gender identities that originally developed in pre-capitalist structures—such as the trans
communities of Latin America, Africa, and Asia—co-exist with modern LGBT identities in these
contexts.
Bisexual and Transgender Theorization
The second critique of GLS and queer theory comes from other sexual and gender minorities
—such as bisexual, transgender, transvestite, and transsexual communities—alleging their
5
erasure, marginalization, and inadequate theorization.
Two arguments have been forwarded against existing theoretical frameworks for undertheorizing bisexuality (Angelides, 2006). The first is that despite the presence of historical
analysis of bisexual politics, the epistemic historiography of bisexuality has not received
comprehensive theoretical attention (Storr, 1999). In the sexual orientation analysis of both
GLS and queer theory, bisexuality is acknowledged as the intermediate position in a bipolar
spectrum containing two types of monosexuality called homosexual and heterosexual
orientations. The hierarchical dichotomy of monosexuality over bisexuality has prevented
theoretical arguments that question the duality of gender, the necessity for either or
sexualities, and the nature of desire. As a result, the centrality of bisexuality to the meanings
and manifestations of eroticism is either absent or subsumed under one of the two binaries
(Garber, 1995).
The second reason for under-theorization is that bisexuality is used to describe sexuality as a
whole rather than as one among the many sexual orientations (Gammon & Isgro, 2006). The
axes of gender and sexuality have been taken separately following the evolutionary concept of
sexuality in biology and its teleological model of temporal succession in psychology (Hamer &
Copeland, 1994; Rado, 1940). The evolutionary concept of sexuality defined bisexuality as an
embryonic and primordial hermaphroditism that was universal and prehistoric (Angelides,
2001). This argument was used to justify the linear notion of sexuality, where bisexuality
remains a potential to be developed into one of the two types of monosexuality. At the same
time, this assumption denied the potential of bisexuality to be a distinct sexual orientation.
GLS conceived itself as a study of discursive norms of sexuality in the same vein as feminism
analyzed gender (Butler, 1994). Thus, sexuality was separated from gender as an academic
field of enquiry beyond the evolutionary concept. The founding thinkers of queer theory also
sustained this framework of binary economy of inside-outside dialectic to deconstruct
sexuality (Edelman, 1994; Fuss, 1991).
The problem of incomplete theorization of transgender, transvestite, and transsexual
communities is a result of insufficient appraisals of the Anglo-American feminist
interpretations in addressing the emerging questions posed by the transgender context. For
example, violence perpetrated by the state and law enforcement agencies on transgender
communities, demonstrates the limits of their citizenship rights (Namaste, 2009). The
invisibility of violence in the examination of transgender theories shows the politics of
knowledge production vis-à-vis marginalized sexualities and gender identities.
Similarly, theories about transgender communities have not adequately brought out the fact
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that female impersonation acts and performances are often explicitly related to work. Besides
the regulation of gender roles, regulation of public spaces and labor relations—such as that of
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street work, prostitution, and gay bars—could potentially have a direct impact on the
livelihood, autonomy, and physical transformation of transgender related communities
(Valentine, 2007).
Emerging questions in transgender research are those that impinge on the everyday life and
well-being of trans individuals. For example, the right to gender identity encompasses the
legal right to change one’s name based on self-identification that is backed by due principles
7
of individual autonomy, self-determination, and the right to privacy (Campbell, 2019). Yet
legal name change may require a psychologist’s certification (as in Bolivia and Puerto Rico,
for example), litigation against the state (as in Chile), or disclosure of confidential
documentation (for instance, in Ecuador) (Campbell, 2019). Improving the everyday wellbeing of transgender communities also involves many other issues that mainstream sexuality
theories have not adequately addressed, such as the provision of appropriate rest rooms and
locker rooms, dress codes, and use of proper nouns and pronouns (Elias, Johnson, Ovando, &
Ramirez, 2018).
Decolonial Scholarship
The decolonial critique to GLS and queer theory questions the coloniality of power and its
values of racialization and marginalization of identities and communities. The decolonial
critique examines intersectionality and the collective agendas of grassroots communities to
bring out concerns about relative inequality among LGBT communities as well as between
LGBT communities and the others. Their main critique is toward the Western-style identity
politics with concerns about visibility and the closet, as well as the privatization of material
relations that GLS and queer theory inadvertently support. The approach of GLS to claiming
rights is through litigation, single-issue activism, and lobbying the media. In contrast,
decolonial scholarship advocates the creation of safe spaces, sexual experimentation, and
social interventions in all contexts, including those without a colonial past (Popa & Sandal,
2019). The fundamental assumption of the decolonial approach is that sexual and gendered
subjectivities are produced and affected by different configurations of acts, identities, and
relationships (Thoreson, 2018).
One of the ways in which decolonial approach has enhanced the understanding of LGBT
communities in non-Western contexts is by engaging with debates about language, naming
practices, and terminology (Gore, 2019). Queer communities have practiced traditional forms
of community bonding while developing their own terms of endearment and inventing new
vocabulary, in addition to adopting those foisted upon them (Gueboguo, 2012). For example,
men who have sex with men (MSM) and women who have sex with women (WSW) are terms
used for same-sex activity in various contexts in the Global South as opposed to strict LGBT
labels. Similarly, terms of endearment in indigenous communities for gender non-conforming
individuals are varied and signify distinct community or ritual roles (Campbell, 2019). The
debate about naming and terminology enables grounded theorization of LGBT identity,
appropriation of rights, and resistance to external frameworks of power and knowledge
production.
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Another manner in which the decolonial approach critiques mainstream theorization is by
revealing the limitations of formal and legal channels in actualizing rights. Gay identity
migration from Western models are facilitated through the channels of international LGBT
activism and media. Although superficial similarities exist between commercial gay culture in
many parts of the world, the material conditions and local power relations shape the
sexualization of queer communities in local contexts. In these contexts, the priority of the
LGBT communities is often more fundamental than the claiming of rights, and involves
advocating against ignorance, misinformation, myths, and misconceptions. For example, the
involvement of non-governmental organization (NGO) in the sphere of sexual rights activism
results in the prioritization of health advocacy, community building, kinship support, conflict
resolution, and reconciliation, all of which mediate microlevel practices of LGBT individuals
(Gore, 2019). Struggles for diversity might be more essential than struggles for equality rights
of minority politics. Therefore, strategies of LGBT mobilization may vary from health
advocacy, social justice, or a hybrid of many priorities.
The decolonial approach also exposes the limitation of mainstream theorization through the
perspectives of native studies and indigenous grounded theorization (Smith, 2010).
“Nativeness” is taken as the subjective other to the Western self. This results in study of the
subject through ethnic representation and ethnological survey, rather than examination of the
diverse objects of study using appropriate methodologies. Both the liberal subjecthood of GLS
that is free of history, and the subject-less critique of queer theory, become limited analytical
frameworks when it comes to understanding an indigenous subjectivity that is genealogical
and rooted in history.
Postcolonial theories also critique GLS and queer theory on the dominance of power
structures. For example, postcolonial critique portrays “queer of the canon” as the
deconstructing self as opposed to the unprivileged “queer as the collective” who are targeted,
pathologized, and disciplined (Ritchie, 2015). The concept of intersectionality, which specifies
differences, is privileged over the concept of “assemblages” that refuses to view the body as a
discrete organic thing (Puar, 2012). In this context, the role of the state in appropriating the
politics of queer must also be examined. As a public relations strategy of countries’ brand
building in the age of global capitalism, the measure of LGBT friendliness is taken as a mask
under which states attempt to divert international attention from other human rights
violations they might perpetrate within and across their borders (Franke, 2012). Known as
“pink washing,” the rhetoric of homophobia and the manner in which gay populations are
treated is also used as a justification for military action against specific nations and
communities. Thus, queer as postcolonial postmodernist construct acts like a settler against
indigenous queer subjectivities. In this context, the hybridity of the indigenous self becomes
the source of its agency. The recognition of the indigenous queer self is found through the
community as the native queer collective confronts homonationalistic LGBT subjecthood
(Ritchie, 2015).
Beyond Marriage Equality
The fourth critique of GLS and queer theory questions how claims for LGBT rights have
shaped the idea of family, spousal rights, and parenthood. In the long struggle for marriage
equality the LGBT community has sought to actualize their important civil right to be
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considered equal before the law and have access to the benefits of legal recognition.
Furthermore, marriage also has an expressive aspect through which a personal commitment
is publicly acknowledged and legitimized (Nussbaum, 2009). Despite these advantages, access
to marriage is directly mediated by resources that enable individuals to navigate social and
legal institutions. As a result, marriage as an institution could be restrictive and exclusionary
to many types of LGBT family units that do not conform to the traditional normative ideals.
The LGBT movement for marriage equality has opened up broader conversations about the
meaning and definition of family. For example, the movement for LGBT marriage equality
argued for “sexual orientation” as a valid identity category which rests on longitudinal and
horizontal contingency. The longitudinal contingency of identity refers to the historical
specificity of LGBT identity formation (Knauer, 2016). The formative period of a generation
has a significant impact on the way individuals choose and adopt LGBT identities to express
themselves. This historical specificity of identity becomes salient because LGBT communities
in general, and older generations in particular, live within fictive kinship networks and
“chosen families” based on affinity. Absence of legal recognition of such families translates
into the impossibility of sharing medical, financial, and other spousal rights with those who
are not related by blood or marriage.
Marriage equality also rests on the horizontal contingency of identity with its intersectional
components. A large number of non-white LGBT couples and those with limited financial
means, living with higher rates of poverty and low levels of educational attainment, are
outside the purview of marriage (Polikoff, 2016). The presence of children adds an immense
stress to these family structures. Furthermore, sexual minority parenthood in many nonWestern cultures takes place within heterosexual unions. The fundamental aspects of
parenting such as child support and child care have to be ensured. Second parent adoption,
assisted reproductive technologies that are gender-independent, and non-marital presumption
of parenthood are some factors that increase the salience of sexual orientation and gender
identity in determining who a parent is (Polikoff, 2016).
Marriage rights have also opened up new conversations in matters of “consent” in sexual
autonomy. Affirmative consent has been the foundation of sex law and is accepted over other
standards such as force, resistance, or non-consent in common law jurisprudence. Fischel
(2019) argues that while affirmative consent is the least problematic criteria that we have in
sex law, a sexual justice politics that aims to create an egalitarian, feminist, and
democratically hedonic sexual culture has to differentiate between consent, desire, and
pleasure. This, Fischel argues, is important to overcome a bureaucratic approach to sex
regulation that can conflate affirmative consent into “wantedness,” thereby criminalizing
unwanted sex, and at the same time trivializing actual sexual violence and harassment.
What are the pathways to make diverse family structures have equal rights? Theoretically,
there are three possibilities. The first possibility comes from queer theory that categorically
critiques marriage as an essentialist, patriarchal, and heterosexist institution. Queer theory
resists social norms governing family through the lived experience of diverse family structures
involving non-homosexual queer couples, non-couple families, and polyamorous relationships.
The second possibility comes from the liberal framework that calls for a legal framework to
move toward non-essentialist positions by safeguarding gender fluidities and multiplicities
(Ball, 2016). One way to accomplish this is to move away from test-case litigation into a broad
8
definition framework of anti-discrimination laws. Marriage laws that leave sexual orientation
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open ended would in practice include a wide gamut of queer couples. Third, there is the
possibility of reclaiming the power of social mobilization to set agendas for law and social
norms as well as limit the forces of counter-mobilization to set the agenda for LGBT politics
(Kuriakose & Iyer, 2020). Renewed activism involves reframing LGBT identity issues by
expanding priorities, and returning to everyday politics of resistance to question normativity.
Interdisciplinary Research and Practice
As the rights of LGBT communities began to be articulated through social movements,
associated questions began to surface in the technical disciplines of social sciences. For
example, in a comparative study of law and economics, data from 30 countries showed that
protection of LGBT rights improved economic growth (Badgett, Nezhad, Waaldjik, & van der
Meulen Rodgers, 2014). The study also argued that investment in education, training, and
equal protection in the labor market improve the productivity of LGBT communities.
Researchers have found that the actualization of LGBT rights also leads to greater freedom of
choice for individuals and communities to engage in activities they value (Nussbaum, 2001;
Sen, 1999). Moreover, the greater potential for economic development in turn encouraged
countries to protect the human rights of their LGBT citizens in their aspiration to appear
modern and progressive to their international partners.
Business studies as an area of research has examined the influence of LGBT rights on
organizational value, labor relations, and career pathways of LGBT employees. One of the
observations is that even in firms or organizations with liberal attitudes and gay-friendly
policies, standards of respectability and professionalism remain founded on hetero-norms that
continue to dictate what is acceptable the portrayal of homosexuality (Williams, Giuffre, &
Dellinger, 2009). These standards were particularly stringent in careers with professional
accreditation, such as bureaucracy and accounting, where the workplace had been desexualized to comply with standards of legality and rationality. As a result, LGBT employees
continued to face hostility, isolation, and inequitable access to professional development
(Githens & Aragon, 2009). Another study found that LGBT employee groups are deeply
concerned with how to manage their identity safely and positively without threatening
organizational efficiency (Gedro, 2009). Button (2004) found that the career choices of LGBT
individuals were limited to those in which the impact of sexual orientation and gender identity
was minimal.
LGBT-support policies have been positively correlated with firm value, productivity, and
profitability (Pichler, Blazovich, Cook, Huston, & Strawser, 2018). Firms which were early
adopters of LGBT-friendly policies set a competitive model and influenced the socio-economic
environment in which standards and regulation would develop later (Gedro, 2009).
Assimilation and access to workplace benefits have been secured by formal and informal
means, using conventional and queer radical approaches, and by organizing as “special
interest groups” such as employee resource groups or “employee networks” (Welbourne, Rolf,
& Schlachter, 2017).
As a result of these developments, “queer economics” has emerged as an approach to critique
traditional economics for its theoretical and methodological lack of engagement with LGBT
communities (Jacobsen & Zeller, 2008). Queer economics has argued that with the availability
of reliable data on LGBT demographics, the economic role of LGBT communities could be
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reasonably portrayed in the larger political economy of development. For example,
employment benefits, tax benefits, disclosure, and wage effects of sexual orientation could
then be modeled into the econometrics, rather than being added as an external dummy
variable to the existing model (Badgett, 2008). Similarly, the impact of sexual division of labor,
demand for children, and investment in individual members of the family on the sexual
orientation and the gender identity of heads of household could be examined (Matthaei, 2008).
Queer economics has also shown that patterns of gentrification and housing access, as well as
the manner in which urban spaces were claimed by communities, have a specific impact on
LGBT families (Knopp, 2008). Furthermore, Gluckman and Reed (2008) found that
consumerist capitalistic enterprises targeting urban LGBT culture and the gay lifestyle lead to
an extractive structure that does not cause deeper structural changes in the lives of all classes
of LGBT communities.
Conclusion
Theoretical frameworks of LGBT rights can be broadly classified under modernist and
postmodernist approaches. While the modernist approach involves using historical evidence
to understand identity as a stable and static category, the postmodernist approach questions
all metanarratives and destabilizes identity. The liberal and liberationist frameworks of Gay
and Lesbian Studies (GLS) are modernist approaches, whereas social constructionism and
queer theory are postmodernist. Deriving from the LGBT movement’s identity politics, GLS
predominantly used litigation as the strategy by which to gain equality and non-discrimination
rights. By contrast, queer theory examined what lies beyond minority politics and legal
frameworks, based on everyday lives and the resistance of diverse communities under the
LGBT umbrella.
Although all the three theoretical frameworks have analyzed sexuality and gender, they have
received criticism on grounds of not questioning capitalist structures under which these
theoretical assumptions operate, and for incomplete theorization of other sexual and gender
minorities. Mainstream theories have also faced decolonial critiques from various positions of
intersectionality, such as nationality and ethnicity. Finally, theorizing about LGBT rights has
challenged the meaning and definition of family.
Drawing from and moving beyond GLS and queer theory, the question of LGBT rights remain
alive in four types of well-defined research avenue. The first strand is the question of
confronting LGBT rights beyond legalism. The use of litigation for gaining equality and nondiscrimination rights in marriage, employment, and other areas has certainly secured an
assortment of rights for LGBT communities. But to move beyond legalism it is necessary to
examine the creative possibilities of the grassroots, and methods of social mobilization,
community building, and alliance-making with a coalition of interest groups. This approach
involves external and internal reorganization. Externally, the LGBT movement has to re-invoke
its solidarity and commonality with allies working on gender, labor, the environment, and
other issues for a common future. Internally, the LGBT movement has to commit to
multiplicities as a fundamental principle of its foundation. Only by dismantling hierarchies
within can the voices of marginalized groups within the LGBT umbrella be affirmed. This step
would enrich LGBT rights by affirming the intersectionality of the LGBT experience, and
would complete the arc of theorization of rights.
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The second strand of research is the continued decolonization of the existing canons of LGBT
rights. Postcolonial and native studies have questioned the applicability and desirability of the
epistemology and politics of LGBT rights in non-Western contexts. The critiques of GLS, social
constructionism, and queer theory question the understanding of lived experiences of sexual
and gender minorities through intersectionality of race, ethnicity, and nationality using the
historical nature of identities. The approaches to decolonization include reclaiming language
and terminology of traditions at the grassroots; accessing rights and community solidarity
through extra-legal means such as development aid, civil society activities, and arts; and
examining an integrated approach to sexuality and gender.
The third strand is how theoretical frameworks of LGBT rights have seeped into
interdisciplinary research. Interdisciplinary research informs how the queer researcher is
defined and navigates through traditions of social sciences. For example, from
microenvironments such as workplace culture to macro variables such as gross national
product and economic growth, queering the disciplines involves not just adding queer
variables to existing models but rather remodeling the fundamental assumptions, collecting
the relevant data, and including appropriate methodologies. These forms of interdisciplinary
research are closely tied to practice and policy making.
Finally, the theoretical framework of LGBT rights is set to confront new realities. For example,
the fourth industrial revolution—encompassing big data, artificial intelligence, and the gig
economy—is changing the paradigms in which human identities and social relationships have
operated so far. Virtual realities and cyber space are emerging as new jurisdictions in which
the scope of human rights is extended beyond the society. New realms such as outer space are
fast becoming extensions of our current physical reality. In the ever-expanding universe that
human beings continue to inhabit, all rights, and especially LGBT rights, have to be examined
in new and challenging contexts.
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Notes
1. The civil and political rights have been enumerated in the international human rights treaty known as the
Interntional Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), while the economic, social, and cultural rights have been
enumerated in the International Covenant of Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ESCR) adopted by the United
Nations General Assembly in 1966.
2. The homophile movement was prevalent in the United States in the 1950s and 1960s prior to the confrontational
activism of the gay liberation movement. The homophile movement argued for equal rights and respect for all
regardless of their sexual orientation or gender identity. The prominent homophile organizations were the Mattachine
Society and Daughters of Bilitis, who used publications to raise awareness among gays and lesbians as well as reach
out to mainstream society.
3. The second-wave feminist movement (1950s–1970s) in the United States and the wider Western world was led by
educated women who demanded equality rights for women in all legal spheres, and especially in employment and
wages, based on the principle of social justice. The movement was inspired by the civil rights movement and used
confrontational politics as its strategy for legislative reform.
4. Queer Nation was an LGBT organization founded in New York in 1990. Outraged by the escalated violence against
the homosexual community in the aftermath of the AIDS epidemic, Queer Nation attempted to increase LGBT visibility
through a variety of tactics including direct action.
5. The multiplicities of sexual and gender identities have expanded to include intersex, gender non-conforming,
asexual, and other communities who have emerged in the LGBT scholarship canon.
6. An example of this type of scholarship on trans communities is that of Kulick (1998), whose work demonstrated the
sustained consideration of work in the lives of “travesti” women of Latin America.
7. Two notable legal frameworks to protect transgender rights from the Global South come from Latin America and
India where transgender and gender non-forming identities have traditionally existed. The Inter-American
Commission on Human Rights advocates gender identity as constitutive of right to equality which has encouraged
legislation to protect trans communities and communities with non-conforming gender identities in Latin America.
The Rights of Transgender Persons Bill 2014 and The Transgender Persons (Protection of Rights) Bill 2019 are two
legislative measures taken by the Indian Parliament to prevent discrimination and enable the realization of rights for
the transgender community.
8. Some examples of pluralistic anti-discrimination laws are race laws in the United States that do not narrowly define
or enumerate races that are under protection, and anti-discrimination laws of gender identity that protect a wide
range of appearances, mannerisms, and related characteristics that come under gender.
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Related Articles
LGBTQI Rights and Sub-Saharan Africa
Queer Activism in Africa
Transgender-Specific Policy in Latin America
Decolonial Queer Politics and LGBTI+ Activism in Romania and Turkey
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