Physical Education and Sport Pedagogy
Vol. 11, No. 1, February 2006, pp. 83 –99
Locating the coaching process in
practice: models ‘for’ and ‘of ’
coaching
Christopher J. Cushiona , Kathleen M. Armourb and
Robyn L. Jonesc
a
Brunel University, UK; bLoughborough University, UK; cUniversity of Wales Institute,
UK
Background: Despite an increasing recognition of the existence of a process of coaching, and a
resulting increase in research activity, there remains a lack of a clear conceptual base for sports
coaching. This situation has left coaching without a clear set of concepts and principles that
reflect coaching practice.
Purpose: The aim of this paper is to critically examine current conceptualisations of the coaching
process, principally in terms of how they have been generated and their contribution to coaching
knowledge. By exploring models for (idealistic representations) and of (empirically based) the
coaching process, this paper examines the model’s nature and conceptual underpinnings, in an
attempt to position them within a broader framework of understanding coaching and the
coaching process.
Conclusions: The analysis suggests that the current set of models result in a representation of the
coaching process that is often reduced in complexity and scale, and the essential social and
cultural elements of the process are often underplayed. This is particularly illustrated through
examining in-situ models of coaching practice, which identify coaching as a complex, interrelated
and inter-dependent process that is firmly embedded within specific social and cultural contexts.
Contribution of Research: Because of the inherent complexity of the coaching process, it is argued
that the contextual purpose, particularities, and subjectivities of coaching must be examined before
guidelines of recommended practice can be made.
Keywords: Coaching process; Coaching models; Models for; Models of
Despite considerable investigation from a number of theoretical and empirical perspectives (Gilbert & Trudel, 2004), it is arguable that sports coaching continues to
Corresponding author. School of Sport and Education, Brunel University, Uxbridge UB8 3PH,
UK. Email: Christopher.Cushion@Brunel.ac.uk
ISSN 1740-8989 (print); ISSN 1742-5786 (online)=06=010083–17
# 2006 The Physical Education Association of the United Kingdom
DOI: 10.1080=17408980500466995
84 C. J. Cushion et al.
lack a sound conceptual base. This is perhaps unsurprising, as no clear consensus
about the nature of coaching itself currently exists (Cross, 1995; Lyle, 2002). It is a
situation which has led to an absence of a definitive set of concepts and principles
reflective of the coaching process and effective practice within it (Gould et al.,
1990). Consequently, many coaches work without any reference to a coaching
process model and, alternatively, base their practice on feelings, intuitions, events
and previous experience (Cross, 1995; Saury & Durand, 1998; Gilbert & Trudel,
2001; Cushion et al., 2003; Jones et al., 2004). However, it does not necessarily
follow that because coaches do not (or cannot) position their practice within existing
definitions of the coaching process, they do not operate within, or with reference to,
such a process. The problem appears to be one of access and perception with regard to
not understanding the relevancy of research findings and theorising in terms of exactly
how they can benefit coaches’ practice. The task for coaching scholars then is to better
illustrate the coaching process in terms of remaining true to its dynamic, complex,
messy reality, while presenting it in an accessible format so that coaches know
where and how such information can ‘fit’ into what they do. Indeed, further clarifying
this multifaceted integrated process would appear to be a very necessary step before
establishing the realistic guidelines for good practice that practitioners undoubtedly
crave (Mathers, 1997; Cushion et al., 2003; Lyle, 2002).
The aim of this paper is firstly to critically examine current conceptualisations of the
coaching process, principally in terms of how they have been generated and their contribution to coaching knowledge. Specifically, models for (idealistic representations of
the process) and of coaching (based on empirical research) as developed by various scholars are discussed. Following this critique, the case is made from recent findings for a
more realistic, empirically grounded representation of coaching in order to better
inform practice (Saury & Durand, 1998; Jones et al., 2004). Such work has highlighted
the complex issues and tensions that underpin the activity, thus exposing substantial
gaps in our existing knowledge base. Following a discussion about the implications
this amended stance has for future coach education, a formal conclusion summarises
the main points made.
Research approaches
Existing coaching research has, by and large, embraced the methods and assumptions
of the positivist paradigm (Brustad, 1997; Kahan, 1999; Lyle, 1999). Hence, the
theories, perspectives and designs employed have been underpinned and guided by
a certain ontology and epistemology (Crotty, 1998; Macdonald et al., 2002). That
such a paradigm was so adopted can be attributed to the dominance of behavioural
psychology as the subject’s traditional disciplinary guide. A core concept of the positivistic paradigm is reductionism, which is an attempt to understand the functioning
of the whole through an analysis of its individual parts (Brustad, 1997). By its nature,
this approach provides a mechanistic guide to understanding, viewing human behaviour as measurable, causally derived and thus predictable and controllable (Smith,
1989). In addition, the positivist paradigm structures the types of questions asked
Locating the coaching process in practice
85
in order to establish causal relationships (Brustad, 1997), in this case, between effective coaching and performer learning. The ultimate aim, of course, is to develop generalised conceptual models of the process under study. Arguably, this has resulted in
the complexity of both coaching practice and the coaching process being greatly
reduced by the simplifying nature of efficient research design, thus stifling a more holistic understanding. Indeed, according to Kahan (1999, p. 42), due to its nomothetic
pursuit, the positivist approach appears to be of limited use in the coaching context, as
it is ‘incongruous with, and insensitive to, the peculiarities of coaching and the unique
conditions under which coaches act’. It is a position with which Lyle (1999, p. 30)
agrees in stating that ‘too many studies have adopted a quantitative survey approach
[where] the need for the control of variables and reliable operationalisation of constructs has militated against a more insightful and interpretive investigation of
values, behaviors and context’.
Perhaps it is as a consequence of this simplified approach to complex social interactions that scholars have increasingly claimed there to be a dearth of useful research
into the conceptual development of the coaching process (e.g. Cushion, 2001; Jones
et al., 2002). Instead, what is reflected in the literature is a tendency to focus on, and
make claims about, the superiority of one aspect of the coaching process over others.
For example, Fuoss and Troppman (1981), Carreiro da Costa and Pieron (1992) and
Jones (1997) identify communication as the key ingredient of effective coaching. Furthermore, Carreiro da Costa and Pieron (1992) contend that within the area of communication, it is the quality of feedback which is central to coach effectiveness, a view
shared by several authors (Horn, 1984, 1992; Mancini & Wuest, 1987; Stewart &
Corbin, 1988; Solomon et al., 1996). Tinning (1982) however, considers instruction
to be the most significant aspect of the coach’s role, while Fischman and Oxendine
(1993, p. 11) argue that, ‘at the core of successful coaching is an understanding of
the motor learning process’. The work of Chelladurai (1993) meanwhile has focused
upon coach-athlete interaction and decision-making styles, reflecting a belief that
coaching is, ‘in essence, the art and science of decision making’ (p. 99).
From a practitioner’s perspective, the impact of this competition of importances has
been confusion and, not unsurprisingly, an ultimate perception of the work as being irrelevant; of not being linked to the real world (Jones et al., 2004). The general fragmented
approach has undoubtedly underestimated the complexity of the coaching process, thus
serving practitioners badly as they struggle to implement simplistic and disjointed theories into their coaching practice (Jones & Wallace, 2005). The following section goes
on to examine the results of this fragmentation through an analysis of research carried
out on the coaching process and the resultant models for and of coaching.
The coaching process
Much existing research has attempted to describe, characterise and model the coaching process. For example, Borrie and Knowles (2003) define the process as a series of
stages that the coach has to go through to help the player/athlete learn and improve a
particular skill. This definition would appear to position the parameters of the
86 C. J. Cushion et al.
coaching process around the coaching session. However, the coach, to be effective, has
to manipulate a wide range of variables, which occur within and beyond the actual
session (Launder, 1991; Lyle, 1992, 2002). Consequently, Borrie and Knowles’
definition may be too narrow to capture the true complexity inherent here, requiring
a definition beyond the confines of the coaching session. Despite acknowledgement
of the coaching’s complexity, many have tried to capture the coaching process
through the development of models. The desire to do so is arguably based on
Cross and Ellice’s (1997) assertion that the ability to identify, analyse and control
variables that affect athlete performance is central to effective coaching. This rather
sequential view of coaching is supported by Lyle (1986, 1991, 1996), who suggests
that improved performance is attained through a planned, coordinated and progressive
process.
Before examining conceptual models of and for the coaching process in detail, it is
worth considering the work of Lyle (1999, 2002) who, as an advocate of such structures, proposes a number of definitional considerations that can be helpful when
assessing them. He contends that models should represent the structure and function
of the process, including an identification of its dimensions in terms of assumptions
and boundaries, and how these interact in practice. Additionally, and perhaps most
importantly, he distinguishes between two types of model: models for and of the
coaching process. Models of the process are based on empirical research investigating
expert and/or successful coaching practice, whereas models for the coaching process
are idealistic representations that arise from the identification of a set of assumptions
about the process (Lyle, 1999). The coaching process models discussed below are
now considered in light of this distinction.
Coaching process models for coaching
In the existing literature there are four commonly cited models for the coaching
process: Fairs (1987); Franks et al. (1986); Sherman et al. (1997); and Lyle (2002).
Each will be considered in turn. The work of Fairs (1987) acknowledged the need
for a systematic approach, and contends that coaching should involve a series of
orderly and interrelated steps. Hence he proposed four identifying characteristics of
the coaching process: that is, it should be dynamic, organised, systematic and deliberate. His subsequent model called for coaches to recognise, analyse and modify their
behaviours to meet the needs of athletes and match performance goals. This could be
done through five interrelated steps: data collection; diagnosis; action planning;
implementation of the plan; and evaluation. This approach depicts the coaching
process as a continuous cyclical pathway, allowing procedures and outcomes to be
constantly assessed and revised.
Despite its initial widespread use, the Fairs (1987) model takes a positivistic or
reductionist approach to the coaching process, with its boundaries limiting the
focus to episodic delivery. Similarly, the assumptions upon which the model is
based signal a subdivided approach to coaching, reflecting it as a short-term cycle.
Indeed, it appears difficult to envisage how the model can be used for any long
Locating the coaching process in practice
87
term planning (Lyle, 1999). Not surprisingly, therefore, whilst appearing logical and
interrelated, the model has been criticised for being simplistic on a number of levels
(Lyle, 1996, 1999; Cross & Ellice, 1997; Mathers, 1997). Firstly, it fails to recognise
the complexity of performance; secondly, and importantly, it does not acknowledge
the dynamic interpersonal nature of coaching relationships; thirdly, it fails to give
the coaching process any context and, finally, it does not adequately describe how
the coaching process might operate in practice (Lyle, 1999; Cushion, 2001).
However, it is easy to criticise Fairs’ (1987) work for things that it perhaps was
never intended to do. Its utility lies in giving a systematic, if simplistic, ‘guide’ to
the structuring and delivery of specific coaching sessions, and perhaps as a means
for reflecting on, and in, action (Schön, 1983).
The second model considered here is that proposed by Franks et al. (1986), and was
derived from their original paper on coach effectiveness. It has one central assumption, namely that coaching is primarily conceptualised as a teaching ‘episode’.
Thus, it can be categorised as an instructional, as opposed to a coaching model
(Lyle, 1999). Additionally, the model attempts to measure player progress and
hence coach effectiveness through analyses of performance, while being developed
largely in tandem with a computer-based system for depicting coach behaviour
(Johnson & Franks, 1991; More et al., 1996). In the same vein, Sherman et al.
(1997), whilst acknowledging the difficulty of conceptualising and modelling the
coaching process, attempted to re-conceptualise it as a sports instruction model.
However, the work of both Franks et al. (1986) and Sherman et al. (1997) has been
subject to similar criticisms as those aimed at Fairs (1987) for oversimplifying and
limiting understanding of the coaching process through the adoption of a teaching
episode approach (Lyle, 1999). It could also be argued that these models fail to distinguish between performance and participation coaching (Lyle, 1999, 2002) and,
once again, largely ignore the interpersonal relationships that comprise the coaching
process. Despite making valuable contributions then, such models can be criticised
for reducing the coaching process in to what is plainly only one aspect of it,
however, they remain useful as a starting point when trying to conceptualise the
exact nature of the complexities of the coaching process.
One of the strongest advocates for a re-conceptualisation of the coaching process
has been John Lyle. Building on earlier work (Lyle, 1996, 1998), he attempted to
model the coaching process in a way that represents the activity as a holistic, interdependent and interrelated enterprise. The model is a cyclical one, constructed around
a set of building blocks including ‘information base’, ‘knowledge and skills of the
coach’, ‘athletes’ capabilities’, ‘performance analysis’, ‘the competition programme’
and ‘the preparation programme’ among others. Importantly, the model acknowledges external constraints and recognises the coaching process as a set of interpersonal relationships that are subject to contextual factors and exist within a cultural
dimension. However, despite the attempt to ground the model in coaching experience
(Lyle, 1999) and, in part, research on coach behaviour (Lyle, 1992), it is not founded
on actual coaching practice. Consequently, the assumptions made concerning the
coaching process remain at the level of supposition, with the model being very
88 C. J. Cushion et al.
much one for as opposed to of the coaching process. Furthermore it also appears
systematic to the point of being mechanical, and it would indeed be interesting to
see it tested in the messy, complex reality of practice.
With the possible exception of the untested model of Lyle (2002), the existing
models for the coaching process can be criticised for being too simplistic and
failing to encompass essential elements of effective practice (Lyle, 1996; Cross &
Ellice, 1997; Mathers, 1997). However, the enormity of the task to ‘model’ the complexity of the coaching process must be acknowledged. In summary, it could be said
that the contribution made by these models to our understanding of the coaching
process has been useful, but limited. Arguably, insufficient attention has been paid
to fundamental social dimensions of coaching (Cushion, 2004; Jones et al., 2004)
and to empirical work which has consistently highlighted that effectiveness in this
context is heavily dependent not upon a sequential process but ‘on the quality of
the interaction between the player and the coach’ (Borrie, 1996, p. 245).
Coaching process models of coaching
Recently, models of the coaching process have been developed based on an analysis of
expert coaches’ practice. Here, coaching has been examined in a range of competition
and practice settings with the specific objective of examining practitioners’ knowledge
and strategies, and the efficacy of coach-athlete interaction (Côté et al., 1995a, 1995b;
d’Arrippe-Longueville et al., 1998; Jowett & Cockerill, 2002). Although using qualitative methodologies, usually in-depth interviews, to facilitate coach recall, much of
this research remains informed by the positivist tradition. Consequently, while developing a more comprehensive and holistic outline of coaching practice through recognising the existence of a comprehensive and definitive coaching process, the work goes
on to position this process as largely implicit and uncontested. That is, coaches go
through the process in a systematic and unproblematic way, while performers
merely receive the coaching. While this approach acknowledges that no single
element can represent the coaching process, viewing coaching so unproblematically
limits our understanding of it.
Three examples of the models of coaching include the coaching performance model
proposed by McClean and Chelladurai (1995), the coaching practice model proposed
by Côté et al. (1995b) and d’Arripue-Longueville et al.’s (1998) conceptualization of
coach-athlete interaction. Côté et al. (1995b), through their collection of empirical
data, recognise the complexity of the coaching process and its context, but then do
not refer to this complexity in sufficient detail in the findings. What is subsequently
produced is a schematic representation of the overall task of the coach, described as
organisational, training and competition considerations. Hence, it can still be criticised for not adequately dealing with, or conceptualising, the operational dimensions
and dynamic or adaptive aspects of the process (Saury & Durand, 1998). The authors
do appear aware of this shortcoming however, and qualify their findings by stating that
much more detail is contained in the coaches’ responses than is presented in their
paper. In further empirical research, Bloom and Salmela (2000) and Moraes and
Locating the coaching process in practice
89
Salmela (2001) applied Côté et al.’s (1995b) model and found the coaches’ tasks
applied well, but the nature of the microstructure of the coaching process, particularly
for coach-athlete interaction, was extremely complex (Salmela & Moraes, 2003).
Indeed, Salmela and Moraes (2003, p. 277) highlight a ‘formidable interpersonal
component’, with characteristics of coach and athlete mixed with a strong cultural
component, as influential upon the coaching process.
In a further example of a model of coaching, McClean and Chelladurai’s (1995)
coaching performance model assumes an occupational and organisational approach
to coaching that proposes useful constructs to describe direct and indirect coach
behaviour. Whilst acknowledging the occupational context of the coach, the model
does not examine the detail of the coaching process which surrounds it and, consequently, makes unproblematic assumptions about its existence (Lyle, 2002).
Finally, d’Arrippe-Longueville et al.’s (1998) work, which, while strictly being an
analysis of coach-athlete interaction, promises to go beyond this and place such interaction within the coaching process. It also undertakes to consider this process in terms
of the complex athletic setting and related contextual dynamics (d’ArrippeLongueville et al., 1998). Disappointingly however, the analysis descends into a
consideration of leadership styles, while using Côté et al.’s (1995b) model to
analyse data, the authors focus on a more detailed understanding of coach and
athletes’ personal characteristics and interactions within a given sporting culture.
Hence, a very partial view of the coaching process is presented.
This empirical research is undoubtedly creating a body of work that has the potential to grasp a more sophisticated view of coaching practice and the coaching process.
Although not a panacea to all methodological ills in this respect, the adoption of more
qualitative methodologies is revealing some of the complexity inherent within
coaching practice and the coaching process. The next section examines some other
emerging work which is further engaging with this dynamism and thus, it is argued,
holds substantive potential for future coach education programmes.
Further models of the coaching process: the value of in situ studies
The premise that identifying what successful coaches do provides a sufficient knowledge base for developing ‘good practice’ models appears to be based on the flawed
assumption that expertise can be created through duplication and the mere acquisition of technical skills (Rink, 1993). Similarly, existing analysis of coaching and
its environments has tended to have been undertaken from the coaches’ perspective.
Needless to say, the coaching context is more than an individually dominated setting
and a place for learners to simply ‘acquire’ sport skills. It also often doubles as an
interactive workplace, is consequently racked with competing egos, hierarchies, constraints and opportunities and is, in its own right, an intricate, multifaceted and wideranging social system (Jones et al., 2004; Jones & Wallace, 2005). This may be why the
largely fragmented nature of coaching research and the subsequent prevailing models
approach has revealed only a small part of the complexity of coaching practice and,
90 C. J. Cushion et al.
hence, have not been well received by practitioners (Saury & Durand, 1998; Jones
et al., 2002; Cushion, 2004).
The appeal of attempting to model the coaching process, or components thereof, is
that it can then be presumed to have a quantitative capacity. This suggests that the
study and development of it is a straightforward matter; a matter of simply measuring
and comparing. In practice, as has been argued, and as research is beginning to
demonstrate, things are much less straightforward. Indeed, recent empirical work
has attempted to position the coaching process as something that is not merely
delivered, but as a dynamic social activity that vigorously engages athlete and coach
(Jones, 2000; Jones et al., 2002; Cushion, 2004). This suggests a need to further
investigate the contextual and elaborate relationship between coach, athlete and
environment in order to more fully grasp the complexity of the process (Potrac
et al., 2000; Jones et al., 2002; Cushion, 2004; Jones & Wallace, 2005). Despite a
limited amount of such work having so far emerged, we believe that it has the potential
to provide a more sophisticated and realistic view of what is actually involved when
‘coaching’ takes place.
This approach to analysing coaching and the coaching process is based on the belief
that studies on in situ coaching practice can present a contextually informed picture of
the activity; a picture that provides rich opportunities to inform coach education
(Cushion, 2004). The three studies considered in this case are illustrative of the
type of knowledge that can be generated. In the first example, Saury and Durand
(1998) conducted observations and interviews with the French Olympic sailing
team. While this project was primarily concerned with investigating expert coaches’
practical knowledge, the coaching process as a framework for this knowledge is also
discussed and conceptualised. The authors proposed the task activity model
(Rasmussen, 1986) as the tool for analysis, as they believed it able to elicit the constraints of the coaching process, while highlighting the coaches’ knowledge as they
engaged in an adaptive activity. This model suggests that activities such as coaching
can be analysed as a set of constraints with respect to the goals and sub-goals of the
individual and in terms of the physical and social resources available to reach those
goals (Rasmussen, 1986; Saury & Durand, 1998). Saury and Durand (1998) identified three key contextual themes underpinning coaching practice, namely training
efficiency, the temporal situation and uncertainty. The authors used the work of
Schön (1983) in portraying the coaching domain as one characterised by complex,
uncertain, dynamic, singular and conflicting values (Saury & Durand, 1998).
Subsequently, their findings illustrated that the ‘actions of coaches were full of
context based, opportunist improvisations and extensive management of uncertainty
and contradictions’ (p. 268).
In the context of the current paper, Saury and Durand (1998, p. 269) argue against
the current rationalistic ‘models of coaching’, as the coaching process they encountered was neither reason-based nor planned. Indeed, they argue that the coaching
process is neither systematic nor cyclical and cannot be reduced to the application
of rules imparted during formal coach education workshops (Saury & Durand,
1998). Alternatively, they considered coaching as akin to a ‘cognitive alchemy’,
Locating the coaching process in practice
91
itself consisting of flexible rules applied using deeply integrated past experiences to
resolve, although not totally, contradictions and dilemmas (Saury & Durand,
1998). Unsurprisingly, they believe their results ‘provide an incentive for reinterpreting the coaching process’ as it has been presently portrayed (p. 269).
The second example, by Poczwardowski, Barott and Henschen (2002) was an in
situ coaching study conducted in what can be broadly described as an interpretive
paradigm. It is an approach increasingly acknowledged as having considerable
potential to further our understanding of the intricate human element of coaching
and those who partake in it (Côté et al., 1995a, 1995b; Bloom et al., 1997; Strean,
1998; Lyle, 1999; Potrac et al., 2000; Cushion, 2001). This is not to suggest that it
is the only type of research now needed in the area, rather its value lies in complementing the positivistic work already undertaken, providing a more complete
picture of the activity.
Poczwardowski et al. (2002) utilised a phenomenological approach to better understand the athlete-coach relationship and coaching practice as a holistic phenomenon.
Participant observation and in-depth interviews were employed to collect data on six
athletes and three coaches from an NCAA Division 1 Collegiate gymnastics programme in both practice and competition settings over a four-month season. As
with the earlier work of Saury and Durand (1998), Poczwardowski et al. (2002) supported the notion that the coaching process, rather than being a simplistic cyclical
one, comprises a set of reciprocal interactions between the athlete, coach and
context. Themes identified from the resulting data included ‘task’, ‘interpretation’,
‘meaning’ and ‘negotiation’, which confirmed the process and the interactions
which comprise it as being dynamic, multifaceted and interpersonal. More importantly perhaps, Poczwardowski et al. (2002) demonstrated that coaches and players
both inherit and personally author their own coaching contexts highlighting the
problematic and individualistic nature of the relationships involved.
The use of qualitative research methods, and a theoretically eclectic approach to
analysis, enabled the researchers to look beyond the instructional component shallows
of the coaching process in to the activity’s deeper waters. This was demonstrated
through the study’s examination of variables associated with both athlete and
coach, describing the interaction of these variables holistically, and exploring them
in their primary context (Poczwardowski et al., 2002). For example, the data
presented within the theme ‘task’ suggested that the coaching process was centred
around specific tasks and was often defined by those tasks (Poczwardowski et al.,
2002). The subsequent relationship between the social actors took on different
content and dynamics depending on the nature of the task. Consequently, through
their day-to-day dealings, ‘athletes and coaches were actively creating [and
re-creating] meanings about their relationships in an ongoing process of social
interaction’ (Poczwardowski et al., 2002, p. 132). This was further illustrated in the
theme of ‘negotiation’, which showed how the roles of the coach and athlete were
not strictly defined but were achieved through constant dealings within the framework
of a team dynamic. Another theme identified by Poczwardowski was that of
‘communication’. Different attributes within it (for example, ‘frequency’, ‘content’
92 C. J. Cushion et al.
and ‘outcome’) were analysed, again highlighting the importance of interpersonal
relationships. It was thus deduced that the relationship some athletes have with
their coaches shapes their entire sport experience and, in turn, has a profound
impact on the quality of both practice and performance during competition
(Poczwardowski et al., 2002).
The final example relating to recent research of the coaching process is considered
in greater detail. This is because the study in question was specifically directed at
understanding the coaching process in practice, unlike the previous examples,
which tended to examine the nature of the coaching process as a by-product.
Cushion (2001) conducted a ten-month season-long ethnography of a youth
academy of a professional football club in order to examine the complexity of the
coach-player-club environment interface and how they interacted to construct a
coaching process. The methods of the study involved participant observation and
interviews with young professional footballers aged between 16 and 19 years old,
and the club’s five full-time coaches. These data were then added to with a further
nine interviews with age-equivalent coaches working at other professional clubs.
The overall aim was to explore the coaching process and practical coaching context
as played out in the day-to-day experiences of coaches and youth team players.
Utilising a grounded-theory approach, key themes were developed from the data
through which an understanding of the coaching process was drawn. The purpose
of the analysis, therefore, was not to ‘model’ the process and be limited to a structural,
two-dimensional representation, but to utilise a more organic, thematic approach,
capturing the dynamic yet subtle functioning of practice. Throughout the
analysis, the data from each source not only connected strongly together but also connected to aspects of the literature. This led to both a deeper understanding of the
complexity and inconsistency in the practice observed, and also to coherence with
an emerging understanding of the coaching process as portrayed in some earlier
work. Consequently, it also gave an insight into the difficulty inherent in representing
a holistic, interactive and interrelated coaching process. In the final phase of the
inductive analysis, the key themes from the data were organised under a series of
headings: ‘the club’, ‘sessions and games’, ‘players and coaches’, ‘relationships’ and
‘attitude’. For example, within ‘the club’ the academy structure was described as
being rigidly hierarchical with clear differentiation between the coaches and players,
the coaches themselves and between, first-, second- and third-year players. In
addition, there was a strong organisational culture that impacted directly and
indirectly upon the working practices of both coaches and players. The excerpt
below demonstrates the impact of the power structure that was evident upon the
coaching practice. Within it, a player young enough to be involved in the academy
is not being allowed to partake in the practice, as one of the coaches explains while
watching the activity;
See that kid at the back just sitting down, what’s that doing for him? He’s 19, the club
have just bought him, but he’s fuckin’ useless if you ask me. I’ve asked if he can join in
with us, coz he needs the practice. The manager says no though, ‘keep your nose out
he’s a pro, he’s one of mine’. (cited in Cushion, 2001, p. 127)
Locating the coaching process in practice
93
Paying attention to the detail of coaching practice and to the forces and interconnections that shape it and the wider process revealed much about the construction and
complexity evident within both. For example, ‘sessions and games’ were dominated
by local, immediate objectives, such as winning, which was often seen as vital to
the standing and position of both individuals and the organisation; ‘. . . you don’t
want to lose the game, no coach here wants to lose the game. The results are important for the team’s credibility, the coach’s credibility, the group’s credibility’ (cited in
Cushion, 2001, p. 133). Furthermore, the relationship between the players, coaches
and club was a dialectic one, with the players having to structure their behaviour
around a range of coach- and club-defined explicit and implicit dictates. Against
this backdrop, both players and coaches sought to improve their position within the
culture, often at the expense of one another, as a player suggests; ‘It’s dog eat dog
really, you’ve got to look after yourself’ (cited in Cushion, 2001, p. 179). The coaching process in this case was underpinned by a strongly authoritarian regime, which
manifested itself through a combination of violent and abusive language, direct
personal castigation and physical exercise and associated threats.
The dynamism within and between the themes evident in the study’s findings was
illustrated in the ways that each could facilitate, constrain or even prevent effective practice and the operation of the coaching process. For example, the authoritarian coach
behaviour led to a fear of failure within players, who subsequently engaged in a form
of impression management (Goffman, 1959) with the coaches. Such impressions were
reflected in the players presenting themselves ‘as submissive and compliant workers’
(Cushion, 2001, p. 170). However, once in ‘safe spaces’ the players ‘often and instantly
engaged in both physical and verbal forms of peer group resistance’ against the culture
(Cushion, 2001, p. 170). Like instances of output restriction observed in the wider
industrial sphere (Collinson, 1992; Parker, 1996), for example, player defiance was a
means by which collective opposition could be expressed towards the top-down
control of the coaching process. In turn, this sub-culture influenced the work of
coaches, sometimes making it easier; sometimes making it harder. This was illustrated
when certain groups of players were viewed by the staff as more or less coachable, as
this excerpt of a coach interview illustrates; ‘When a 16 year old comes in he’s very
coachable, very motivated and wants to do anything the coach says. A year or so later
when he’s been exposed to the peer group he is the complete opposite I would say, so
you’ve got to treat him differently’ (cited in Cushion, 2001, p. 171).
The player sub-culture was also perceived by coaches as impacting on the functional
coaching programme; that is, what was actually taught to the players and how as one
coach said; ‘you’ve got to get the players ready to work hard first, before you even think
about what you’ll do in that session’ (cited in Cushion, 2001, p. 171). Although evidence emerged that the players’ attitudes and behaviour impacted on the delivery and
effectiveness of the coaching process, the practice of the coaches within the prevailing
club culture undoubtedly contributed toward the creation and maintenance of this
sub-culture of resistance (Guilianotti, 1999). One of the coaches agreed with this supposition; ‘I think the players’ sub-culture, the peer group is strong because, well it’s
almost the fear factor, fear of the coaches, of making mistakes, so the players unite.
94 C. J. Cushion et al.
The staff do set the tone, a lot of negative stuff and that makes the players band
together because they are on the receiving end of it’ (cited in Cushion, 2001,
p. 172). The complex, interrelational hierarchical culture of coaching, and how it
influences the actions of its main protagonists, thus becomes somewhat apparent.
The research also highlighted the interdependent constructed relationships between
the coach, the athlete and the club environment as key in understanding the coaching
process. This interdependency is an important point as neither element has the
capacity to unilaterally determine action.
Making the connections: the contribution of research and implication for
coach education
From an examination of the contextualised analyses of practice contained in the studies
conducted by Saury and Durand (1998), Cushion (2001) and Poczwardowski et al.
(2002), it can be argued that a need exists to question existing conceptions of the coaching
process (e.g., Fairs, 1987) and develop evidence for others (e.g., Lyle, 2002). In particular, and in conflict with currently recognised models of coaching and coach education, it
seems unlikely that coaching practice and the coaching process can be reduced to the
application of generic rules because their functioning is neither entirely reason-based
nor planned (Saury & Durand, 1998; Cushion 2001; Jones et al., 2004). To claim that
reality is the same within every coaching environment, as in other learning environments,
would be to ignore the obvious multiple realities, context-specific interactions and the
situated nature of decision-making (Rink, 1993). Indeed, from this recent work, coaching
could be better characterised as ‘regulated improvisation’ (Bourdieu, 1977, p. 79).
However, as with all learning environments, not every situation is unique (Rink, 1993).
Similarly within coaching, to suggest unique situations ignores the shared realities of sessions and their participants. To suggest that one cannot know anything because one
cannot know everything condemns the field to a perspective of total relativism (Rink,
1993). Indeed, although no two coaches will be exactly the same, it is likely that they
will echo common themes and concerns in relation to the given demands of an established
coaching programme (Jardine, 1992; Rampazi, 1996; Erben, 1998). Consequently, it
might be appropriate to consider research into the coaching process that is founded in
terms of the notion of ‘moderatum generalisation’ (Williams & May, 1996). As Rink
(1993, p. 312) points out, ‘there is a sameness amongst our uniqueness’ and a way
forward here could be one that acknowledges the potential contribution of understanding
individual contexts while recognising the commonalities within each.
Despite considering coaching as a very personal process then, in considering the
evidence from the latter studies presented, it is possible to begin to develop a wider
conceptualisation of the coaching process as having the following key features:
1. The coaching process is not necessarily cyclical but is continuous and
interdependent.
2. The process (and the practice it engenders) is continually constrained by a range of
‘objectives’ that derive from the club, the coach and the athletes involved.
Locating the coaching process in practice
95
3. The process is a constantly dynamic set of intra- and inter-group interpersonal
relationships. These relationships are locally dialectical between and amongst
agents (coach, player) and structure (club, culture).
4. The coaching process is embedded within external constraints, only some of which
are controllable (see Jones & Wallace, 2005 inter alia for a further discussion).
5. A pervasive cultural dimension infuses the coaching process through the coach,
club and athletes, and their interaction.
However, it is not our intention to seek simplistic closure on this issue nor, as Smith
(1997, p. 373) suggests, to ‘square the philosophical circle’. Rather, it is to highlight
some common themes from recent empirical work allowing coaches to read themselves (and their contexts) in to them. We believe that the type of knowledge, generated by more sophisticated analyses of practice, is fundamental to enhancing our
understanding of how to improve coaching and, hence, coach education (Côté &
Salmela, 1996; Lyle, 1999). Indeed, without studies specifically oriented toward
describing and interpreting the complexity inherent in coaching, our knowledge of
it is likely to remain imprecise and speculative (Saury & Durand, 1998). However,
despite the obvious advantages of such work, a paradox exists. That is, as our knowledge of the coaching process becomes increasingly sophisticated, the development
can be viewed as both ‘exhilarating and daunting’ (Armour, 2004, p. 109): exhilarating in respect of its undoubted insights, but problematic for coach education as the
increased complexity makes straightforward ‘guides for practice’ very difficult to
produce. Yet, as Armour states, in order that coaching be considered a profession,
that complexity must be faced not ignored, and ways of grasping it must be found.
While we acknowledge that it is problematic to generalise from a small number of
cases, the empirical research presented in the final section of this paper is certainly
evidence of a coaching process in all its messy practice. While not claiming to be
conclusive, we believe the research offers evidence of the complex nature of the
activity and hence highlights the overly simplistic picture painted by some existing
models. The implications for coach education are clear. In addition to giving due consideration to how coaches’ knowledge is constructed and transmitted, we also need to
take account of the contextual purpose, particularities and subjectivities of coaching
before providing any guidelines of recommended practice. Put simply, coach education and research need to extend their thinking into practice by going there, by
researching how knowledge and skills are refined, by learning about how, and
why, situationally meaningful judgements and decisions are made, and by better
understanding the pragmatic constraints of coaching contexts (Cushion et al.,
2003). This suggests that the nature and structure of coach education should be
less concerned with generic guidelines and mimicking the practice of observed
others, and more attention should be paid to developing a model of critical thinking
which would allow coaches to develop their own processual expert toolbox (Cassidy
et al., 2004). This would ensure that the choices made within the coaching process
would be conscious and intentional rather than being based on ‘tradition and
uncritical inertia’ (Fernandez-Balboa, 1997, p. 128; Cushion et al., 2003).
96 C. J. Cushion et al.
Conclusion
Recent research detailing the complex reality that coaches construct, and within which
they work, is beginning to highlight the key role of context in our understanding of the
coaching process. It also illustrates that coaching in practice is often, as Schön (1987)
describes, swamp like; that it is a process that should never be viewed as absolute but
rather ‘like shifting sands constantly shaped by competing and complementary
elements’ (Rossi & Cassidy, 1999, p. 195). It has also raised awareness of the ‘issues,
myths and silences’ (Fernandez-Balboa, 1997, p. 132) implicit in the coaching
process, and possibly shone some light into the activity’s previously unexplored foggy
practicalities. Not surprisingly, the findings from such work questions existing rationalistic coaching models, as practice just does not seem to reflect the rather sequential
principles espoused within them. Bourdieu (1997) contends that by assuming the
point of view of impartial spectator, attempting to stand above the world rather than
being immersed in and preoccupied by it, systematic distortions in conceptions of
knowledge and understanding are created. In this case, rather than play down the complexity of the coaching process, research should wade in and through Schön’s (1987)
swamp so as to better illustrate its parameters and nature. Undoubtedly, there
remains much to be learned about coaching practice (good and bad), particularly
when related to performance (Lyle, 1999; Cushion & Jones, 2001). However, we
believe that by adopting interpretive research approaches to capture its essence in
situ, the potential exists to further broaden our understanding of the activity.
Finally, if future coach education programmes are to improve in terms of individualising the coaching process to the situation, then social contextual factors that influence and impinge upon the lives of the coach and athlete, and the relationship that
exists between them, must be taken into account (Potrac & Jones, 1999; Jones,
2000). The existing evidence suggests that there are too many important blank
spaces in our current knowledge of coaching. The dynamic, social, interpersonal
and situational nature of the coaching process is worthy of more attention.
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