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Kurdish Art and Cultural Production
Rhetoric of the New Kurdish Subject
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Introduction
This chapter analyses Kurdish cultural and artistic work. In the past three
decades, significant artistic activities took place and cultural works have been
produced in cities such as Diyarbakir, Mardin, Istanbul, Duhok, Erbil,
Sulaymaniyah, Qamislo, Kermanshah, Mahabad, Tehran, as well as in the
Kurdish diaspora in Europe. For much of the twentieth century, Kurdish
cultural and artistic productions were repressed by the assimilationist policies
the states of Iraq, Iran, Turkey and Syria adopted with respect of their
Kurdish population. In Iran, Kurdish people suffered various forms of political oppression during the rule of the shah of Iran and these policies continued
after the revolution and the establishment of the Islamic Republic. Although
the Iranian state recognizes the language and culture of the Kurds, this
recognition does not extend to autonomy and self-government and the
provision of public education in the Kurdish language is prohibited.
In Turkey, from 1991 onwards, the situation began to change as a result of
the easing of restriction on Kurdish language and culture initiated by the
reforms of the government of Turgut Özal. During the 2000s, more restrictions on Kurdish culture and art were removed and means to disseminate it,
such as newspapers, magazines, radio and television stations, were established. Cultural festivals organized by the municipal councils in the Kurdish
regions of Turkey became commonplace in this period. However, in recent
years and as a result of the acceleration of Turkey’s authoritarian turn, many
of the institutions that played a leading role in the production and dissemination of Kurdish culture in Turkey have been closed down by the state. In
Iraq, Kurds have been enjoying extensive autonomy since 1991 and cultural
production has flourished since then. A de facto Kurdish autonomous entity
has also emerged in Syria in July 2012 onwards, and all of the restrictions
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imposed on Kurdish culture and identity by the Ba’athists have now been
removed.
This chapter postulates that the cultural endeavours in these regions and
the artistic work produced there has an overtly anti-colonial character,
adapting an oppositional political stance to war, oppression and mechanisms
of political repression that the Kurds have been subjected to, as well as
addressing their multifarious social consequences. Cultural and artistic production in the Kurdish space in Turkey during the 1990s is especially marked
by an acute political awareness, going hand in hand with the rise of an artistic
dynamic leaning on a destructive and ironic language. In that respect, it can
aptly be stated that all artistic and cultural works of art that fall within the
Kurdish space are political due to the clear stance they take.
One of the most intriguing contributions of this chapter is its emphasis on
artistic and cultural production within the actual political arena, interrogating
how it contributes to the transformation of the new Kurdish subjectivity that
situates itself across borders. Artistic production for Kurds signifies the
memory of a stateless people trying to survive amidst the hegemony of the
dominant national cultures and the traumas of the repression of Kurdish
culture. Hence, analysing the participation of contemporary artists and
producers in the Kurdish artistic and cultural space in the midst of conflict
and violence enables us to highlight the emancipatory capacity of their work
(see the analysis of the work of Cengiz Tekin in Sustam, 2015).
Territorialization, Reterritorialization
and Deterritorialization: Understanding Kurdish
Cultural Space
The analysis presented in this chapter draws from the theoretical discussion
advanced in the work of Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari and in particular
the concepts of ‘territorialization, reterritorialization and deterritorialization’. Before I proceed to the discussion, these concepts need to be briefly
outlined and their value as a method of analysis highlighted. This research
investigates how, through literary and artistic efforts, a cognitive territory of
an oppressed people is created or rather recreated. The concepts of ‘territorialization’, ‘reterritorialization’ and ‘deterritorialization’ traverse the foundation of our decolonial approach and join a particular structure which is the
movement of the relative and molecular process that Deleuze and Guattari
conceptualize in their theoretical reflection on space, in which these notions
are presented to render an account of this transdisciplinary aspect that
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prefigures the real space. For Deleuze and Guattari, questions of space
concern the ‘matter that will occupy space at this or that degree’ and this
movement of imminence reacts with the notion of territoriality and how
territory is created, marked, appropriated and described by means of signs
(Deleuze and Guattari, 1980: 46, 55, 177, 181, 214).
This Deleuzian approach is useful for questioning artistic thought. The
term ‘territoriality’ is, then, used around the concept of ‘deterritorialization
and reterritorialization’ movements to analyse the mobility of artistic creation, cultural production and thought around these three stages. Art sometimes transcends culture, but also culture has in itself the potential for
reterritorialization as an authentic reflex that constitutes thought, actors
networks and movement. As Deleuze and Guattari put it: ‘Territory is, in
fact, an act that affects environments and rhythms, which “territorialises”
them’ (Deleuze and Guattari, 1980: 386). For Deleuze, to deterritorialize ‘is to
leave a habit, a sedentary lifestyle. More clearly, it is to escape from alienation
to processes of precise subjectivation’ (Deleuze and Guattari, 1972: 162).
However, one should avoid believing that deterritorialization is an end in
itself, a deterritorialization without return. For Deleuze and Guattari, this
concept is not conceivable without its counterpart ‘reterritorialization’:
‘Consciousness finds its territory, but in new ways until a next deterritorialization’ (Deleuze and Guattari, 1972: 306–7).
As Deleuze and Guattari add in their book What Is Philosophy: ‘Deterritorialization and reterritorialization intersect in the double becoming.
We can hardly distinguish the native from abroad because the foreigner
becomes an aboriginal person in the other who is not, at the same time
that the native becomes a foreigner, to himself, to his own class, to one’s own
nation, to one’s own language’ (Deleuze and Guattari, 1991: 105). On the basis
of this analysis, I would like to show to what extent these two wandering
movements are endowed with a critical potential and, more precisely, the
utopic critical potential for the artistic production of an oppressed people.
The potential for the Kurdish minority lies in their ability to question the
ways of relating to space (Kurdish territory and space) and is only conceivable
to the extent that the link between space and Kurdish identity is made visible.
The fact that Kurdish subalternity of artistic perceptions unblock these from
the colonial political situation that victimized and oppressed Kurdish identity
enables for a reappropriation of some form of freedom and allows them to
create a new decolonial relationship to space, both critical and singular.
Through reterritorialization and deterritorialization movements, we seek
to explain the production of the Kurdish space and explore the decolonial
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character of this creation and how it relates to the concepts of territory and
national identity.
The Changing Geography of Kurdish Cultural
Production
Kurdish cultural production since the 1960s has been taking place in a number
of locations and influenced by several distinct processes. As mentioned
above, the repression of Kurdish culture and language in the states that
have a Kurdish population has created a restrictive environment, which
adversely affected its development. However, the situation began to change
in the second half of the twentieth century through the political struggle by
Kurdish movements and efforts by Kurdish individuals and institutions.
Cultural activities in the diaspora started to take place from the 1960s
onwards and from the 1980s, the efforts by Kurdish activists and intellectuals
began to take a more organized form leading to the establishment of various
institutions, such as the Paris Kurdish Institute and the Kurdish Library in
Stockholm. The Kurdish language has been taught at Paris INALCO’s
Department of Kurdology since 1983.
Kurdish migration to Europe accelerated and as a result during the 1980s,
the number of Kurds in European countries grew significantly. Many of the
Kurdish activists settled in the Scandinavian countries and Sweden became
a centre of Kurdish cultural activities in the late 1970s and 1980s. In contrast
with the chaotic and repressive political period vis-à-vis the Kurdish language
in the Middle East and Turkey, the exiled Kurds and political refugees began
to produce literary works in the Kurdish language and contributed to the
development of modern Kurdish literature. This came about as a result of the
efforts of Kurdish activists leaving behind their commitment to political
militancy and devoting their time to producing literary works. Authors
such as Mehmet Emin Bozarslan, Rojen Barnas, Mehmed Uzun, Mahmut
Baksi, Rohat Alakom, Firat Cewheri, Cigerxwîn, among others, continuously
produced work in the Kurdish language. This new generation of Kurdish
writers organized themselves in cultural and political associations, such as
Yekitiya Nivîskaren Kurd (Federation of Kurdish Authors in Stockholm),
Komela Nivîskaren Kurd Swêdî (Association of Kurdish Authors in
Sweden) and the Kurdish Institute of Paris (Alakom, 1991: 16–20). Other
Kurdish artists who escaped the persecution they faced in Turkey and settled
in Europe included film director Yılmaz Güney, who following his escape
from prison moved to Paris in 1981 and produced his two influential films, Yol
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(The Road, 1982) and Duvar (The Wall, 1983) in France. He won the Palme d’Or
at the Cannes Film Festival in 1982 for Yol and remained in Paris until his
death on 9 September 1984.
In the late 1970s and early 1980s, a number of cultural journals and political
magazines were established in Europe by Kurdish activists to promote the
development of Kurdish language and its use in literary and artistic works,
including Pale (1978, journal), Armanc (1979, journal), Hevi (1981, children’s
magazine), Berbang (1982, journal), Pêseng (1983, journal). Several publishing
houses were also established in this period, including Wesanxana Roja Nû
(1979) and Wesanxana Deng (1980), which published works of Kurdish
classical literature and children’s books. These publishing houses published
important new work by Kurdish authors, including works by poets Ș êrko
Bêkes, Cigerxwîn and Rojen Barnas, and novels by Mehmet Uzun, Mahmut
Baksi, Mehmet Emin Bozarslan and Firat Ceweri, which in the subsequent
years contributed to Kurdish cultural reawakening. In addition, artistic performances (cinema, music and Kurdish literature) have become commonplace in many West European countries and contributed to the development
of the feeling of belonging to the Kurdish nation among the diaspora Kurdish
community.
From the early 1980s, the PKK (Kurdistan Workers’ Party) also began
establishing a presence in many of the West European countries and organized among the Kurdish communities there. An important aspect of the
PKK’s activism revolved around culture and at the start its ‘cultural activities
were comprised of the music group Koma Berxwedan (The Resistance
Group), which was formed in 1981 in Germany’ and in 1983 a cultural
organization, Hunerkom (Association of Artists), was established in
Germany, which organized activities to promote Kurdish cultural development and revival (Gunes, 2012: 113). Kurdish diaspora in Europe remained
influential in the production and consumption of Kurdish culture. The
London Kurdish Film Festival has regularly been held since 2001
(Gündoğdu, 2010: 9–36). In the past two decades, Kurdish film festivals started
to be held in Berlin, Geneva, Paris and Vienna. A Kurdish cultural festival
attended by many Kurds from European countries has been held annually in
Germany since 1992 (Koçer, 2014: 476).
Another significant development that took place in the diaspora was the
development of Kurdish media. A milestone was achieved when Kurdishlanguage television broadcasts started in 1995. This began when MED TV, the
first Kurdish-language television channel, was established, with a licence
from the UK’s Independent Television Commission and began broadcasting
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from its studios in Denderleuw, Belgium. However, MED TV’s licence was
revoked in March 1999, but a new channel, Medya TV, broadcast between
1999 and 2004, and following its closure, Roj TV between 2004 and 2012.
Kurdish-language broadcasting has continued by Nûçe TV (2012) and Stêrk
TV (2012) and Med Nûçe (2013). Television channels in Iraqi Kurdistan also
began broadcasting in the late 1990s and early 2000s. Currently, there are
several channels in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq, including Kurdistan TV,
Kurdsat, NRT, Newroz, Rudaw, among others (Hassanpour, 1996; Keles,
2015). Another channel, Kurd1, dedicated to broadcasting mainly cultural and
artistic content, was established by the Paris Kurdish Institute and broadcast
from France between 27 April 2009 and 31 December 2012. More recently,
a Diyarbakir-based children’s channel, Zarok TV, has been broadcasting in
the Kurdish language since 21 March 2015.
In Turkey, a similar process of institutional development in the area of
culture took place with the establishment of the Mesopotamian Cultural
Centre (NÇM) in Beyoglu, Istanbul, in 1991. It had the objective of promoting
Kurdish culture and arts and became an important centre of Kurdish cultural
development. It organized music, theatre, cinema and folk dancing classes, as
well as many cultural events and performances. The music groups Koma
Rojhîlat, Koma Çiya, Koma Gulen Xerzan, Koma Amed, Koma Agire Jiyan
were established as part of the NÇM and they played a leading role in the
popularization of Kurdish language music. Another cultural centre,
MEDKOM, also based in Beyoğlu, made a significant contribution to the
cultural life of Kurds in Istanbul, forming a rich archive of works in theatre,
cinema and especially music. Currently, Tev-Çand (Mesopotamian
Democratic Movement for Culture and Arts, 2010) is active in Turkey, Iraq,
Iran, Syria, as well as in the diaspora and one of the most significant institutions that contributes to the development of Kurdish culture.
Hence, from the mid-1990s onwards, Kurdish cultural and artistic activities
began to take place more in the Kurdish regions in Turkey. This was
facilitated by the establishment of several cultural centres during the 1990s,
as well as newspapers and journals in Kurdish. Several high-profile Kurdish
writers and musicians, such as Mehmed Uzun, Aram Tigran, Ciwan Haco,
Sivan Perwer, Berken Bereh, who worked and produced in Europe were
allowed to visit Turkey and perform and participate in festivals, coinciding
with the Kurdish cultural awakening in Turkey. After the Kurdish parties
began to take control of municipalities in the south-eastern and eastern
provinces in Turkey in 1999, the ground for the revival of Kurdish culture
was strengthened.
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While the Kurdish space witnessed a cultural and social revolution since
the beginning of the 2000s, some cities in Turkey including Diyarbakir,
Mardin, Batman, Van and Dersim became a collective space of cultural
expressions, despite all state pressure and obstructions. Mardin Biennale
has been regularly organized since 2014 with the participation of international artists and it managed to become a significant attraction centre for
the entire Kurdish region in Turkey. The Diyarbakir Book Fair has been
regularly held since 2012 and the Amed Book Fair has been organized by
Diyarbakir Municipality Council since 2015. The Yılmaz Güney Kurdish
Film Festival has been organized in Batman since 2011. Diyarbakir became
the most important place of Kurdish cultural production and distribution,
with art galleries active not only in the cultural sphere but also in contemporary arts. We can then say that in these years, Kurdish music, linguistic
studies, literature, cinema, contemporary arts, theatre, popular culture and
gastronomy has managed to produce cultural and symbolic capital and
contributed to the formation of a new Kurdish cultural memory (Sustam,
2016a: 152–9).
Also, in recent years, many new Kurdish-language journals and magazines
have been published, including Qijika Reş (post-colonial anarchist journal),
Kovara Derûnnasiyê: Psychology Kurdî (the first Kurdish psychology journal),
Wêje û Rexne (academic journal of criticism), Zarema (journal of criticism),
Democratic Modernity (journal of political theory), PopKurd (journal of popular
culture), Kund (literary criticism), Golîk (comic), Ziryab (journal of music),
Derwaze (Kurdish journal of social sciences and humanities), among others.
New theatre groups have been established, including Sermola Performans,
Şa Performans, Teatra Jiyana Nû, Tov Şano. Stand-up comedians, such as
Murat Batgî and Mehmet Erbey, regularly perform in Kurdish regions as well
as in western Turkish cities.
Cultural and artistic activities in Iraqi Kurdistan flourished with the establishment of de facto Kurdish autonomous rule in Iraq in 1991, which provided
the fertile ground for Kurds to return from exile and produce in their own
country. In Iraqi Kurdistan, after 1991, universities and schools of art were
founded, all corresponding to factors that contributed to the flow of works of
art, especially in literature, cinema and music, towards the region. In the past
two decades, film festivals and other cultural events have become commonplace also in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq. Film festivals in Sulaymaniyah and
Duhok are now well established and take place annually, with the participation of Kurdish films as well as films from many other countries. The
International Erbil Book Fair is organized annually and attracts many
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publishing houses. In addition, many music, theatre and cultural festivals are
held, and the cultural life of the region has flourished.
Works of art in other Kurdish spaces as Iran and Syria did not show
much difference when compared to the ones in Turkey, while those in
Iraq and diaspora were products of a more independent atmosphere.
Despite this, cultural activities have been taking place. For example, the
Meriwan International Theatre Festival that has been held for the last
thirteen years. Iranian Kurdish filmmakers, such as Bahman Ghobadi,
Hassan Sonboli, Keywan Karimi and Rahim Zabihi, remain active and
produce films that narrate the stories of Kurdish people, despite the
censorship of the regime (Moradi, 2002). Since the emergence of a de
facto Kurdish autonomous region in Syria, there has been a reinvigoration
in the Kurdish artistic and cultural activities. The autonomous administration organizes many cultural activities despite the conditions of warfare.
For instance, Rojava Film Commune organized the International Kobanê
Film Festival (Festîvala Fîlman a Navneteweyî ya Kobanê) in Kobanê in
November 2018, on the fifty-eighth anniversary of the Amudê Cinema fire,
which resulted in the death of more than 200 Kurdish children and is
a significant traumatic event in the history of Syrian Kurds (HawarNews,
2018). Similarly, the Rojava Culture and Arts Festival is also regularly
organized since 2014. Cultural activities are organized by Tev-Çand (Art
and Culture Movement) since 2012. Tev-Çand has established an autonomous structure in all cantons of the Autonomous Administration of North
and East Syria.
Kurdish Cultural Production: From Victimization
and Trauma to Subalternity and Rebellion
The militant cultural environment of the 1970s gave way to a cultural resistance that leaned on the collective memory. The distinct periods in the
development of Kurdish culture highlighted above also depict cultural rituals
through which a new Kurdish subjectivity was born. Advances and amendments in the cultural sphere somehow both described and problematized
changing periods of the Kurdish space, transforming it into the memory and
narrative of a people. Music is at the core of the Kurdish political subject that
flourished in the diaspora. The new Kurdish music stems from the dengbêj
(bard) tradition and a new generation of singers, including Aram Tigran,
Şivan Perwer, Nizamettin Ariç, Ciwan Haco, Leyla I· şxan, Brader, followed
this tradition in their songs, which mainly narrated ‘longing, pain, elegy,
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rebellion and mourning’ of the spirit of statelessness (bê welat) (Nezan et al.,
1996; Scalbert-Yücel, 2009; Sustam, 2012).
Rebellious and militant music incorporated around the culture of ‘kom’
(group) that appeared in the 1980s was, on the other hand, accepted as part of
the ideological culturalism of the time. The period of koms, including, among
others, Koma Berxwedan, Koma Amed, Koma Gulên Xerzan, Koma Dengê
Azadî and Agirê Jiyan, united the militant-protest Kurdish music with the
traditional folk-dancing culture (govend) and emphasized the idea of rebellion
for the national cause.1 Koms dominated the Kurdish musical production
during the 1980s and 1990s but began to decline during the 2000s as more
individual artists began to take centre stage in musical productions. This
development increased the diversity in the Kurdish musical scene as new
artists, such as Rojda, Çar Newa, Metin-Kemal Kahraman, Ferec, Siya Şevê,
Bajar, Ahmet Aslan, Mikail Aslan, Hivron, Burhan Berken, Bê Sinur, Mem
Ararat, Koma Zelal, among others, launched their albums.
During the 2000s, Kurdish arabesque gained more visibility with the
formation of a Kurdish popular culture (Sustam, 2016a). The genre had
already existed before and Emin Arbani, Bismilli Zeko, Şehrîbana Kurdî,
Beşir Kaya, Şahê Bedo, Awazê Bazîdê, Murad û Fate, Zinar Sozdar among
others, had already performed Kurdish arabesque in Kurdish regions
(Diyarbakir, Van, Mardin, Dersim) during the 1990s and 2000s. Besides,
arabesque singers making Kurdish music in cities like Diyarbakir bear all
the traces of migration, victimization, social pathology and conflict and
conveyed the language of the new generation fed by the culture of mourning.
The origin of the emergence of a counter-cultural movement and Kurdish
popular culture in Turkey can be traced to the presence of Kurds in all social
spheres of big cities. Popular music such as ‘Kurdish arabesque’ carries the
images of the subcultural resistance of Kurdish subjectivity and places minority decolonial codes on popular culture. When we speak of Kurdish arabesque music, it seems important for us at first to explain that this music trend
is a counter-culture of a musical branch from the Kurdish slums in
Diyarbakir, or Istanbul, and is excluded by forced political migration and
the repressive state into public space during the 1980s and 1990s.
This genre is a production of the popular culture of the following Kurdish
arabesque pop music under the influence of the cultural industry of Turkish
arabesque music of the 1970s and 1980s. Even if the arabesque music uses the
form of a heartbroken victim to express its resonance to expel and expatriate,
1 For a discussion on traditional Kurdish music, see Merwanî (2010).
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it still lends a voice to the cultural revolt from below and against the
hierarchy of the elite culture in Turkey. The culture of arabesque music is
stigmatized at a given moment by the state institutionalization, which
wanted to reject this as ‘shantytown culture’ (Özbek, 1991). Kurdish arabesque music is also connected to the lives of people from the shanty towns
and popular stereotypes and metaphorically represents political positions and
experiences of Kurdish migrants in the dominant and urban society while
making anti-colonial practice and subculture visible (see Hebdige, 1979). This
tradition evolved and new musicians who speak from within the resistance,
figures like Serhado, Sherif Ömeri, Dillin Hoox, Ado û Zara, Shakur 93,
Mohsen Farhang, Tolhildan, MM47, Rap Er and Dj Mert, make Kurdish
political arabesque rap in Europe or at the outskirts of Istanbul. This new
situation uniting the dengbêj tradition with the Western sounds of the modern
times can well be called the spring of Kurdish music ranging from popular
culture to sociopolitical resistance.
It must be stated that traumatic events have always been the centre of
Kurdish artistic production and the post-1990 period is not an exception. This
situation that mostly shows itself in Kurdish contemporary arts and music
drives forward artistic productions as political criticism intertwined with
a political aesthetics and an anti-war language (Imago Mundi, 2017; Sustam,
2016a). Trauma, at the hands of the artist and the singer, ceases to be a social
pathology and gets into the form of the counter-memory of a language of
resistance. While the political arts of the 1990s mostly dealt with victimization, an artistic perspective that became political in the 2000s leans on the
experience of trauma and turns victimization into the language of resistance.
This is also related to the carnivalesque curative effect of art, healing the
social memory afflicted by war and destruction.
In other words, while melancholy and depression were re-established as
part of an artistic attitude, we witness the restitution of trauma and the social
eclipse of reason with a sarcastic language. In line with Şener Özmen’s
important book Travma ve Islahat (Trauma and Reform, 2007), and especially
his work ‘Schizo-Notebook’, the irony that lies in the question ‘why can an
artist in Diyarbakir not make HD quality works of art?’ both reveals the
situation of an artist who produces in the midst of war and problematizes the
subaltern position of a low-resolution attitude beneath the paving stones (for
a concept ‘subalternity’, see Spivak, 1997a). Undoubtedly highlighting impossibilities created by the conditions of war, this attitude makes a clear reference to the political signs art has created in an atmosphere of trauma:
‘Diyarbakir had a trauma. We cannot expect people to be in their right
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minds afterwards. What appears now is a schizophrenic character, meaning
that the language is also schizophrenic’ (Özmen, 2011: 28).
Here the discourse of trauma, as a testimony, becomes a politicized
memory and shapes the attitude of the artist. Trauma becomes a narrative
that might as well be the spine of artistic production, especially cinema. The
visual power of the trauma narrative does not appear to create further
victimization, rather it is an emphasis on the subaltern position of the
Kurdish subject in the eyes of the artists. Within the same perspective, it
can be said that the artisanal or subversive artistic translations of the artistic
experience that deal with trauma not only have a literary and philosophical
origin but also politicize artistic forms of trauma within the context of social
relationality, while arts in general question the social accordingly (Benjamin,
2011). Artists focusing on cultural and artistic production, in response to the
crisis in the sovereign cultural sphere created by music and cinema, added
a unique quality to the ontological dimension to resistance in the Kurdish
space. Arts and artists witnessing their time, amounting to a ‘testifying’ of an
era, both multiplied the political memory of the reproduced works of art and
added pure symbolic power to resistance.
It would be enough to look at the short film by Fırat Yavuz Toros Canavrı
(Toros Monster, 2011), which focuses on the forced disappearances of the 1990s,
to illustrate this reality. Many Kurdish political activists were arrested by
shadowy organizations linked to the Turkish state security services, such as
JI·TEM (Gendarmerie Intelligence and Counter-terrorism), and taken away in
a white Renault Toros to unknown locations.2 The bodies of some activists
were recovered in remote places but many of them have been officially
classified as disappeared and the whereabouts of their remains have never
been established until this day. Although the contribution of trauma studies
and psychoanalysis in cinema to consciously or unconsciously decipher the
unknown might well be considered as the memory of a certain period, it also
2 The Kurds use the phrase of ‘dirty war’ to describe the violence unleashed on them by
the ‘deep’ state and various of its agents of violence. Since the military coup of the 1980s,
state violence has infiltrated into the daily lives of Kurds in Turkey’s Kurdish regions.
The consequences of this ‘dirty war’ in the Kurdish regions were manifold and included
the disappearances of people, burning of villages, murders by unknown assailants. The
mothers and relatives of the victims of violence have organized since May 1995 and are
known as the ‘Saturday Mothers’. They have been campaigning to discover the fates of
their loved ones and have been organizing a weekly sit-in in front of Istanbul’s
Galatasaray School in Beyoğlu. The ‘deep state’ refers to the coercive power resulting
from the use of a system that relies on state apparatuses and semi-state apparatuses such
·
as Turkey’s National Intelligence Organization (MIT), the army, paramilitary groups
such as JITEM and other special combat units. Many of these organizations went far
beyond the legally allowed use of force and acted with impunity.
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reveals the political perspective of artistic and cultural productions, which
mutually nurture the spirit that enhances the formation of an archive of
testimonies.
We can see that this is also happening in Ali Bozan’s contemporary art
production titled ‘Bu Bir Toros Değildir’ (This Is Not a Toros), which
includes intertwining narratives in close reading (Sustam, 2016b). The
narrative of pain and trauma that is at the core of the perspective of
these works both examines today and reminds us of other cultural memories from the era of dengbêjs, turning them into a great source of inspiration for artists’ imagination. It can then be said that traumas and
serhildans (insurrections) constitute the visual memory of artists and cultural actors, being the milestone of their works wrapped up in the spirit of
their times. Despite the destruction and wounds in Kurdish consciousness
created by the social pathology caused by violence and repression targeting
Kurdish people in Turkey, it is noteworthy that works of such artists,
being the actors of a stateless people, were shown in important galleries,
archived in museums and participated and received awards in international
festivals. The work of individual artists who have lived and produced in
Diyarbakir and Istanbul have been exhibited in Tate Modern in London
(Erkan Özgen, Wonderland), Georges Pompidou in Paris (Halil Altındere,
Dengbejs).
From 1995 onwards, we witness the emergence of a new generation of
artists making an entrance in the artistic scene, and a new artistic situation
occurring in the Kurdish regions of Turkey and around internationally
recognized institutions. These include artists and filmmakers associated
with the NÇM’s Mezopotamya Gösteri Sanatları (Mesopotamia Performing
Arts): Kazım Öz (director), Şener Özmen (author, artist), Kawa Nemir (poet,
translator), Nazmi Kırık (actor), Şermola Performans (theatre group) and
Aynur Doğan (musician), whose work has greatly contributed to the development of Kurdish art and culture.
A quick look at the works of art created by Kurdish artists of the war
generation of the 1990s reveals that their works revolve around inquiries of
identity and traumas of war. While the generation of the 1990s made use of
collective memory through resentment, an anti-colonial reading and the
language of artistic counter-violence emerges in the works of the subsequent
generations who, despite adopting a singular and distinct language, were not
so far away from the influence of the previous eras. Although all generations
manifest relationality, continuity and ruptures, works of the generation of the
1990s were not so distinct from the arts, literature, theatre of the post-1960
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exile generation as they, too, assumed a new claim over their local spaces and
struggles.
Bê Welat: Artistic and Cultural Productions as
Spaces of Memory, Statelessness and
Deterritorialization
The language of war and violence shaped by the ‘disappearances under
custody and murders by unknown assailants’ constituted the ‘dirty’ memory of the 1990s. Not only did it reveal the trauma that afflicted the Kurds’
sense of community but also rendered visible forms of epistemic counterviolence that reflect on any artistic, cinematographic and literary work
created by the Kurdish artists. The most important features of works
created by Kurdish artists revolve around counter-violence and the
theme of a stateless society.
Various artists in Diyarbakir and Mardin have continued making contemporary art, cinema and literary performances relating to the ‘White Toros’
that symbolizes the forced disappearances and murders by unknown assailants. This symbolization technique depicts the identity of the ‘unknown’
assailant as the car itself and thus reflects on cinema and contemporary art by
means of relational aesthetics. The image of the ‘White Toros’ car is interesting in the sense that it evokes a ghost of warmongering governments’
bellicist memory. While the entire panoptic system of the 1990s is based on
the state of emergency practised in the Kurdish populated regions, White
Toros is an element of violence evoking a parallel reading of the phenomenon of loss, the unrestricted use of sovereign violence, disappearance,
oppression and threat. White Toros becomes the symbol of a ghost that is
in contact with the wounded body of the Kurdish subject, as well as an object
of fear used by the hierarchy of violence and the symbol of the colonial state
in the memory of the disappeared people. It is also important to emphasize
here that this object of fear is also a war tool. The car thus reminds us of the
despotic violence of the state and the disappeared children of the Saturday
Mothers. Yet, this is not art’s first move against the rough mechanisms of the
regime and its practice of violence. The work ‘Untitled’ (1996), co-produced
by Şener Özmen and Halil Altındere, acts as a report on the burnt-down
Kurdish villages and comprised two folders. The first folder included the
Turkish IDs of the artists, while the other had the names and photos of the
Kurdish villages burnt down and evicted in the 1990s by the Turkish army and
paramilitary groups.
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Symbols of the despotic war machine of the time were morphed into
artistic works constituting a collective topos, while White Toros symbolized
the forced disappearances of political activists not only as the symbol of
a special war apparatus but also the core of the culture of fear generated by
state violence that shaped the collective memory of Kurdish people. This
decolonial artistic line of resistance peculiar to Kurdish artists infiltrating in
the modern applications of identity politics in Turkey paved the way for an
epistemological rupture and contributed to the emergence of the political
language of the Kurdish subalterns that can be called political deviance. The
concepts of deviation and cross-bordering might provide us with significant
tools to expand the discussion. With reference to the readings on Howard
S. Becker’s (1963) Outsiders, speaking on the ‘silent’ memory of the Other, as
well as situating the experience of being an outsider of the dominant norms,
enhances the destruction of the restrictive normality judgement and points
towards the position of Kurdish artistic works. The language of the Kurdish
space is now a part of a new grammatic memory, unlike that of the 1990s and
the diaspora. Today, Kurdish cultural works in Turkey cannot be restricted to
a counter-cultural reflex. From within this memory, they create their own
micro-identity resistance and economic and intellectual capital centred on the
popular resistance associated with the Newroz festival, serhildans of the 1990s
and the social economy they created.
It must also be stated that Kurds now have their own market and institutions, especially in the area of television and culture, which influence artistic
productions. For example, supported by the Diyarbakir Municipal Council as
part of the International Kurdistan Art Meeting, ‘The Kurdistan Exhibition’
(organized by Barış Seyitvan) was held between 2 and 10 February 2015 with
the participation of 230 artists. It must be emphasized that, despite the
repression, a movement towards the accumulation of new cultural capital
has started in the Kurdish regions, and this might turn into a market encompassing Kurds from other parts of Kurdistan and independent from the
Turkish artistic market.
It is indeed true that the body of cinematographic and musical works by
Kurdish artists in Turkey acts as an important laboratory, despite all political
pressures. The language of the Kurdish cinema focusing on victimization
until the end of the 1990s started to change in the new period and a new
political cinematographic language orienting towards images and symbolizations that shift the attention from victimization to an active decolonial
subject appeared after the 2000s. The documentary film Bakûr (North, 2015),
by Çayan Demirel and Ertuğrul Mavioğlu about the lives of the PKK
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guerrillas, was delisted and banned from the Istanbul Film Festival in 2015.
Though censored in Turkey, the film was shown in international festivals and
shared on online platforms and in alternative cinema halls. Let us add that the
documentary genre is used more than the genre of fictional film in Kurdish
cinema (Koçer and Candan, 2016). This is because the documentary films use
shots from memorial archives, refer to the real events and in doing so restore
them on the screen as well as interpreting them with current political events
in the Kurdish area.
The language used in Bakûr and Nû Jîn (A New Life, 2015), a documentary
directed by Veysi Altay that narrated the Kurds’ resistance in Kobanê against
ISIS (Islamic State in Iraq and Syria), does not depict the victimization of
a people, but the visuality of a political cause nestled in the ontology of
resistance. Especially the sequences featuring women’s bodies and political
stance examine the positioning of women’s micropolitical resistance against
masculine violence in Kurdish society. Rather than making political cinema
Nû Jîn politicizes the cinematographic language and symbolizes the space
when it speaks on behalf of a dual micro space (Kurdish and women) under
the guidance of the slogan ‘Jin, Jiyan, Azadî’ (Woman, Life, Freedom) closely
associated with the Kurdish resistance in Kobanê. This is where the respective artistic reflexes of the 1990s and the post-2000s draw apart. Despite the
ongoing resistance, the language of the 1990s seems to be wrapped up in the
feeling of victimization, just as the memory of being exiled. Documentaries
narrating the stories of Kurdish regions of Turkey and Rojava (Kurdish
regions in Syria) treat symbols of women’s emancipation as the expression
of social awakening. Women’s voices and presence are rendered visible in the
grammatic rage of the slogan used by the speaking women addressing male
oppression.
The cinematic and artistic productions of the post-2000 period rely more
on singular installations and the collective narration. The language used in
cinema, literature and art in this period features the epistemic definitions of
the author himself/herself, the positive energy of the resistance culture, the
mundane life of the neglected ordinary Kurds, rather than the idealized
Kurdish subject. The main protagonist of the new generation of Kurdish
directors is an ordinary Kurd on the street – who can be also seen as an antihero – and his traumatic social memory. In other words, the language, life
and body of the marginalized segment of the society (women, the village
idiot and homeless children) come to the fore, enabling the power of art to
critique the male-dominated social world to emerge. It can aptly be said that
this analysis is valid for literature, music and contemporary arts. For example,
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Kawa Nemir’s poetry collection Selpakfiroş (Selpak Tissue Seller, 2003) narrates
the misfortunes of Kurdish children, a phenomenon of the 1990s in the central
Taksim district of Istanbul and portrays the traces of the social pathologies of
forced migration. The book makes an analogy between the ‘Selpak tissue
sellers’ of modern times and zembilfiroş (basket seller) of the ancient times
that features in classical Kurdish poetry and in doing so elucidates the
continuity of migrant experiences.
His poetry, through navigating the street life of Kurdish immigrants in
Istanbul, describes how the trauma of the lower classes becomes differentiated. The same theme is also explored in contemporary art installations, such
as in Bridge (2006), which was a photographic exhibition by Ahmet Öğüt and
Pilvi Takala. The video of Fikret Atay, Rebels of the Dance (2002), which looks
at the lives of Kurdish children living near ATMs, also deals with the social
pathologies of migration. While the sovereign historical interpretations alter
when the subaltern starts to speak, just as Spivak (1997a, 1997b) says, this
political deviance also activates other tools on the side of the subaltern. Here,
art fills the rhetorical gaps and endeavours to narrate micro historiography
against the macro history. The Kurdish subaltern speaks, leaves stains and
destructs certain parts of the central public story (Özmen, 2007). The Kurdish
subaltern who speaks responds to the central meta-narrative with a ruinous
voice (Sustam, 2012).
Therefore, social themes tackled by artistic and cultural works are archived
in the language of their own temporality within the micro and macro
historiography. What is at stake is not just a social revolution in the
Kurdish social and political space, but an overall molecular revolution including the cultural and artistic sphere, as well as life itself. This reality is wrapped
around the phantom of institutional life, while the insurrection peculiar to
the molecular revolution settles in daily life, acting as the visual aspect of
a political domain that actively builds a position to pave the way for alternative emancipatory spaces (women’s liberation, LGBTIQ, ecology, childhood
trauma, alterity etc.). The short film Kurneqiz (Neither a Boy nor a Girl, 2016),
directed by Gökhan Yalçınkaya under the production of Rosida Koyuncu, is
the first film in Kurdish cinema to explore social gender codes and the
exclusion of LGBTIQ individuals from the masculine living spaces. The
film tells the story of a Kurdish transsexual boy and was shown around the
world in international queer film festivals.
Art exhibitions were not the main focus of many of the art centres
established in Diyarbakir in the past decade. Rather, their efforts have focused
on providing artistic education by organizing pedagogical programmes for
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the public and creating a space to nurture local artists. Journals, cinema, art
and theatre, especially in the Kurdish space, went beyond the recurrent
themes of the nation-state, diaspora, colonialism and the nostalgic paradigm
and oriented towards more daily issues as the women’s movement, ecology,
feminism, queer studies, daily life, academic problems, migration, children,
psychology and so on. This clearly shows that the discussion peculiar to the
1990s leaning on the need to prove oneself and the Kurdish subjectivity
transformed itself, and the language of the 2000s Kurdish space ceased to
be a language about the victim; instead, it became a subject on its own
account through subsequent speech acts and turned into the memory of
creation and resistance formed as part of a micro-narrative.
Kurdish Cinema: Cultural Counter-power
and Political Aesthetics
In this section, without presenting a detailed analysis of films, I will discuss
the memory, changing narrative techniques and aesthetic relationality of
Kurdish cinema. Rather than engaging with the questions of whether ‘a
Kurdish cinema exists or not’ or ‘when it was initiated’, I will discuss the
language and image axis used in Kurdish cinema to highlight the influences of
certain sociopolitical events and the signs that constitute its ontological
universe. The cultural and political baggage of the Kurdish cinema and its
long-term relations with the diaspora also determine its cinematographic
language around the narrative of ‘deterritorialization’ (Deleuze and Guattari,
1980). Kurdish cinema both leans on a general sense of ‘statelessness’ (bê
welat – without a homeland) and a collective assemblage around the exile
narrative, dealing with the metaphysical narrative of the Kurdish immigrant
caught between the city and country, and borders (Arslan, 2009).3 Kurdish
cinema has an ironic language at the cultural edges of Kurdish subalternity
and a melancholic universe of images. Poetic artistry reflected on linguistic
realities, pathological mental frontiers, the political sensitivity of a crossborder situation all contribute to the formation of a hybrid language in
Kurdish cinema with an anti-colonial circulation.
3 Bê welat literally means ‘being without a homeland’, but here we use it to refer to the
sense employed by the Kurds to define the colonial practice and statelessness of Kurdish
territoriality. Bê welat is a practice and theory of Kurdish ‘minor cultures in resistance’
and includes semiotics of the refusal of identity against all forms of domination and
destruction. Through works of art bê welat proposes to unfold reflexivity and to make
visible minor cultures and languages and developing counter-powers based on memory
of decolonial subculture.
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Looking at the brief history of the Kurdish cinema, we witness a political
production technique influenced by a militant sense of responsibility (Smets,
2015). Deleuze (1985: 39) argues that film proceeds as a relational text that
harbours and structures production, movement and syntax. With respect to
the political cinema of Kurdish director Yılmaz Güney, Deleuze states what
differentiates him from the revolutionary cinema of Rocha is his micropolitical stance and political image that erases borders and goes beyond the
urban–rural dichotomy. We can attribute these relational aesthetics to all
Kurdish films. In Güney’s films, the personal cause is immediately linked to
the sociopolitical sphere and the national consciousness (Deleuze, 1985:
223–84).
The dialogues in many of the Kurdish films produced in the late 1970s
and early 1980s, such as Güney’s Sürü (The Herd, 1979), Yol (The Road,
1982) and Duvar (The Wall, 1983), were in Turkish. Of course, this was not
due to the director’s political stance, but rather because, despite being
a Kurd himself, Güney did not know the Kurdish language and could not
shoot films in it as its public use was prohibited in Turkey. When he was
asked about the reasons why he made his films in Turkish in an
interview by Chris Kutschera – among others – Güney states that
Kurdish was prohibited, and he was ‘assimilated’. Not being able to
shoot a movie in a banned language and speak one’s own mother tongue
are both conditions that reveal the very history of Kurdish cinema
(Kutschera, 1983). He further elaborates on this discussion when he
adds that he might nevertheless be considered a ‘Kurdish director’
(Othman, 1983). Güney, himself, spoke of the impossibility of dubbing
Kurdish at the time in his films shot in Europe during his interview with
Kutschera (1983):
The Herd, in fact, is the story of the Kurdish people, but I could not even use
the Kurdish language in this film. If we had used Kurdish, all those who
collaborated on this film would have been put in prison. In the case of Yol, the
main thing was to focus on Diyarbekir, Urfa and Siirt. Although the film was
released in Europe, I did not manage to do all dubbing in Kurdish. I tried to
create this atmosphere by dubbing, by music.
His films mostly leaned on two stances: the political frame of the Kurdish
individual endeavouring to survive in harsh geography and political environment, and the narrative of victimization soaked in the cinematographic
frames marking the entrance of the oppressed colonized Kurd in the world
scene. Nizamettin Ariç, who settled in Europe after the military coup in
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Turkey in 1980, uses the Kurdish language in the dialogues in his film Klamek
Jî bo Beko (An Ode to Beko, 1992). Amir Hassanpour (2006) also situates the
emergence of Kurdish cinema within the post-1980 period, pointing to the
common temporality of Güney’s Yol and Ariç’s Klamek Jî bo Beko.
Starting from the mid-2000s, the language of Kurdish cinema began to
change. A critical engagement with the new subjective conditions and a more
personal language of the aesthetic regime became visible in cinema. Kurdish
cinema of the 1990s, with its limited archive fed by the minimalist victimization narrative of the times, screened the melancholic world of images of the
displaced Kurds longing for their lost home. The new generation of directors
first intervened in this discourse in the 2000s and then dealt with the lives of
lower-class Kurds (street vendors, construction workers, poor Kurds, etc.)
popularly referred to as Kurdên perawêz (Kurds at the bottom). The new
generation of directors and artists do not deal with the retrospective narrative
of a national cause but link the micro memory of Kurdish subjects to the
political scene. In that sense, in the 2000s, we mostly witness a realist or
hyper-realist artistic stance and films orienting towards relational aesthetics.
Early Kurdish cinema presents a wide variety of representations that depict
an atmosphere laden with a melancholic feeling of victimization with respect
to the national cause. Individual narratives depicting the social existential
world or a critical approach towards political struggle also emerge in films
such as Bahoz (The Storm, 2008, director Kazım Öz), Zer (director Kazım Öz),
Min Dît (Before Your Eyes, 2009, director Miraz Bazer) Press (2010, director
Sedat Yılmaz), Dengê Bavê Min (Voice of My Father, 2012, directors Orhan
Eskiköy and Zeynel Doğan), Meş (Walking, 2011, director Şiyar Abdi) and
Kurneqiz (2016, director Gökhan Yaçınkaya).
In these films, the political matter regarding the conflict is personalized and
framed within a subjective perspective, while the personalized memory folds
over and is framed within the political cause. Bahoz, for example, narrates the
story of the serhildan (resurrection) generation of the 1990s, their emergence
in universities in western Turkey, the reasons behind their choice to join the
PKK guerrillas, as well as life in Istanbul slums in the 1990s. In Azad, the
subject of the pathological memory of a child raised under war conditions
and his alienated body in the midst of the city walls of the city he migrated to
is explored. Meş narrates the post-coup years in Turkey (the 1980s) through
the eyes of the village idiot and children and discusses the issue of normality
and abnormality in the post-coup period. This illustration of the political
scene also visualizes the eclipse of reason created by the growing hegemony
of the image.
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In other words, what comes to the fore is not an emphasis on the national
sentiment, but the narrative of the political cause or the transformation
periods of post-conflict Kurdish subjectivity. For instance, Dengê Bavê Min
deals with the massacre of Kurdish Alevis in Maraş in 1978 from a simple and
personal memorial enquiry and the personal history of a father. The film
revolves around a decolonial reading based on the narration of personal
history through mother-and-son characters, and finally reaches its culmination point in the last scene. In this film, we witness the prevalence of a hybrid
language that does not polarize the representative characters or lean on
victimization, while the very framing reinforced by artistic narrative forms
is politicized. Kurdish cinema tackling traditional social memory, politics,
nostalgia, communality and the crisis of the modern narrative caught
between the dichotomy of urban and rural does not neglect the subjectivity
of ordinary Kurds but situates it within a colonial narrative that preserves an
oppositional stance.
The film also has certain oedipal bearings in the way it narrates because,
for the first time in Kurdish cinema, it depicts the story of a frustrated
protagonist who delves into the genealogy of his family. The resolution of
a mystery (the memory of the hidden Maraş massacre) between the mother
and the son with the voice recordings of the deceased father is overpersonalized in a way that renders visible its almost immediate political
articulations. While trauma is treated in the film in the political-geographic
space, the existence of a lost language, that is, the Maraş variant of the
Kurdish language, is also unravelled through the memory of the parents.
We see that the new generation of Kurdish filmmakers does not use
a political frame, but rather the frame that is being politicized. The militant
position shall not be read as loyalty to a political cause, however, as it is the
attitude of the actor who delves into political reflexes of art.
As for the Kurdish cinema in Iranian Kurdistan, Bahman Ghobadi can be
a significant reference point. In Dema Hespên Serxweş (Time of the Drunken
Horses, 2001) the poor living conditions of children in the rural countryside are
depicted. He deals with the themes of disabled children, poverty and smuggling with images of border control and colonialism that influence the daily
lives of Kurds and constitute their political fate. Similarly, the guerrilla
director Halil Uysal (Halil Dağ) is also an important figure in Kurdish cinema
as the pioneer of guerrilla cinema (or ‘the mountain cinema’). His films Eyne
Bejne (Tall Mirror, 2002), shot in the Qandil mountains (in southern
Kurdistan), and Beritan (2006) (the pseudonym of the Kurdish guerrilla
Gülnaz Karataş) portray the mountain as a geography and a code
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symbolizing national struggle and as a space of social revival (Smets and
Akkaya, 2016). Acts of survival of a generation in the history of cinema
starting from the 1990s until today shall be named a political situation and
regarded as the attempt of a dissident people to form themselves through
their own history of film. Made Omer’s Rawe Jinoke (Exorcism, 1993), Hiner
Saleem’s Long Live the Bride and the Liberation of Kurdistan (1997) made in
France and My Sweet Pepper Land (2013), Jaleel Zangana’s Khola Piza (1998), Ali
Kemal Çınar’s Veşartî (Secret, 2015), among others, give us an idea of the ways
Kurdish cinema makes use of the political frame in a symbolic aesthetic
relationality (Sonboli, 2017).
In Syrian Kurdistan (Rojava) new cinematographic endeavours have been
witnessed. The Rojava Film Commune, in particular, makes productions
influenced by the French New Wave and the political cinema of Latin
America with a focus on resistance and revolution. The camera in Rojava
cinema turns towards the public life of the subject that situates itself within
the political resistance – rather than fiction – and uses the documentary
language to narrate the rage, resentment and joys of the Kurdish subject in
the conflict zone. As such, the camera loses its fictional character and
becomes a part of the truth-telling reflected on a political reading of the
war front lines. In that sense, resistance cinema has become a part of the
dynamics of the social movement since its foundation and delves into
the codes of rebellion and emancipation with cinematographic narratives
and a political-aesthetic approach.
Contemporary Art: The Don Quixotes
of Kurdish Art
In this section, I will focus on the Kurdish contemporary art scene in the
Kurdish space and its relations with the sub-culture’s memory, firstly with
a brief account on the Iraqi Kurdistan and then a longer comment on the
artistic practices in Turkey. In the Iraqi Kurdish space, Sulaymaniyah and
Erbil come to the fore as centres of artistic and cultural production.
Exhibitions of local and international artists met art-lovers in 2018 in the
Sulaymaniyah Contemporary Art’s Museum and Erbil Media Hall, with the
call by the Kurdistan Contemporary Art Platform. Helgurd Ahmed organized
an exhibition in Sulaymaniyah on 31 October 2018 with waste petroleum
products to raise awareness of the issues connected to the oil industry in Iraq
and Kurdistan. There have indeed been many institutional endeavours especially with the support of the government of the Kurdistan region after 1991,
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as well as the emergence of a new generation of artists. Azar Othman
Mahmoud (Sulaymaniyah), Muhammad Saleh Rosramzada (Erbil), Jamal
Penjweny (Sulaymaniyah), Sawar Mohamad Amin (Sulaymaniyah), Roshna
Rasool (Sulaymaniyah), Hemn Hamed Şerif (Erbil), Barham Taib Hama
(Sulaymaniyah), Zana Rasool Mohammed (Erbil), Julie Adnan (Kirkuk),
Pshtewan Kamal Babakir (works with Shene Mohammed on kashkul projects
in the American University of Sulaymaniyah) are among these video, photography, illustration and performance artists.
In Turkey, the new generation of artists includes Mahmut Celayir, Şener
Özmen, Mehtap Baydu, Halil Altındere, Erkan Özgen, Cengiz Tekin, Berat
Işık, Ahmet Öğüt, Fikret Atay, Fatoş Irwen, I·hsan Oturmak, Ali Bozan,
Mehmet Ali Boran, Deniz Aktaş, Nevin Aladag, Mehmet Çeper, Savas
Boyraz and Zehra Doğan. Contemporary art practices in the Kurdish space
are particularly striking as ‘tools’ to tinker with certain mnemonic narratives
‘under the paving stones’. The artistic reading in conflict zones makes
references to the fragmented memory of geography built on blood and
destruction, adapting a grotesque and ironic language against the dystopia
created by a paranoid regime. Works produced in this space have a political
stance against the allegoric and idealized colonial art both in Kurdish cinema
and the sovereign artistic domain. We can then say that the artistic works in
the Kurdish space both have the anti-war spirit of intervention and deal with
the conflict-related post-traumatic social perceptions and relations with the
unique, non-involved micropolitical stance of the artist.
From Ș izo-Defter (Schizo-Notebook, 1999) of Şener Özmen, written in the
form of correspondences from Diyarbakir to Istanbul and embodying the
periphery’s critical approach to the centre, to The Meeting or Bonjour Monsieur
Courbet, the Kurdish video co-produced by Şener Özmen and Cengiz Tekin,
many artistic productions explore the aggressive relational network around
the themes of wandering and errance. The latter, for instance, in its illustration of the figure of an aggressive revolutionary fool afflicted with political
trauma and rebelling against the bourgeoisie – rather than the kind wanderer
of Gustave Courbet – in rural Diyarbakir plays with and ridicules the
concepts of terrorism and reality. The art historian Georges DidiHuberman, drawing on the Nietzschean concept of resentment, states that
it is the ‘rage of a bad aesthetics’ against the tendency in today’s art towards
the production of perfect arts (Didi-Huberman 1994: 67–8).
Contemporary arts, including productions with a decolonial language,
need to make use of networks in transversal transitions, visual tools and
the daily ‘poor’ materials to escape from the trap of institutionalization. In Art
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Worlds Howard S. Becker (2006) calls this ‘interaction’. Averring that artistic
production is a process of (inter)actions among the artist, society, technical
production and distribution apparatus, public, political environment, funders
and so on, Becker states that this interaction is formed and sustained as part of
a network system. Kurdish artists who are almost completely bereft of
support – institutional or otherwise – are included in the itinerary of the
contemporary arts through different tactics, agendas and networks in
Istanbul and Europe. Mediation for the Kurdish contemporary artists is
thus a double-edged sword (Imago Mundi, 2017). On one hand, they must
confront certain identity politics in the phase of production due to being
Kurdish, while on the other hand, they need to deal with the colonial
language prevailing in the Turkish public sphere. Unidentifiability and ineffectiveness of arts in the Kurdish sphere, its exclusion from international
biennials, the erasure of artistic practices under the weight of identity all
contribute to its transformation into a mere ideological war apparatus.
We cannot yet talk about Kurdish ‘resistance art’, but we can very well
indicate an artistic dynamic born out of resistance. Dancer in the Dark (2003)
and Stop! You Are Surrounded (2004) by Berat Işık illustrate this point well. In
a constant play with cult film images, Dancer in the Dark video installation
uses a grotesque language questioning the eclipse of reason and darkness
peculiar to the lynch culture and certain canonic forms with progressive
sequences.4 The video is nothing but a whining and speaking sound in the
dark. This voice, with its desire to be seen and recognized, is the privacy and
disruptive visibility of Kurdish. At one point, it turns into a scream: Ho! Qey tu
min nabînî!? (Hey, do you not see me?) . . . Ez li vir im! (I’m here! 3,000 years
later) Ez li vir im!!! (a mechanic voice).5 This obtrusive scream in the Kurdish
language on the dark background (Ez li vir im: I am here!) is the outcry of
a people struggling to survive.
Tinica (2004), the video documentation by Fikret Atay, also works on
this endeavour. Tinica is a story of post-migration Batman afflicted with
poverty, suicides by women and the pressure of the paramilitary groups
such as Hizbullah. The video is about a boy who enjoys himself in
playing his make-shift tin battery on the ‘rubbish mountains’ of the
city; a child body hit by both poverty and migration who has fun despite
4 Dancer in the Dark video also refers to the last scene of the film directed by Lars von Trier
featuring Björk.
5 ‘Hey, don’t you see me? I am standing right before you! Hey, don’t you see me? Hey,
I am talking to you! I am here, right before you! Don’t you see me? I am here. Right
before you, I am here . . . 3,000 years later (with a mechanic voice), I am he-re . . .’
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the ongoing conflict. The collective work of Şener Özmen and Erkan
Özgen exhibited in Istanbul Modern in 2003, Road to Tate Modern, delves
into the image of Don Quixote and Sancho Panza looking for Tate
Modern lost in Kurdish mountains. It is no surprise that Özmen (2005:
132) calls them ‘Kurdish chevaliers of the contemporary art’. The silent
subject against the despotic machine of the sovereign points to the
hysteric memory of the periphery and artists targeting the centre thus
make a political point with the help of an absurd irony via Don Quixote
and Sancho. The work merely presents the pathological states of the
protagonist idly wandering around, while the desired journey of Sancho
Panza, the companion of Don Quixote who witnesses the pain of the
latter, from the ‘wild’ Kurdish mountains to the ‘civilized’ London streets,
narrates the irreparable fate of the Other. In Apriori gezi rehberi: I·stanbul
Guide, which was exhibited in 2005 Istanbul Biennale, Şener Özmen
defines himself and artists from Diyarbakir as ‘Kurdish chevaliers of
contemporary arts’ with an ironic humour, which shall be read not as
a determination, but the political text of a Don Quixote-like ‘fool’ or
‘chevalier’ who defies and searches for alternatives of the central artistic
authority (Özmen, 2005: 132).
The contemporary art practice is not about telling the ‘truth’ or the ‘right’,
but questioning the truth itself. Nicolas Bourriaud (1998) refers to the aesthetics of a new relational regime. Similarly, Kurdish artist Fatoş Irwen
questions women and social gender identities in her work, defying the
hegemonic ‘social phallus’ and masculine identity policies. In the collective
exhibition, Nehêle ez te Bieşînim (2015, Don’t Let Me Hurt You, curated by
E. Sustam, M. Koyuncu, Stüdyo Açık, Istanbul), Irwen refers to women’s
rituals in her work called ‘the pathological memory’, an installation made out
of her own hair that she kept for some time, depicting the obsessive hysterical
moods of women. The work is a response to masculinity that oppresses
women’s bodies. Blood Is Sweeter Than Honey (2004), fotonovelas of Şener
Özmen and Ahmet Öğüt including cartoons and fanzine stories, ironically
illustrates the position of a ‘cursed artist’ from the Diyarbakir streets (inconsistent rage of the periphery) against the central art market, with icons not so
far away from the pop-cultural readings of his time. The symbol of blood, as
a ritual, in this co-produced work, is masochistically associated with the
sweetness of honey, indicating the trauma of the Kurdish geography. It
seems that the symbol of blood refers to reading on the oppression that
Kurds are no stranger to, with all its pathologies. Indeed, a historical reading
on the concept of blood reveals the long-term memory around the term in
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the Kurdish geography (see, for instance, Mexzena Xwînê (Blood Pot by Renas
Jiyan)).
Lastly, Ahmet Öğüt’s Stones to Throw (2011), which was an art installation
that used painted stones, plinths, photographs and FedEx bills and exhibited
at Kunsthalle Lissabon, in Lisbon, reflects on Kurdish children’s stoning of the
police officers and invites us to ponder over violence and game in a timeless
and gameless setting. The symbolism of the work refers to the political
memory of Kurdish children clashing with the police on the streets of
Diyarbakir during the 1990s and 2000s. The artist creates a defence strategy
by drawing Hollywood cartoon characters on stones, transforming violence
and police into a game for the Kurdish boys stoning police officers. He places
an emphasis on a cynical and resentful reflex through an act of game-making
that turns the paper fanzine into the fanzine of the stone. The intense political
irony of the works of art produced by Kurdish artists coincides with the
political fate of the geography in its absurdity. Given the fact that sociopolitical narratives correspond to artistic installations, what we witness in contemporary art are indeed bifurcated individual linguistic axioms leaning on the
collective memory, rather than an ‘individual’ attitude.
Conclusion
The concept of reterritorialization of cultural memory (Deleuze and Guattari,
1980) is useful in understanding the path of Kurdish cultural production.
Three intertwined yet distinct periods might be mapped: (1) the exile period
beginning from the 1960s; (2) the culture of rebellion in the 1990s; and (3)
singular narratives of the 2000s. In these periods, the history of the silenced
and disappeared Kurdish subjectivity meets with art and cultural memory, yet
it would be an incomplete reading to depict this meeting only with respect to
a confrontation with the colonialist cultural identity imposed on the Kurds. It
is also a process in which the new Kurdish subject (decolonial subjectivity),
formed out of artistic experiences and cultural productions and Kurdish
subalternity, became visible and its artistic resistance capacity was restituted
in active violation of the dominant sovereign narratives in all spheres of life.
The activities that were once localized in the diaspora from the 1960s
onwards gravitated towards the Kurdistan Region in Iraq after 1991 and
Turkey during the 2000s. During the 1990s and 2000s, theatre, music,
cinema festivals began to be held in European countries also extended to
the four parts of the Kurdish territories, leading to the propagation of
both intergenerational and trans-border artistic and cultural activities.
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The political serhildans in early 1990s Turkey began to evolve towards
a cultural serhildan during the 2000s. The generation of the 1990s, while
having a militant cause as was the case with the previous generation,
found a singular language and distinct artistic aesthetic form. Art fairs
and cultural festivals in Kurdish space have become places of interaction
for Kurdish artists, bringing them together around a variety of productions. It is not a coincidence that symbolic, politicized cities of
Diyarbakir, Erbil, Duhok, Sulaymaniyah became centres of cultural production. The memory of the resistance tradition laid the ground for this
expansion in the 1990s. This reterritorialization of Kurdish cultural memory may not be a renaissance of Kurdish cultural production but instead
should be considered a cultural serhildan. Artistic and literary productions
found their way back to the Kurdish space through contact with violence
and politics. Due to this contact, trauma and post-trauma narrative, as
well as the scarred social memory, came to the fore in cinema, literature
and contemporary arts. A new artistic narrative was born in the Kurdish
space in the midst of war and resistance and around the memory of
trauma, rather than being wrapped in feelings of nostalgia and longing,
peculiar to the cultural and artistic productions by the artists in exile.
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