The 4.5 system - an instrument of exclusion?
In the inner-somali discussion, the term "4.5 system" comes up repeatedly, and for
outsiders, it is not easily recognisable what is behind it. Therefore, here is a brief
explanation.
The system is a mechanism for sharing political power. A quota system. The logic of
proportional representation goes back to the question of where Somalis come from.
The question is not easy to answer. The nomadic culture has left us neither writings
nor many buildings based on which one could conclude the life and early society of the
Somalis.
Nevertheless, the Somalis were long considered one of the most homogeneous
peoples in Africa. A common tribal system, which gives every Somali an identification
code of his patriarchal descent practically at birth, Islam as a common religion and the
common language, rounded off this impression. To some extent, however, one has to
correct this picture.
Despite numerous scientific studies, the question of the Somalis' origin has not yet
been conclusively clarified. Roughly summarised, there are currently two narratives.
Some emphasise the Arab influence in the development, while other authors stress
the African roots of the "proto-Somali" as the cradle of Somali identity.
Somalia has a socially dominant tribal system, which can first be divided into "nomadic"
and "sedentary" categories. The sedentary groups include the Digil-Mirifle and the
Rahanweyn. Both traditionally live agro-nomadically on the fertile banks of the
Shabelle and Jubba rivers. The Rahanweyn are composed of various influences,
including descendants of other Somali tribes and Oromos and East African Bantu. The
Digil-Mirifle are more homogeneously composed and are derived from immigrant and
newly merged clan groups. Collectively they are referred to as Sab, after their common
progenitor. The Hawiye, Dir and Darood have a more nomadic character and are
geographically more northerly. The Isaaq are often counted separately among them.
Strictly speaking; however, they are derived from the Dir. These clan groups are called
Samaale after their progenitor. Sab and Samaale are considered "noble" tribes. At
least the Samaale also link their lineage to Arab tribal fathers. Not infrequently, this is
accompanied by references to family proximity to the Prophet Mohammed (PBUH).
The representatives of the African perspective, on the other hand, emphasise less the
Arab and more the African roots. According to them, the actual settlement of the Somali
peninsula did not take place only from north to south, after the link with Arab
immigrants, but much earlier. Bantu and Oromo groups have migrated from
mountainous areas of present-day Ethiopia and from the south and settled on the
banks of the Jubba and Shabelle rivers, thus forming the "proto-Somalis". Only later a
migration towards the north took place. Then, from the 11th century onwards, a
renewed (return-) migration of northern, meanwhile Islamised and Arabised Somalis
took place in various waves. The return migration was accompanied by the subjugation
and displacement of the traditional southern Somali population. The strict descent
system meant that there was no longer any real mixing, but a widely ramified, ArabSomali clan system was established. The non-displaced Bantu/Oromo groups, who in
contrast to the Arab-Somali immigrants, have black African physical characteristics,
were integrated into the clan system at a low social level and socially "Somalised". To
this day, however, there are distinctions based on these physical characteristics. Thus,
the black African minorities are also called "Jareer" ("wirehaired").
In addition to these clan structures, there are other social groups. For centuries, the
Somali peninsula was a centre of the slave trade. From the coasts, slaves were taken
mainly to the Arab world, Persia or India, and sometimes also to Egypt and Europe.
However, it was not until the early 19th century that slaves were also increasingly used
in the agricultural areas of southern Somalia. At times, the proportion of slaves in the
population has been between 10 and 20 per cent. In the course of colonisation, many
slaves were released to freedom. Many of them emigrated, but some remained,
especially in the southwest and south of present-day Somalia.
If you superimpose these roughly outlined developments, the picture changes from a
homogeneous to a diverse and multi-ethnic society. In addition, several smaller
migrant groups are descendants of former Persian, Yemeni or, to some extent, Italian
and Portuguese immigrants. Mogadishu, for example, was founded by Persian traders
between the 8th and 9th centuries. Among the best-known minorities are still the Reer
Xamar, who refer to these founding fathers. They still live in Mogadishu, are culturally
largely "Somalised", and live relatively concentrated in the "Xamarweyne" district.
What does all this have to do with 4.5? One of the key questions after the civil war was
distributing power in the country in the future. After several peace and reconciliation
conferences, a power-sharing formula was first agreed upon at the Arta Conference in
Djibouti (2000) and later in Mbagathi, Kenya (2002-04). A mechanism was agreed to
share parliamentary seats in the transitional parliament according to clan proportion.
Thus, the "4.5 formula" was born. Of the total 245 seats, 49 seats each were to go to
the four largest tribes, the Darood, Dir/Isaaq, Hawiye and Rahanweyn/Digil-Mirifle. 29
seats were to go to the "minorities" together, which was about half of the seats of any
of the major clans. Hence the designation ".5" 25 more seats (about 10 per cent of the
total parliament) were to be reserved for women. 5 each from the major clans and
another 5 from the "minorities" group. This formula, also due to the lack of other political
size units such as parties or election results, increasingly became key for the
distribution of power at different political levels. The election of the future parliament is
also to be essentially composed according to this key, with the proportion of women
rising to 30 per cent.
Criticism is also linked to this. The accusation is that the 4.5 system not only pursues
the goals of political stability but is also used for professional, social and political
exclusion. The formula pushes minorities in Somalia into a "0.5" "caste" and thus also
marginalises them socially and politically. However, it is not that simple. The 4.5
formula is ultimately a reflection of historical, social conditions. It only reflects what is
socially
present
anyway.
For
example,
marriages
between
"nobles"
and
representatives of the ".5" groups are not welcome and physically demanding
professions are mainly practised by members of the ".5" families. Nevertheless, this
also does not support the fight against inequality but rather perpetuates existing
structures of exclusion. Therefore, overcoming this provisional regulation is one of the
most important goals for the near future.
Bildldrechte: Von CIA - http://www.lib.utexas.edu/maps/somalia.html, Gemeinfrei,
https://commons.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?curid=2326359