Leticia Villarreal Sosa, Benjamin Roth, and Sophia Rodriguez
Anti-immigrant rhetoric increasingly depicts immigrants as undeserving, but schools are
social institutions where these perceptions can be challenged and, ideally, where inequities
confronting immigrant students can be ameliorated. Existing research suggests that
teachers and administrators are central to this task, but it also raises questions about the role
of other personnel in immigrant-serving schools. Drawing on the concept of nepantlera,
this study examines how school social workers (SSWs) pursue equity for immigrant
students by challenging intersecting power structures. The authors present preliminary
findings that attest to the importance of nepantleras for SSWs and the importance of SSWs
for immigrant-serving schools.
KEY WORDS:
immigrant students; intersectionality; nepantleras; school social work
D
rawing on Gloria Anzaldúa’s (1987)
concept of “borderlands,” we examine
how one group of school-based actors—
school social workers (SSWs)—advance equity for
immigrant students through disrupting and, at
times, subverting systems of power. The borderlands framework accounts for how various social,
historical, and political contexts constitute individuals as “other” and shape social conditions for those
groups (Anzaldúa, 1987; Hurtado & Cervantez,
2009; Olmedo, 2009). As a Chicana lesbian feminist, Anzaldúa’s critical approach to intersectionality
suggests that SSWs can challenge intersecting systems of power to work for justice. Data from our
study provide evidence to support this: SSWs often
operate as change agents who use various strategies
to reform schools and support immigrant youths.
However, instead of challenging power structures
directly, SSWs more often equip immigrant youths
with strategies for how to navigate systems within
and outside of schools.
Our findings underscore the potential that
SSWs have to make a larger impact in immigrantserving schools, as well as the circumstances that
can limit their ability to do so. Building on other
scholars (Villarreal Sosa, 2019), we argue that a
nepantlera framework can reorient SSWs to their
work with immigrant students and the intersecting
systems of power that affect their everyday lives.
This article aims to provide further empirical validation of the nepantlera framework within the
doi: 10.1093/swr/svab011
C 2021 National Association of Social Workers
V
field of school social work as well as additional
conceptual insights to advance it.
BACKGROUND
There are over 18 million children in the United
States with at least one immigrant parent (Migration Policy Institute, 2017). Just as immigrant children come from diverse backgrounds, not all of
them face the same barriers to equity in the schools
they attend. Among the most vulnerable are those
from low-income families, recent arrivals, English
language learners, and children who are unauthorized or from mixed-status families (Gurrola, Ayón,
& Moya Salas, 2016; Yoshikawa, 2011). For those
who have experienced migration themselves, the
trauma of border crossings and fear of deportation
are linked with mental health concerns such as depressive symptoms and anxiety (Cavazos-Rehg,
Zayas, & Spitznagel, 2007; Potochnick & Perreira,
2010). Immigrant children also encounter discrimination based on race and legal status (Rumbaut,
2008), fear and uncertainty because of escalating
immigration enforcement and restrictive antiimmigrant policies (Grace, Bais, & Roth, 2018),
and a prevailing threat narrative fueled by antiimmigrant rhetoric (Chavez, 2013). The adverse
effects of this climate have led to increased rates of
depression, anxiety, and traumatic stress among
immigrant children, which negatively affect their
school performance, attendance, concentration,
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Crossing Borders: Exploring the Role of School
Social Workers in Immigrant-Serving Schools
Conceptual Framework
Anzaldúa’s (2009) concept of “borderlands” offers
a framework for understanding the role of SSWs in
immigrant-serving schools. For Anzaldúa, the borderlands represent an open wound grounded in a
history of conquest (Anzaldúa, 1987; Hurtado &
Cervantez, 2009). Anzaldúa understood the subordination of Chicanas as a result of multiple systems
of oppression that included gender, race, ethnicity,
class, language, and sexuality (Hurtado & Cervantez, 2009). Therefore, Anzaldúa advocated for the
need to create new theories that would account for
those experiences. As Anzaldúa (1990) stated:
“Necesitamos teorı́as that will rewrite history using
race, class, gender, and ethnicity as categories of
analysis, theories that cross borders, that blur
boundaries—new kinds of theories with new theorizing methods” (p. xxv). Grounded in the lived
2
experiences of Chicanas, borderlands represent
“theory in the flesh” that allows for survival and
hope (Moraga & Anzaldúa, 1981). While painful,
the borderlands also have the potential to be a
transformational space (Keating, 2009).
In the context of schools, the borderlands framework suggests that individuals who promote access
and equity for immigrant students are nepantleras
(Koshy, 2006; Villarreal Sosa, 2019). Nepantla is a
Nahuatl word referring to a liminal space where
one experiences displacement. A nepantlera is
“born from nepantla” and positioned in a liminal
space where “individual and collective selfdefinitions and belief systems are destabilized” by
the questioning of one’s worldview (Anzaldúa,
2015, p. xxxv). Becoming a nepantlera, therefore,
involves “shifts [in] consciousness and, thus, opportunities for change” (Anzaldúa, 2015, p. xxxv).
Nepantla offers the potential for transformation
and the ability to see things from multiple perspectives, bridging differences grounded in relational
ethics and reflective consciousness (Elenes, 2013;
Keating, 2015). While risky and uncomfortable,
the ambiguity of being “between worlds” provides
a vantage point for nepantleras to see new possibilities for connection and healing. They are cultural
workers, border crossers, threshold people.
Anzaldúa’s writings on nepantla also point to the
possibility for resistance and transformation—
agentive expressions that we argue are integral to
the social work profession’s value of social justice.
Similar to other writings on intersectionality (Severs, Celis, & Erzeel, 2016), Anzaldúa’s work
deconstructs the notion of power that is understood as the ability to enact oppression and is located in privileged social locations or institutions.
Instead, power can be enacted by those in marginalized positions by rejecting definitions of reality
imposed by those in privileged social locations
or a larger societal narrative. Therefore, nepantlera
actions are based on understandings of ways that
power can be claimed within restricted spaces,
such as the development of multiple forms of consciousness, creating alternative narratives, and
translating knowledge from one site of struggle to
another (Blackwell, 2010).
Borderlands and Critical Pedagogy
Borderlands theory and the concept of nepantlera
have influenced the development of critical pedagogy and educational theories, offering tools to
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and behavior (American Immigration Council,
2018; Ee & Gándara, 2020).
At times, schools can reproduce these inequities
(Ayón, 2016; Ee & Gándara, 2019), but they can
also be contested spaces where these barriers to equity are challenged by teachers, guidance counselors, and other school personnel. These individuals
play a key role in identifying and confronting barriers to equity (Weis & Fine, 2001), guiding students through this racialized and painful reality to a
place of transformation and healing (AguilarValdez et al., 2013; Villarreal Sosa, 2019). In particular, SSWs are positioned within schools to
potentially improve equity for immigrant students.
SSWs are trained mental health providers who deliver evidence-based services, promote a school
climate conducive to learning, maximize access to
school and community resources that support academic and behavioral success, and help students
navigate the process of gaining access to these
resources (Astor, Jacobson, Wrabel, Benbenishty,
& Pineda, 2018; Frey et al., 2016; Greenberg,
2014; Stone, 2017; Teasley, Nevarez, & Frost,
2017). SSWs can also support youths individually,
operating as a “really significant other” for those
whose educational success is particularly vulnerable due to poverty, legal status, or national origin
(Portes & Fernández-Kelly, 2008; Portes & Rumbaut, 2014; Stanton-Salazar, 2011). Yet very little
research has examined the role of SSWs in
immigrant-serving schools. How do SSWs confront barriers to equity for immigrant students?
Testimonio is a narrative of someone’s firsthand
experiences with political or other forms of oppression. As a pedagogical tool, testimonio is an
example of enacting nepantla and identifying
actions of a nepantlera (DeNicolo & González,
2015; Elenes, 2013; Prieto & Villenas, 2012).
Through the use of testimonio in a third-grade
classroom, DeNicolo and González (2015) were
able to identify ways in which third-grade students
described their lives in nepantla. These descriptions included connecting with each other and
their shared struggle and navigating tensions between the internalization of deficit perspectives
and their feelings of pride related to their bilingualism. For these students, nepantla involved challenging dominant ideologies, demonstrating
agency, and redefining linguistic identities. Lizárraga and Gutiérrez (2018) also designed learning
opportunities for students that leverage children’s
multilingual and positionality negotiation in the
classroom. These nepantla literacies engage students’ lived experiences at the boundaries of language, culture, and positionality in the process of
negotiating literacy with conventional tools privileged in schools.
Applying the Nepantlera Concept to
School Social Work
The nepantlera lens has traditionally been applied
to educators and classroom settings, but it also has
relevance to the field of school social work—
particularly given the profession’s emphasis on social justice and the importance of critical consciousness and reflection in social work practice
(Villarreal Sosa, 2019). Villarreal Sosa (2019) described how we might recognize SSWs as nepantleras. First, SSW nepantleras will have the ability
to be border crossers. Border crossers are aware of
the multiple forms of oppression that immigrant
students encounter and navigate each day, including anti-immigrant sentiment, microaggressions,
and the resulting trauma that they experience
(Keating & González-López, 2011). Second, SSW
nepantleras will promote social change in their
schools and communities, challenging dominant
paradigms that cast immigrant students as “other.”
Third, SSW nepantleras will themselves experience
personal transformation that includes healing, both
internally and relationally. These three domains—
border crossing, promoting social change, and per-
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inform social justice education and provide an alternative to Western-based frameworks (Elenes,
1997, 2013). One of those contributions was the
deconstruction of essentialist notions of difference,
culture, and identity, and the development of educational practices that account for multiple subjectivities (Elenes, 1997). Prieto and Villenas (2012)
focused on Chicana/Latina teacher educators in
predominately white institutions, exploring the
way in which two Latina/Chicana testimonios demonstrate the frustration, discomfort, and vision for
teaching that reflects nepantla. Prieto and Villenas
have developed themes of cultural dissonance experienced within institutions, particularly along
intersections of positionalities such as race, class,
gender, or language; consciousness with commitment; authentic caring from their testimonios as
forms of enacting nepantla; and connecting their
practice to theory and their theory to practice.
Elenes (2013) extended the concept of conocimiento
as one that occurs within nepantla when those who
work with communities with different access to
power and privilege confront their own privilege.
Abraham (2014) identified one such moment in
the classroom when she realized that one of her
students—who she knew spoke English and Spanish—was from an indigenous family and communicated in two Mayan languages at home. She
noted that her own way of knowing and viewing
the world up until this realization had ignored the
existence of indigenous languages represented in
her classroom, thereby violating her students’ ways
of knowing. “Nepantlera came when I realized I
had done this,” she concluded. “It was not a
pleasant moment, but it was a necessary one”
(Abraham, 2014, p. 3).
The focus of this scholarship has been to develop
theory grounded in lived experience and provide a
framework that grounds the teaching or learning
within the historical context of communities,
structural conditions, and social locations of racialized subjects (Prieto & Villenas, 2012). Conceptualizations of nepantla offer the ability to examine
multiple forms of oppression and agency from multiple perspectives (Elenes, 2013). In other contexts,
these nepantla strategies are examined to understand
how they contribute to resistance and political or
community organizing among campesinas (Blackwell, 2010) using tools such as testimonio.
RESEARCH DESIGN
This article draws on in-depth interviews with SSWs
that we conducted as part of a larger mixed-methods
study (for detailed methods, see Rodriguez, Roth, &
Sosa, 2020). The goal of the interviews was to better
conceptualize nepantlera in the context of school social work and to inform the development of the
study’s survey instrument. We interviewed a convenience sample (n ¼ 20) of SSWs in immigrantserving schools. Respondents were all practicing
SSWs from districts in numerous states, including
California, New York, Maryland, Illinois, Texas,
Georgia, and South Carolina. Interviews were conducted in person or over the phone and varied in
length from 40 to 90 minutes. They were audiorecorded and transcribed, and each interviewer
memoed their observations about key themes, connections to the nepantlera concept, and insights into
the SSW role in immigrant-serving schools. During
monthly team meetings we discussed emerging patterns as viewed through a nepantlera epistemological
lens and the opportunities and challenges it presented
in our research.
RESEARCHER POSITIONALITIES
Leticia Villarreal Sosa: As a first-generation college-attending Xicana/Mexicana, my use of borderlands theory and nepantlera is much more than
an intellectual or methodological practice. Because
my own lived experience and that of my community was not reflected in the social sciences, I have
always incorporated Chicana feminism, and specifically Anzaldúa’s work, as an essential part of my
own academic work. As an undergraduate I was
burdened with that additional duty to learn about
my own historical and theoretical context outside
of my coursework. Theories that reflected my own
lived experience were not reflected in the curriculum, so I spent my own time reading and learning
about these perspectives. This gave me a framework for understanding what I had only previously
known as a visceral experience in my body.
4
Participation in this research team was difficult and
required a continued reflection on what it meant
to be a nepantlera. I was concerned about what I
experienced initially as a lack of understanding of
this holistic approach and the appropriation of
Anzaldúa’s concept of borderlands theory in what
Anzaldúa referred to as weak efforts to claim intersectionality without truly integrating her theory
(Keating, 2009). I was reminded time and again by
Anzaldúa, however, that the work of a nepantlera
is that of bridge building as you walk and crossing
the bridge to each other and to our own self.
Anzaldúa’s goal with writing Borderlands la Frontera
was not just to share knowledge, but also to inspire
others to produce knowledge (Keating, 2009).
Benjamin Roth: Although I have been researching equity-related issues for immigrant youths for
over a decade, the concept of nepantlera was new
to me. I grew up as a white, heterosexual male in a
predominantly white suburban community, and
my upbringing did not cultivate in me a deep
awareness of my own racial or cultural attributes.
Learning about my own positionality within the
social fields of gender, race, class, and nativity was
an integral part of my graduate education in social
work and, later, my practice experience as a family
therapist. My experiences living in Latin America
as an adult and engaging with urban Latino communities in the United States as a social work
practitioner have further complicated my cultural
self and shaped my research decisions, practices,
and epistemologies. The process of applying the
nepantlera concept exposed my own need for
greater reflexivity as a researcher. Our team’s
candor—based on trust and a willingness to be vulnerable and, at times, confrontational—has been
critical throughout all stages of the project, showing me that I was often too quick to borrow
the concept as an analytic tool, appropriating it in
ways that suited, rather than challenged, my own
paradigm.
Sophia Rodriguez: Although I have written
about racial, ethnic, and cultural identities of immigrant children for a decade, I have always struggled to understand and articulate my own racial
and ethnic positionality (Rodriguez, 2020). In
part, this is due to the ways that institutional labeling—processes of racialization and othering—articulated my identity for me. I grew up with a
white single mom in a low-income family in a predominantly white, affluent community. I was con-
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sonal transformation and critical reflection—provide a basic framework to explore how SSWs disrupt power structures within schools. As we show
later, each of these domains is best understood to be
in tension with other forces or structural realities.
Nepantlera SSWs must negotiate these realities in
the everyday practice of working in the immigrantserving schools where they are embedded.
FINDINGS
SSWs’ ability to be border crossers means that they
see, understand, and value the various positionalities of immigrant students (Aguilar-Valdez et al.,
2013). As nepantleras, they must also grasp how
immigrant students are affected by an unwelcoming receiving context and how these students experience anti-immigrant sentiment and the various
cultural borders encountered in school. Nepantlera
actions involve taking risks (Koshy, 2006). In the
context of discussing the challenges of her job, for
example, a white female SSW at a school in South
Carolina said, “A student of mine just got arrested.
He doesn’t have papers. Will he get deported? He
was near a conflict that broke out, and he was
arrested along with his friends. Does he have any
rights?” Then, later in the interview, this respondent explained how she intervenes to help immigrant students who are in this position: “I have to
teach the kids how to navigate the law without
breaking it, and sometimes it [being a social
worker] is about breaking or bending rules.”
When she shared these examples, her tone and
pauses suggested that she was grappling with how
to best serve her students. She noted that her work
had a “moral” dimension to it but that this created
a tension for her because, while she certainly did
not want to lose her job, she felt that her duty was
to serve kids.
An arguably less transformative approach to operating as a border crosser—and more common in
our sample of SSWs—is to shield immigrant students from hostile systems by helping them negotiate complex social and bureaucratic environments.
Rather than break the rules, here SSWs offer students navigational guidance. Navigational guidance does not directly challenge the power
structures that target immigrant youths, and it
does not put SSWs in a position where they might
lose their jobs. When asked how she would describe her role, a Latina SSW in South Carolina
responded that she views herself as “the liaison between the school and [immigrant] families.” This
means knowing and understanding aspects of her
students’ experience that may otherwise go overlooked so that she can help them negotiate unwelcoming systems. For example, she began to see
how high school students with Deferred Action
for Childhood Arrivals in her district were struggling with the transition to college due to a state
law that disqualifies them from in-state tuition at
public colleges and universities. In response, she
developed a comprehensive college resource guide
for students that includes information for them
and their families about how to apply, considerations when choosing a school, and how to pay for
tuition.
For a white female SSW in Texas, helping immigrant students negotiate the hyper-surveilled
community in and around the school meant providing them with guidance about their appearance,
to avoid being mislabeled as a gang member by local police or the judge in immigration court.
Knowing that these authorities are prone to make
an initial assessment based on how a young person
presents themselves, the SSW stocks a closet in her
office with business-casual attire and coaches her
students on how to speak and behave while in their
neighborhood and while addressing a judge in
court. In effect, her guidance is helping them alter
the presentation of their public selves as a protective strategy—what Garcı́a (2014) called “passing
as American”—to avoid discriminatory treatment
by authorities in hostile environments. She also
gives her immigrant students wallet-sized cards
with her contact information in the event they are
detained by the police. She knows that the students
are unlikely to provide law enforcement with their
parents’ contact information for fear that their
loved ones might be caught up in the immigration
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fronted by racial ascription when I attended college
as a first-generation student. My father was a Cuban immigrant who came to the United States in
his late 20s but died when I was only three years
old. So, while I am a child of an immigrant and a
mixed-race Latina, my social class status often felt
the most salient; thus, I struggled to answer “Who
are you?” or “What are you?” This provides (what
feels like) superficial context for why I struggle with
and lean into Anzaldúa’s nepantlera concept—the
tensions, pain, and interplay of institutional or structural ascription and personal or self-articulation that
accompany intersectional positionalities are both
uncomfortable and hopeful. Even within the context of our open-minded and thoughtful research
team, I continue to struggle through my own understanding of racial and ethnic social location and
class-based identity and how to locate myself in the
work I do with immigrant communities as a citizen
and researcher.
6
that her school, health care, child welfare, and
other institutional forms of support do not help
immigrant children in her state of Georgia. Her
role as an SSW, therefore, is to “piece together”
these broken parts so she can help families “jump
from one raft to another.” However, the school
where she works does not fully understand her
role. They see her interventions as “small” and tedious. When teachers are asked to help, they “get
exasperated easily” with helping immigrant families navigate broken systems. “I’m working in the
South,” she explained.
I think there are a lot of teachers and administrators who don’t get it—immigration . . . I
do a lot of educating my coworkers about
why things might be the way they are and
try to challenge their assumptions about
what’s happening with a kid.
Other school personnel do value her contribution,
because she connects students to supports within
and across systems that are unfriendly to immigrants, not because they embrace her framework
toward advancing equity:
[Our district] is really making an effort to
train teachers in restorative justice and how
to work with our population productively.
But teachers don’t get into it. They have
such a different training and frame of mind.
My skills are very different—the things they
don’t know how to do . . . So it’s pretty
easy to make school people happy by just
knowing how to get food, or knowing
how to get a power bill paid, or how to get
a coach for a kid.
DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION
Given the complexity of intersectionality (McCall,
2008) and efforts to advance intersectionality into
new discursive spaces (Carbado, Crenshaw, Mays,
& Tomlinson, 2013; Cho, Crenshaw, & McCall,
2013), nepantlera offers an important paradigm
for school social work practice. It is a useful framework for understanding the intersectionality of immigrant students’ numerous positionalities, gathering
information from the relevant context, and allowing SSWs to view schools as borderlands where
the social and cultural boundaries influencing
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enforcement machinery. If the student contacts
her first, however, she may be able to help mediate.
These actions do not directly challenge the structures that police the presence of immigrants, but
the SSW arguably subverts these structures by limiting their reach. As such, her actions may represent a form of resistance, even if they do nothing to
directly challenge the immigrant “threat” narrative
that is part of her students’ everyday experience
(Blackwell, 2010; Chavez, 2013).
Providing navigational forms of guidance for
immigrant students can also require that SSWs negotiate the politics of advocacy within their own
schools and districts. For example, when we asked
her to identify the biggest challenges for immigrant
students in her district, a Latina SSW described the
raids that Immigration and Customs Enforcement
(ICE) conducts in her community. After one raid,
immigrant parents were afraid to pick up their children from school, so the SSW provided the students with Know Your Rights (KYR) training and
a package of information for their parents. The
training was impromptu and unadvertised to avoid
drawing scrutiny from the district. Although she
said ICE raids happen several times a year, the
SSW avoids holding big community KYR sessions
with immigrant families. These kinds of meetings
would bring “more attention and more trouble,”
so she and her colleagues do not advertise how
they advocate: “We keep it to ourselves.” Similarly, the SSW from Texas explained that advocating for immigrant students has sometimes involved
challenging teachers and administrators who, from
her perspective, unfairly react to student misbehavior without considering the larger context. In effect, she has constructed an us/them divide, which
positions her on the side of immigrant students visà-vis non-allied school personnel. Her approach to
navigational guidance for immigrant students is to
maintain a discreet profile to avoid stirring up controversy in a school that may not approve of her
approach.
Navigational—rather than transformational—
strategies reflect how SSWs perceive their own position within the school hierarchy and the power
they have to exercise systemic change. One respondent, a white second-generation European
immigrant, stated, “I really just serve the people
who aren’t able to access the system.” But she
also described the system as “broken,” meaning
their work in a human rights framework within
the U.S. context, claiming those same rights and
privileges for immigrant students. SSWs as nepantleras “see” the intersecting and oppressive power
structures that affect the everyday lives of immigrant students and families and work to transform
these systems.
There are many ways for SSWs to be nepantleras. Being a nepantlera means resisting the dominant narrative of immigrant families as “needy”
that characterizes a cultural deficit perspective. It
means helping immigrant families orient themselves to a broken system of supports, piecing together programs and services—a task that no one
else in the school may be willing or able to do.
SSWs engaged in border-crossing behavior may
put information in the hands of immigrant families
so they know their rights when confronted by
ICE.
Finally, using this concept as researchers requires
self-awareness and a critical understanding of our
own positionality. While our application of nepantlera has provided new insights into the role of
SSWs in immigrant-serving schools, it has also laid
bare our own biases and inherent tensions as
researchers. This vulnerability prompted us as a
team to struggle to achieve conocimiento, or acknowledge our own privilege, and to engage in
critical reflection and transparency with each other
about potential or actual blind spots through the
process. For example, two of our team members
were looking for mere indicators of nepantlera—
evidence of its expression in the social world, like
the advocacy activities of SSWs—rather than a
more holistic representation that would honor the
legacy and richness of the concept. This process itself was Anzaldúa’s intention. One’s understanding
of the concept is developed through the interaction between the reader and the text, with each
person’s social location shaping the interpretation
while simultaneously guarding against the appropriation of her theory through a superficial application (Keating, 2009). Nepantlera reflects a way of
being and knowing. Our own research experiences have underscored that we, too, undergo a continual process of transformation as scholars and
collaborators, continually becoming researchers
who are aware of our positionality and that how it
influences our respective epistemologies is ongoing and deserves constant attention.
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immigrant students are formed, replicated, and
challenged.
Becoming a nepantlera is an evolutionary process
rather than an end state. While some SSWs seem to
embody what Anzaldúa describes as nepantlera,
many others exhibit only aspects of it—they have
some qualities of being a nepantlera but are on a longer developmental trajectory of personal transformation. Villarreal Sosa (2019) suggested that nepantla
leads to personal transformation by way of critical
self-reflection and awareness. The notion of personal transformation suggests a developmental process, and many of our respondents explained that
their views, interventions, and styles have evolved.
Their work with immigrant students at the point
of the interview was different than it was five or
10 years earlier. There are numerous explanations
for this change, including shifts in the sociopolitical
context that has transformed the experiences of
immigrants themselves. With exposure to immigrant students and in response to the changing
policy context, SSWs in immigrant-serving
schools may be developing new and enhanced sensibilities or conocimiento that equip them to be
nepantleras.
Borderlands is a concept that was born from
Anzaldúa’s experience of growing up along the
U.S.–Mexican border as a farmworker’s daughter,
living in extreme poverty (Hurtado, 2020). For
Chicanas like Anzaldúa, the connection to Mexico
and the border is an ancestral and political one.
Borderlands theory conceptualizes oppression as
intersecting systems of oppression that are fluid and
nuanced, embodying different forms of resistance
that are not always easy to measure or analyze
(Hurtado, 2020). Thus, understanding SSWs as
nepantleras requires a nuanced and contextualized
perspective that considers their own path toward
conocimiento as well as the possibilities for action
within their own local context.
Furthermore, Chicana feminists such as Anzaldúa do not situate themselves as “foreign”; rather,
they ground themselves as U.S. based and therefore claim all rights and privileges associated with
that social location. SSWs who act as nepantleras
can be considered cultural navigators, bridge
builders, and advocates (Villarreal Sosa & Martin,
2021). Anzaldúa’s notions of nepantlera actions include challenging others and social transformation
(Villarreal Sosa, 2019). Articulating this nepantla
framework can help develop SSWs who ground
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nepantleras supplies conceptual and practical strategies that school-based mental health professionals
can use. This new knowledge addresses the persistent inequalities and restricted opportunities that
immigrant students encounter when they cross
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Leticia Villarreal Sosa, PhD, is professor, Graduate School
of Social Work, Dominican University, River Forest, IL.
Benjamin Roth, PhD, is associate professor, College of Social
Work, University of South Carolina, Hamilton College, Columbia, SC. Sophia Rodriguez, PhD, is assistant professor,
University of Maryland, College Park. Address correspondence
to Benjamin Roth, College of Social Work, University of
South Carolina, Hamilton College, Room 326, Columbia,
SC 29208; e-mail: rothbj@sc.edu.
Original manuscript received January 30, 2020
Final revision received April 17, 2021
Editorial decision April 27, 2021
Accepted May 13, 2021
SOSA, ROTH, AND RODRIGUEZ / Crossing Borders: Exploring the Role of School Social Workers in Immigrant-Serving Schools
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