Adab

This essay examines the role and meaning of Shaykh Mushrif al-Dīn “Saʻdī” Shīrāzī’s Gulistān in late Mughal India. As the prose primer for a Persian education, the Gulistān encompassed the double meaning of adab, as exemplar both of literary form and of proper conduct. I explore instances in which the original text is cited in the work of Sirāj al-Din ʻAli Khān Ārzū (1689-1756 CE), a scholar and poet, who also wrote a commentary on the text. I then explore the larger context of Ārzū’s life and work in the context of mid- eighteenth-century Delhi, to situate the stakes of social and literary adab in a time of political fragmentation and social upheaval. Patronized by high-ranking Mughal officials, Ārzū was engaged in a larger project of recouping the cultural prestige of the imperial capital as political power devolved to regional centers in the face of factional politics and external invasion. Such an analysis seeks to historicize particular readings of classical texts of Persianate education.

Türk tarihi ve tasavvuf tarihi bakımından önemli bir yere sahip olan Halvetilik, Anadolu’da ilk defa Amasya’da ortaya çıkmıştır. Halvetilik, her zümreden insana hitap etmesiyle pek çok coğrafyada etkinliğini sürdürmüştür. Mevlevilik ya da Nakşibendilik gibi belli kesimlere hitap etmeyen Halvetilik, pek çok kola ayrılmış olmasıyla Türk tasavvuf tarihinde dikkat çekmiş ve “tarikat fabrikası” olarak adlandırılmıştır. Tekke sayısının diğer tarikatlardan fazla olması da onun etkinlik alanını
göstermesi bakımından dikkate değer bir özelliğidir. Yoğun ilgi gören bir tarikat olarak Halvetilik birçok araştırmaya konu olmasına rağmen tarikatın adap ve ritüellerinin tam olarak ortaya koyulmadığı, tarikat adabıyla ilgili yazılmış eserlerin incelenerek henüz literatüre kazandırılmadığı görülmektedir. Bu çalışmada, Halvetiliğin İstanbul’a taşınmasında önemli rolü olan 17. yüzyıl Halvetî şeyhlerinden Abdülmecid Sivasî’nin tarikatın adap ve ritüellerinden bahseden eseri Mi’yâr-ı Tarîk tanıtılacaktır. Çalışmada Halvetiliğin Türk tasavvuf tarihindeki yerine kısaca değinildikten sonra konuyla ilgili bilimsel çalışmalara yer verilecektir. Sonrasında ise eserin muhtevası ve tespit edilen iki nüshası incelenecektir

Medieval wisdom literature and its translation and adaptation from one language into another is a field of study to which contemporary scholars have dedicated several works. Unlike the Arabic, Hebrew, Latin, and Castilian traditions that have received a great deal of attention, the wisdom-literature production in Judeo-Arabic has been neglected in recent scholarship. The following pages present the Kitāb maḥāsin al-’ādāb (The Book of Excellent Conduct), a Judeo-Arabic sapiential work written in the second half of the fifteenth century, which is an adaptation or a shorter translation of a Hebrew work, Mishlei he-‘arav (The Sayings of the Arabs), written in the Iberian Peninsula or Provence at the beginning of the thirteenth century. Furthermore, an edition and a translation into English of the prologue and the index of the work are provided.

This paper surveys and analyzes the written, oral, and aural sources of two major anthologies, the Yatımat al-dahr fı mahāsin ahl al-ʿasṛ and its sequel the Tatimmat al-Yatıma of Abū Mansur al-Thaʿālibı, which deal exclusively with contemporary literature
based on geographical regions. The paper uncovers a network of littérateurs, active in the second half of the fourth/10th century, who constituted the major authorities for both works. The survey of the sources in the Yatıma and the Tatimma strongly evinces a
return to oral transmission, necessitated by the newness of the information that had yet to be recorded in books. The survey also reveals the use of complementary transmissions through dıwāns, books, and other written materials. This distribution of sources is not uniform throughout the aqsām of the Yatıma and the Tatimma.

يُنشر كتاب خاصّ الخاصّ في الأمثال للثعالبي بعد تحقيقه عن مخطوطةٍ فريدة في مجموعة آيا صوفيا. والكتاب مختلف عن كتاب الثعالبيّ المعنون خاصّ الخاصّ الذي كان قد حُقّق ونشر مرارًا. يقع الكتاب في ثلاثة أقسامٍ مبوّبة حسب الموضوعات، ويختار الثعالبيّ لكلّ قسمٍ طريقةً خاصّةً في عرض المادّة، مبتعدًا بذلك عن النسق المعجميّ الذي عُرفت به كتب الأمثال. وقد جعل القسم الأوّل فيما يُتمثّل به من ألفاظ القرآن وما جاء في معانيها من الخبر وأمثال العرب والعجم وما يقاربها من ألفاظ الخاصّة والعامّة. ويجمع الثعالبي في القسم الثاني أمثال طبقات الناس وذوي المراتب المتباينة والصناعات المختلفة. ويعتمد التدرّج الطبقيّ بدءًا بالأمثال السلطانيّة والملوكيّة، انتقالًا إلى الأمثال المعنيّة بالوزراء والكتّاب والبلغاء، وانتهاءً بأمثال النساء فالصبيان فالعبيد.  أمّا في القسم الثالث فيجمع الثعالبي مختارات من الأمثال التي جاءت على أفعل من كذا، ولم يتضمّنها كتاب أبي عبدالله حمزة بن الحسن الأصبهانيّ.

Lamenting that “the concept of literary study is broadened . . . so radically that it becomes identical with the whole history of humanity,” René Wellek implores scholars instead to “face the problem of ‘literariness’.” This essay considers Wellek’s formalist conception of literariness alongside what might appear its counterpoint: the historically situated understanding of adab. Just how universal is Wellek’s concept of literariness? In what ways does adab reaffirm or undermine its pertinence across textual traditions? Rather than present Wellek’s formalism and adab as opposites, this essay notes their common grounding in the pedagogical and ethical registers of the term literature—understood less as a canon of texts than as a set of practices and disciplines. Moving between the institutional foundations of modern literary study in Egypt, a footnote from Jirjī Zaydān’s literary history, and reflections on literature by the Orientalist H.A.R. Gibb, the various subsections consider how emergent definitions of literature and adab turn on assertions of how to read, respond and relate to texts. In the end, this shifted emphasis posits world literature less as an amalgam of particular textual traditions than as the disciplines and practices that inscribe how literature comes to matter.

Masih ditemukan Sufi yang tidak mengindahkan adab, terutama kepada sesama darwis maupun terhadap gurunya (mursyid). Misalnya ia membelakangi guru, merasa gurunya saja yang benar bisa dijadikan panutan atau terkadang tidak menyimak apa yang disampaikan guru. Perlu diketahui, seorang Mursyid adalah dokter hati. Apapun pelajaran yang disampaikan seorang mursyid itu adalah obat untuk hati dan pikiran sang murid.

This study undertakes a political reading of the ʿIqd al-farīd by Ibn ʿAbd Rabbih (246/860-328/940). It proposes
to identify this adab encyclopaedia, composed in Cordova as a “caliphal” composition, by interpreting its
conceptual agenda and compositional structure against the background of (neo-) Umayyad caliphal ideology
as reconstructed by Janina Safran and Gabriel Martinez-Gros. It reads the text as “imperialistic” in its claim to
represent Umayyad leadership, as unique and universal, against that of its contemporary rivals, the Abbasids
and Fatimids. The Umayyads in al-Andalus suffered from a peculiarly precarious legitimacy, since, in contrast to
the Abbasids and Fatimids, they could not refer to a kinship link to the Prophet. Their territory was also situated
far outside the central lands of Islam and did not dominate the Holy Sites in the Ḥijāz (required for a caliph),
which was a source of embarrassment. Therefore, there was a particularly strong need for a consistent ideology
to compensate for this weakness. The study concentrates on three arguments. First, that the ʿIqd al-Farīd was
written by a man of the Umayyad regime under the tutelage of the caliph; second, that the ʿIqd reflects a cultural
program that aimed at educating Cordovan elites according to cultural models set forth by caliphal Baghdad;
and third, that, as an encyclopaedia, it reflects an inclusive, globalizing, culturally imperialistic program that
matched the contemporaneous caliphal universal aspirations of the Umayyad regime.

ABSTRAK Isu pergaulan pelajar sesama manusia sentiasa mendapat perhatian masyarakat dan media sosial. Pengetahuan dan kefahaman adab perlu ditekankan terhadap pelajar bagi menangani permasalahan pergaulan pelajar. Kajian literatur ini bertujuan untuk mengenalpasti adab pergaulan sesama manusia. Kajian ini menggunakan kepustakaan dan kaedah analisis dokumen dengan merujuk buku adab pergaulan serta bahan-bahan terbitan seperti artikel dan akhbar. Hasil kajian mendapati, antara kesan pergaulan yang sihat, kita dapat saling berhubungan mengadakan pendekatan antara satu sama lain dan saling bantu membantu dan saling memenuhi dalam keperluan. Agama Islam kita telah menyeru dan mengajak kaum muslimin, bergaul di antara kaum muslimin, baik bersifat peribadi orang perseorangan, mahupun badan dalam bentuk kesatuan. Malah, dengan pergaulan kita dapat mencapai sesuatu yang berguna untuk kepentingan masyarakat yang adil dan makmur, dalam membina masyarakat yang berakhlaqul karimah. Kata kunci: adab, pergaulan, al-Quran dan al-sunnah.
ABSTRACT The issue of social interaction with fellow human beings has always been attentive to society and social media. Thus, students need to be exposed to prior knowledge which is hoped to act as a tool to shield them from harm. Knowledge, understanding of manners needs to be made aware to overcome this problem. This study is intended to identify manners of human relationships. This study uses the method of library research and document analysis with reference to the books of tafsir, thesis, dissertation, seminar proceedings, the books of association, published materials such as articles and newspaper. The study found out, we can interact with each other to make approaches between one another and help each other help and meet each other in needs. Our Islam has appealed to and invited the Muslims, associating among Muslims, both personal and body in the form of unity. In fact, with association we can achieve something that is useful for the benefit of a just and prosperous society, in fostering a society that has good moral character.

Dalam dunia pendidikan etika merupakan sesuatu yang wajib ada, sehingga seorang penuntut ilmubuka hanya belajar ilmu pengatuan tapi juga akhlak, serta adab. Namus zaman modern ini akhlak dalam pendidikan mulai luntur sehingga banyak lulusan sekolah bahkan sarjana yang tidak memiliki sopan santun meski berwawan luas. Oleh karena itu perlu adanya penanaman akhlak kepada para pencari ilmu. Akhlak-akhlak termuat dalam kitab Adabul 'Alim wal Muta'allim karya KH. Hasyim Asy'ari.

Sehebat itukah Keajaiban Cinta - Mampu Merubah Segala. Namun, Bagaimanakah Menilai Cinta? atau mungkin ia sesuatu yang tiada nilaiannya. www.raimisyazwan.com Cinta itu boeh menjelma dalam pelbagai rupa yang muncul dalam kehidupan dan memberikan nilai dan rencah yang pelbagai rupa, warna dan rasa.

Readers of the pre-modern Arabic literary tradition recognized sarcastic speech acts. Sarcasm operates through a negative, illocutionary assessment relative to an inter-subjectively fixed standard, and implicates competing claims to authority. Pre-modern Arabic linguistic theorists articulated a number of concepts to describe a sarcastic speech act that exhibits a conflict between "apparent" and "hidden" meanings (tahakkum, istihzāʾ, sukhrīyah), thus requiring para-textual evidence to serve as a decisive factor for disambiguation. Instances of sarcasm and texts composed in a sarcastic voice appeared in a variety of Arabic literary genres, including exegesis, biography, and poetry. Textually-inclined scholars rarely discussed sarcasm as a mode of discourse because its recognition depends on the reader's use of inductive reasoning, a strategy of reading which these same scholars, in their attempts to systematize theories of Arabic grammar and language, either regarded as problematic or discouraged outright.

See also the following studies that exhibit significant overlap in approach or content:

• Satire
(Arabic) Sherif Abdelkarim, "Ibn al-Khaṭīb: Character Assassin," PMLA 137(1) (2022):70–87. Available at: https://bit.ly/3ArPNVc
(Persian) Riccardo Zipoli, Irreverent Persia: Invective, Satirical and Burlesque Poetry from the Origins to the Timurid Period (10th to 15th Centuries). Leiden: Leiden University Press, 2015. Available at: https://bit.ly/3EHgd7O

• Use of inductive reasoning
Robert Gleave, Islam and Literalism: Literal Meaning and Interpretation in Islamic Legal Theory (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press), especially 63–93 (chapter 3, "The Emergence of Literal Meaning in Early Islamic Thought"). Available at: https://bit.ly/3AP259w

• Irony in the Qurʾān
Mustansir Mir, "Irony in the Qurʾān: A Study of the Story of Joseph," in Literary Structures of Religious Meaning in the Qurʾān, ed. Issa J. Boullata, 173–187. New York: Routledge, 2004. Available at: bit.ly/40tQvfT

مقامة مفقودة لبديع الزمان الهمذانيّ؟

بلال الأرفه لي (الجامعة الأميركيّة في بيروت)
موريس بوميرانتز (جامعة نيويورك-أبو ظبي)

مستخلص
يقدِّم هذا المقال مقامةً غير معروفة منسوبة لبديع الزمان الهمذانيّ (ت ٣٩٨/١٠٠٨). ويبدأ بعرض الدراسات المتعلِّقة بمخطوطات مقامات الهمذانيّ ثمّ يناقش أدلّة حِفْظ نصّ هذه المقامة في مخطوط وحيد في جامعة يال، مكتبة باينكي، مجموعة سالسبري، رقم ٦٣، (Yale University, Beinecke Library, Salisbury, Collection no. 63). وإنّ هذا المخطوط المنسوخ بتاريخ ٦٠٣/١٢٠٦، كان معروفًا من قِبَل الباحثين الأوروبيِّين، فقد كان بحوزة إفيرارد شايدياس (Everard Scheidius) (١٧٤٢-١٧٩٤) وسيلفستر دي ساسي (Silvestre de Sacy) (١٧٧٥-١٨٣٨) وإدوارد آلدريج سالسبري (Edward Eldridge Salsbury) (١٨١٤-١٩٠١). وإنّ المقامة التي حفظها هذا المخطوط تصف حيلةَ طبيب محتال يبيع عقاقيرَ مزيَّفة مُدَّعيًا إعدادها من موادّ  طبّيّة (material medica) نادرة. ويقدّم المقال صورة طبق الأصل عن نصّ هذه المقامة مُرفَقًا بترجمة إلى الإنكليزية مزوّدة بهوامش، ثمّ يقدِّم تحليلًا مُفصَّلًا للمقامة من حيث الشكل والموضوع واللغة والأسلوب، وذلك بالمقارنة بينها وبين مقامات الهمذانيّ الأخرى. ويُختتم بفرضيات عدَّة حول موثوقيّة هذا النصّ المفقود.

كلمات مفتاحيّة: مقامات، بديع الزمان الهمذانيّ، مخطوطات، أدب عربيّ، طبّ.

ÖZET: 19. yüzyılın ikinci yarısından itibaren siyasi, iktisadi ve sosyo-kültürel anlamda yaşanan hızlı değişim ve dönüşüm sürecinde Osmanlı üst sınıflarının yeme alışkanlıkları ve sofra düzeni değişmeye başlamıştır. Evin farklı mekânlarına rahatlıkla yerleştirilebilen ve etrafına çok sayıda kişinin oturabildiği siniden, salonda veya yemek odasında belirli bir yer işgal eden ve etrafındaki kişi sayısının sandalye sayısı ile sınırlı olduğu masa düzenine geçilmesi, herkesin birlikte uzandığı ortak tabağın yerini kişiye özel tabakların alması ve kaşığın yanında çatal-bıçak gibi yeni gereçlerin kullanılmaya başlanması alafranga olarak tabir edilen yeni sofra adabını beraberinde getirmiştir. Kişinin terbiyesi ve medenilik derecesinin göstergesi olarak kabul edilen sofra âdâbı, geç dönem Osmanlı âdâb-ı muâşeret kitaplarında en fazla ehemmiyet gösterilen konular arasında yer almaktadır. Bu makalede, geç dönem Osmanlı âdâb-ı muâşeret kitaplarının (1889-1918) sofra âdâbını nasıl ele aldıkları, referansları, hangi amaçla ve kimler için yazdıkları incelenmektedir. Ayrıca, âdâb-ı muâşeret kitaplarının yaygınlaşmaya başlayan alafranga sofra âdâbı karşısındaki farklı tavır ve tutumları açıklanmaya çalışılmaktadır.
ANAHTAR SÖZCÜKLER: sofra, âdâb-ı muâşeret, Osmanlı modernleşmesi, alafranga.

ABSTRACT: During the rapid change and transformation in the political, economic and socio-cultural realms that took place from the second half of the 19th century onwards, the eating habits of Ottoman upper classes began to change. Transition from the tray, which could be conveniently situated at different places at home and around which many people could sit, to the table, which occupied a particular place in the salon or dining room and where the number of people around was limited with the number of chairs, the replacement of a common plate, from which everyone ate together, with personal plates and the introduction of new utensils like the fork and knife besides the spoon brought about new table manners defined as à la Franca. Table manners regarded as an indicator of one’s civility, is among the most prominent issues in the late Ottoman etiquette books. In this article, how the late Ottoman etiquette books (1889-1918) approached table manners, their references, purpose and target audience are examined. The article also focuses on the demeanor and attitude of late Ottoman etiquette books towards the increasing popularity of à la Franca table manners.
KEYWORDS: table, etiquette, Ottoman modernization, à la Franca

L’une des confrontations les plus intéressantes à l’intérieur de la société arabe et islamique est celle qui voit s’opposer, mais selon des lignes de fracture complexes et changeantes, le réformisme/fondamentalisme d’une part et le soufisme d’autre part. Un angle particulièrement pertinent pour étudier opposition, mais aussi confrontations et rencontres, entre ces deux courants de pensée de l’islam est précisément l’étude de l’adab et de ses reformulations à partir du XIXe siècle – dans le contexte de la modernisation du monde musulman. Le soufisme élabore un système éthique qui repose sur le système éthique islamique classique, mais qui est plus complexe du point de vue introspectif, comme le montrent ses catégories morales, qui sont beaucoup plus détaillées. A partir de Jamāl al-Dīn al-Afghānī (m. 1897), les réformistes musulmans essayent de développer un nouveau type d’éthique, probablement aussi en compétition avec l’éthique de dérivation soufi. Dans ce but, ils récupèrent l’éthique du Tahdhīb al-akhlāq (Raffinement des mœurs) du célèbre philosophe persan Miskawayh (m. 1030), dérivée à son tour directement de l’éthique grecque et persane. En même temps, ils récupérèrent la théologie rationaliste mu‘tazilite, et même, d’une façon générale, la perspective mu‘tazilite qui privilégie la raison et la logique : cette démarche permet d’intégrer dans cette vision la nouvelle éthique « scientifique » moderne anglo- saxonne et européenne. Un cas très particulier est représenté, cependant, par le réformiste syrien Jamāl al-Dīn al-Qāsimī (m. 1914), dont la vision est proche de la salafiyya, mais dans laquelle il cherche à intégrer et à récupérer aussi l’apport doctrinal et la dimension spirituelle du soufisme. Son Jawāmi‘ al-ādāb fī-l-akhlāq wa-l-anjāb est un résumé très détaillé de toute l’éthique et l’éducation islamique, pliées en outre aux exigences sociales de la vie moderne, des relations familiales, jusqu’à proposer, entre autres, des manières correctes d’utiliser les nouveaux transports en commun ! L’analyse de ce texte fournit des indications précieuses sur la formation de l’éthique et de la morale arabes et islamiques contemporaines, tant dans leur rapport avec l’éthique classique islamique qu’avec l’éthique universelle et occidentale moderne.

ʿAbd Allāh b. al‑Muqaffaʿ (d. c. 756) is one of the fathers of literary Arabic prose in the eyes of both Arab and Occidental academic traditions. His work, along with others chancellery secretaries, without a doubt laid the foundations of a cultural phenomenon whose golden age came soon thereafter through the adab. He is thus a precursor of a new cultural era. That said, we have to admit that his oeuvre is at the close of another literary, and more generally cultural epoch, characterized by a focus on orality, and labelled by some as the archaic period and by others as the Arab antiquity. This article proposes to situate his writing exactly at this turning point. In contrast to previous scholarship, we are interested in Ibn al‐Muqa aʿ less as the founder of a prose tradition than one who was able to build bridges between two sensibilities. A new reading of his collection of animal fables Kalīla wa Dimna, an Arabic adaptation of the Indian Pañcatantra through its intermediary pehlevi version, allows us to observe a culturally complex work. Through the de nition of two archetypes in his work, the kātib, or the man who writes, and the rawī, or the man who recites, we aim at describing how coexist in the structure of Kalīla wa Dimna several schemas of thought that sometimes resonate with an « administrative spirit » which redefined Arabic as a language of written transmission, and sometimes let the narration speak as the heir of a strong oral tradition we observe in the same period in the writings called traditional, that is belonging to the religious sphere, such as Qur’anic exegesis, prophetic traditions, hagiography, etc.
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ʿAbd Allāh b. al‐Muqa aʿ (m. vers 756) est aux yeux de la tradition académique arabe et occidentale l’un des “pères” ayant contribué à la genèse de la prose littéraire arabe. Il est incontestable que son œuvre, parmi celles d’autres secrétaires de chancellerie, contribua à jeter les bases de tout un champ culturel qui connaîtra son âge d’or peu de temps après, à savoir l’adab. Elle se situe ainsi en amont d’une nouvelle ère culturelle. Cela étant, force est de constater que cette œuvre vient conclure une autre ère littéraire, et plus généralement culturelle, marqué par l’oralité et quali ée par les uns d’époque archaïque, par les autres d’antiquité arabe. Le présent travail propose de situer l’écriture de ce prosateur précisément dans ce moment charnière. Contrairement à l’opinion dominante, il s’intéresse moins à Ibn al‐Muqa aʿ comme fondateur d’une tradition prosaïque, qu’à Ibn al‐Muqa aʿ comme passeur. Une nouvelle lecture de son fablier Kalīla wa Dimna, adaptation arabe du Pañcatantra indien par l’intermédiaire de sa version pehlevi, permet ici d’observer une œuvre culturellement composite. La dé nition de deux  gures théoriques dans l’œuvre, le kātib, ou l’homme qui écrit, et le rawī, ou l’homme qui récite, vise à décrire la cohabitation dans la structure de Kalīla wa Dimna entre plusieurs schémas de pensée qui tantôt sont en consonance avec à un « esprit administratif » qui redé nit l’arabe comme langue d’écriture et de transmission écrite, tantôt laissent la narration s’exprimer comme héritière d’une forte tradition orale, laquelle est observable, à la même période, dans les écrits dits traditionnels, c’est‐à‐dire inscrits dans la sphère religieuse, telles l’exégèse coranique, les traditions prophétiques, l’hagiographie, etc.

Bu bildirimizde öncelikle, tarihî şahsiyeti daha evvel ortaya çıkarılmış bulunan Trabzonlu Köseç Ahmed Dede (öl.1777)’nin hayatı kısaca ele alınmıştır. Daha sonra Mevlevî âdâb, usûl ve erkânı hususunda özgün kaynak olarak vasıflandırılabilecek eserler arasında önemli bir yer işgal eden “et-Tuhfetü’l-Behiyye fi’t-Tarîkati’l-Mevleviyye” adlı te’lifi üzerinde durulmuştur.
Müellifin, Nakşî ve Halvetî iken Mevlevîliğe intisap ettikten sonra yazdığı bu eser; Arapça olmasının da tesiriyle kendisiyle aynı kaderi paylaşmıştır. Zira III. Selim’in Mevlevîliğe intisabına vesile olmaya varıncaya kadar yaşadığı asra damgasını vuran XVIII. yy’ın ünlü şâir ve mutasavvıfı Şeyh Gâlib’in yazdığı “es-Sohbetü’s-Sâfiyye” isimli tâlikâtla karıştırılmıştır. Bu yüzden Tuhfetü’l-Behiyye’nin Köseç Ahmed Dede’ye ait olduğu ortaya konulup nüshaları tanıtıldıktan sonra üzerinde yapılan çalışmalar ayrı ayrı değerlendirilmiştir.
Mevlevîliğin unutulmaya yüz tutan ve öğrenilmesi zorlaşan esaslarını meydana çıkarma bakımından ciddi katkılar sağlaması sebebiyle, ileri gelen Mevlevî büyüklerinin farklı seviyelerde ilgi gösterdiği risalenin; Mevlevilik açısından yerinin ne kadar önemli olduğu, dolayısıyla bilim dünyasının daha titiz incelemelerine muhtaç bulunduğu vurgulanmaya çalışılmıştır.

مجتمع القرن الرابع في مؤلّفات أبي حيّان التَّوحيدي

صدر عن دار المشرق كتاب مجتمع القرن الرابع في مؤلّفات أبي حيّان التوحيدي للدكتورة وداد القاضي بتحرير الدكتور بلال الأرفه لي. موضوع الكتاب هو الصورة الّتي رسمها أبو حيّان التوحيديّ (المتوفى سنة ٤١٤هـ/١٠٢٣م) لمجتمعه في القرن الرابع الهجريّ/العاشر الميلاديّ، وهي صورة شديدة الحيويّة، مليئة بالتفاصيل الدقيقة الّتي يتفرّد أبو حيّان بمعظمها، ولذلك لا يجدها الدارس عند غيره من المؤرّخين، ومن ثمّ قيمتها. وقد ساعد أبا حيّان على رسم تلك الصورة ذكاء حادّ، وثقافة عريضة تجمع بين الإسلاميّ والفلسفيّ، وسفر متّصل في شتّى أرجاء شرق الخلافة الإسلاميّة، من بغداد ومكّة إلى الريّ وشيراز، ولقاء لأعداد لا تُحصى من الناس، المشاهير منهم في شتّى حقول العلم والسياسة، والمغمورين من العامّة، بما في ذلك أولئك الذين يعيشون على أطراف المجتمع من الغوغاء والرّعاع، وقدرة فذّة على المراقبة ومتابعة الظواهر والبحث عن البواعث والأهداف الخفيّة القابعة خلف التصرّفات البشريّة، وعجز عن الانضواء الاجتماعيّ والانتماء لفريق واحد دون سواه، واشتغال جدّي بقضايا الإنسان الوجوديّة، وتراوح متّصل بين الواقع والمثال، ولسان حادّ لا يخشى صاحبه من التصريح بما يحذّر غيره من التلميح به، وتمكّنٌ عميق من اللغة العربيّة ومحبّة شديدة لها. وقبل هذا وذاك، قدرة بيانيّة خلّقة على الكتابة الفنّيّة، لا يكاد يدانيه أحد فيها من كتّاب النثر العربيّ في العصر الوسيط.

وداد القاضي أكاديميّة نالت الدكتوراه من الجامعة الأميركية في بيروت عام 1973، ودرّست فيها وفي جامعات هارفرد ويال وكولومبيا قبل استقرارها في جامعة شيكاغو أستاذة للفكر الإسلامي مدّة 21 عامًا حتّى تقاعدها سنة 2009. نشرت عددًا كبيرًا من الكتب والبحوث العلميّة في النثر العربي القديم والفكر السياسي الإسلامي وغير ذلك من الموضوعات. نالت العديد من الجوائز، منها جائزة الملك فيصل العالميّة (1994) والدكتوراه الفخريّة في الآداب من الجامعة الأميركيّة في بيروت (2012).

A study of Abraham Maimonides' program for training prophetic bodies as he elaborates it in in the Kifāyat al-ʿĀbidīn, with special attention to the ways in which his approach to the 'meanings of the commandments' breaks from earlier rabbinic tradition by relying on Sufi concepts of the self and prophecy.

This article presents and analyzes a new source on the relationship between hadith and Sufism, a juzʾ in the library of the University of Leipzig titled Juzʾ fīhi qiṣṣat al-ʿAbbās b. Ḥamza maʿa Dhī l-Nūn al-Miṣrī raḥmat Allāh ʿalayhi, “An Encounter of al-ʿAbbās b. Ḥamza with Dhū l-Nūn al-Miṣrī.” The text is an account of the visit of Abū l-Faḍl al-ʿAbbās b. Ḥamza b. Ashūsh of Nishapur (d. 288/901) to Dhū l-Nūn al-Miṣrī (d. ca 245/859-860), an influential figure in the early mystical tradition. By underlying the difference between a mainstream ḥadīth transmission and what the text calls ḥadīth al-riqāq (“heart-melting traditions”), the text helps to defend early ascetics and mystics against accusations of being “weak transmitters” of prophetical traditions

Keywords: al-ʿAbbās b. Ḥamza; Dhū l-Nūn al-Miṣrī; ḥadīth; Sufism; miḥna

There have been many theories explained and proposed by the experts as a solution to the whole problems in life. From political issues, economics, ecology, science and technology, religious issues, gender inequality, and education. This article tries to explain how education realm is proposed as main solution to each problem, including explores the history line to find the traces left behind. In this exploration, education is a field that must be used as the main path for universal reformation. However, emphasizing education as the main pathway here does not mean denying the role of the other pathways, in which all these processes must run simultaneously with other pathways. Education pathway requires every person to adore and appreciate knowledge, whether as an expert, learner, listener, or supporter. There are two characters must be avoided, namely anti-knowledge attitude (bebalism) which is reluctance to learn, often talk without thinking deeply, and hate knowledge; and abuse of knowledge (diabolism), namely the use of knowledge for bad deeds (immoral).

Islam at 250: Studies in Memory of G.H.A. Juynboll is a collection of original articles on the state of Islamic sciences and Arabic culture in the early phases of their crystallization. It covers a wide range of intellectual activity in the first three centuries of Islam, such as the study of ḥadīth, the Qurʾān, Arabic language and literature, and history. Individually and taken together, the articles provide important new insights and make an important contribution to scholarship on early Islam. The authors, whose work reflects an affinity with Juynboll's research interests, are all experts in their fields. Pointing to the importance of interdisciplinary approaches and signalling lacunae, their contributions show how scholarship has advanced since Juynboll's days.

Pendidikan yang ditawarkan oleh KH. Hasyim Asy’ari adalah pendidikan yang berbasis karakter yang sedang digembar-gemborkan oleh Menteri Pendidikan saat ini untuk dijadikan sebagai acuan dalam pembentukan karakter peserta didik. Itu artinya pemikiran pendidikan pengasas organisasi Islam terbesar di dunia ini telah melampaui zamannya.Pokok-pokok pemikiran pendidikan KH. Hasyim Asy’Ari, dapat dengan jelas diketahui dalam kitabnya, “Adabul ‘Alim wal Muta’allim”

Allen, Roger; Fernández Parrilla, Gonzalo; Rodríguez Sierra, Francisco and, Rooke, Tetz (eds.). New Geographies: Texts and Contexts in Modern Arabic Literature. Madrid: Ediciones Universidad Autónoma de Madrid, 2018. ISBN es: 978-84-8344-620-1