Anti-populism

The aim of this paper is to present how 'populism' is perceived in the website 'Anti-news' as a representative example of the Greek public discourse in the period between 2010-2016, when the economic crisis heavily affected Greece at a political and social level. The paper will also attempt to explain how populism is portrayed through this right-wing oriented media and how their audience perceives populism. Moreover, the paper offers an account of how 'anti-populism' is formulated within this medium and how it contributes to existing notions of anti-populism.

Drawing from the discursive-performative theoretical approach to the populism/anti-populism divide, this thesis offers a first-time attempt to measure anti-populism at the individual-level, as well as an exploration of its correlates. Using a primary cross-sectional web-based mode survey conducted between April 14th and June 10th, 2020, with a sample of 305 students and researchers from Swiss Universities, we were able to identify two latent factors of anti-populism: Anti RightWing Populism, which had a greater prevalence in our sample, and Anti Left-Wing Populism, with a rather neutral score. With regard to the correlates, we used hierarchical multiple regression analyses to test 17 variables grouped in six blocks associated with our exploratory hypotheses: (H1) socio-demographic; (H2) populism dimensions, elitism, and pluralism; (H3) media trust, (H4) Covid-19 outbreak impressions; (H5) democratic deficit and political support; and (H6) organizing principles. In general, our sample results suggest that populist attitudes were inversely correlated to both factors of Anti-Populism. Elitism and National News Media Trust also proved to be associated with the dependent variables, but with different directionality. Moreover, a greater sense of democratic deficit and blame attribution to Institutions for the Covid-19 spread had a positive effect on Anti Right-Wing Populism, while for Anti Left-Wing Populism, the effect was negative. Similarly, egalitarianism diverges in its directionality as it relates to left- or right-wing variables of anti-populism. Although exploratory and limited by a convenience sample, this work provides grounds and insights for future and more comprehensive research on anti-populism.

Resumen: Se busca mostrar la utilidad de la teoría del populismo en general y en particular para comprender la política local. Esto a través del análisis de un caso de política local en América Latina. Desde ese punto de vista se mira que Jorge Yunda logró una comprensión privilegiada de los códigos culturales de los sectores populares de la ciudad de Quito ejerciendo dotes comunicativas excepcionales y siendo dueño de un gran conglomerado de medios de comunicación. Eso le permitió llegar a ganar la elección a la alcaldía de la ciudad en 2019. La sorpresa de esa victoria muestra la volátil institucionalidad partidista local y una relacionada pobre conexión de la élite política con grandes sectores de la población de la ciudad en medio de manifestaciones clasistas y racistas en contra de Yunda. Aquello se mira a través de una narrativa analítica del ascenso social y político de Yunda. Abstract: The article seeks to show the usefulness of the theory of populism in general and in particular for understanding local politics. That is done through an analysis of a case of local politics in Latin America. From that point of view it is argued that Jorge Yunda achieved a privileged understanding of the cultural codes of popular sectors of the city of Quito through an execution of exceptional communicational talents and being the owner of a big media conglomerate. That allowed him to win the 2019 election to Mayor of the city. The surprise of that victory showed the volatile local party institutionality and a related poor connection of that political elite with large sectors of population of the city in the middle of classist and racist manifestations against Yunda. That is seen through an analytical narrative of the social and political ascent of Yunda.

An approach is proposed towards an understanding of the relationships in Latin America between left wing parties and populist movements and that is applied to the case of Ecuador. The left wing and populist movements in Latin America have related between each other in three possible forms: fusion or “left wing populism”, collaboration without fusion, opposition and conflict. “Left wing populism” is a fusion used by the left towards achieving an expansion of its social and electoral base through the assimilation of discursive and organizational forms similar to successful populist movements and leaders even though the risks of that strategy. In Ecuador the second and third forms of relationship mainly happened, until the failed attempt of the first one with the government of Lucio Gutierrez (2002-2005) and the more successful case of that with the government of Rafael Correa (2007-2017).

Se propone un enfoque para comprender las relaciones en América Latina entre partidos de izquierda y movimientos populistas, y se lo aplica al caso ecuatoriano. La izquierda y los populismos de América Latina se han relacionado históricamente en tres formas posibles: fusión o "populismo de izquierda", colaboración sin fusión, oposición y conflicto. El "populismo de izquierda" es una conjunción utilizada por la izquierda para expandir su base social y electoral por medio de asimilar formas discursivas y organizativas similares a los populismos más exitosos, pese a los riesgos de aquello. En Ecuador principalmente se dio la segunda y tercera forma de relacionamiento, hasta el intento fallido de la primera con el gobierno de Lucio Gutiérrez y otro más exitoso con el gobierno de Rafael Correa.