Brexit UK

ABSTRACT & RÉSUMÉ & ZUSAMMENFASSUNG : Although Britain has been so far the hardest hit among the EU member states by the corona pandemic, Johnson persists to leave the EU at the end of 2020, whatever the cost. Presumably, the pandemic will have a by far bigger impact on the UK African trade than a no-deal Brexit. In Sub-Saharan Africa, South Africa had been arguably the hardest hit country both by Brexit and Corona. However, the poor, mainly working in the informal sector, were more concerned about the economic impact of the pandemic than the disease itself. In Nigeria, many people envisaged Corona as a plague of the rich and the elite. President Buhari shared the hubris of many British that they are less vulnerable to the pandemic and could continue with high-flying Post-Brexit plans. Ghana counts among those countries in Sub-Sahara Africa which has been most severely hit by the corona pandemic. But unlike South Africa and Nigeria, the direct effects of the pandemic on the downturn of its economy are not as significant as in other African states. In Kenya the number of corona-death had been much lower than for the SARS pandemic of 2003, but the transmission of the COVID-19 virus had been significantly greater. Nevertheless, many Kenyan’s saw the Brexit as a disguised blessing because they pined their hope on massive FDI by UK investors. In any case, it is clear beyond doubt that those who are to suffer most by the combined effects of the corona-pandemic and Brexit in Africa (and presumably world-wide) are the poor and vulnerable. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- RÉSUMÉ : Bien que la Grande-Bretagne ait jusqu'à présent été la plus durement touchée par la pandémie corona parmi les États membres de l'UE, Johnson persiste à quitter l'UE fin 2020, quel qu'en soit le coût. Vraisemblablement, la pandémie aura un impact beaucoup plus important sur le commerce africain du Royaume-Uni qu'un Brexit sans accord. En Afrique subsaharienne, l'Afrique du Sud a probablement été le pays le plus durement touché par le Brexit et Corona. Cependant, les pauvres, travaillant principalement dans le secteur informel, étaient plus préoccupés par l'impact économique de la pandémie que par la maladie elle-même. Au Nigéria, beaucoup de gens considéraient Corona comme un fléau pour les riches et l'élite. Le président Buhari a partagé l'orgueil de nombreux Britanniques selon lesquels ils sont moins vulnérables à la pandémie et pourraient continuer avec des plans de haut vol après le Brexit. Le Ghana compte parmi les pays d'Afrique subsaharienne qui ont été les plus durement touchés par la pandémie de corona. Mais contrairement à l'Afrique du Sud et au Nigéria, les effets directs de la pandémie sur le ralentissement de son économie ne sont pas aussi importants que dans d'autres États africains. Au Kenya, le nombre de décès par effet corona a été beaucoup plus faible que pour la pandémie de SRAS de 2003, mais la transmission du virus COVID-19 a été nettement plus importante. Néanmoins, de nombreux Kenyans ont vu le Brexit comme une bénédiction déguisée car ils portaient leur espoir sur le IDE massif des investisseurs britanniques. En tout état de cause, il est clair, sans aucun doute, que ceux qui souffriront le plus des effets combinés de la pandémie corona et du Brexit en Afrique (et vraisemblablement dans le monde entier) sont les pauvres et les vulnérables. ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- ZUSAMMENFASSUNG : Obwohl Großbritannien unter den EU-Mitgliedstaaten bislang am stärksten von der Koronapandemie betroffen war, besteht Johnson weiterhin darauf, die EU Ende 2020 zu verlassen, unabhängig von den Kosten. Vermutlich wird die Pandemie einen weitaus größeren Einfluss auf den afrikanischen Handel im Vereinigten Königreich haben als ein No-Deal-Brexit. In Afrika südlich der Sahara war Südafrika sowohl vom Brexit als auch von Corona das vermutlich am stärksten betroffene Land. Die Armen, die hauptsächlich im informellen Sektor tätig sind, waren jedoch mehr besorgt über die wirtschaftlichen Auswirkungen der Pandemie als über die Krankheit selbst. In Nigeria stellten sich viele Menschen Corona als Plage der Reichen und der Elite vor. Präsident Buhari teilte die Hybris vieler Briten, dass sie weniger anfällig für die Pandemie sind und mit hochfliegenden Plänen nach dem Brexit fortfahren könnten. Ghana zählt zu den Ländern in Subsahara-Afrika, die ebenfalls mit am stärksten von der Koronapandemie betroffen sind. Im Gegensatz zu Südafrika und Nigeria sind die direkten Auswirkungen der Pandemie auf den wirtschaftlichen Abschwung jedoch nicht so bedeutend wie in anderen afrikanischen Staaten. In Kenia war die Zahl der Koronatoten viel geringer als bei der SARS-Pandemie von 2003, aber die Übertragung des COVID-19-Virus war signifikant höher. Dennoch sahen viele Kenianer den Brexit als verschleierten Segen an, weil sie ihre Hoffnung auf massive ausländische Direktinvestitionen britischer Investoren setzten. In jeden Fall ist klar, dass diejenigen, die am meisten unter den kombinierten Auswirkungen der Koronapandemie und des Brexit in Afrika (und vermutlich weltweit) leiden müssen, die Armen und Verletzlichen sind

In this interview, Catharine Des Forges, Director of the Independent Cinema Office (ICO) is asked about her views and experiences of UK film exhibition and audiences. The ICO is a London-based organisation that supports UK independent cinemas via programming, training, consultancy, film distribution, and events for cinema professionals. This interview is an account of Des Forges' motivations behind the establishment of the ICO, and its current activities relating to audience development. The focus is on independent or cultural cinema and its development in the UK since the 1990s. The interview was undertaken in April 2021, at a stage when the coronavirus pandemic lockdown measures in the UK were relaxing, but cinemas were still closed (and had been for most of the preceding 14 months). As a result, some of the discussion relates to the severely altered cinema exhibition landscape and the challenges it faces in the medium and long-term future.

Ξένη Δ. Μπαλωτή Με το Brexit κανείς δεν δικαιούται να γελάσει, αλλά να χαμογελάσει μπορεί. Είναι και αυτός ένας τρόπος για να καταπιεί το φαρμάκι. Άλλωστε, δεν φταίμε εμείς εάν οι Βρετανοί συνεχίζουν, παρά τις υπαρξιακές επιλογές τους, να διατηρούν το ανεπανάληπτο χιούμορ τους. Απόδειξη: δημιούργησαν ένα app που λειτουργεί ως γραφείο συνοικεσίων ώστε να φέρνει κοντά αποκλειστικά και μόνο αποφοίτους των μεγάλων ιδιωτικών σχολείων. Και επειδή δεν έχω καμία αμφιβολία ότι κάποιοι θα θελήσουν να ολοκληρώσουν τη γνώση τους επί του θέματος, ιδού και το όνομα: «Toffee Dating». Καθώς δεν χειρίζομαι καλά την τεχνολογία των app, ευτυχώς που η εφημερίδα New York Times (12.9.2019) μου παρείχε την ενημέρωση. Λοιπόν, ανάμεσα στα μεγάλα ιδιωτικά σχολεία είναι και το Eton. Η εφημερίδα δεν αναφέρει ότι από εκεί αποφοίτησε ο Μπ.Τζόνσον, αλλά μας είναι εύκολο να το καταλάβουμε μέσω της λογικής. Αφού ο Μπόρις έγινε πρωθυπουργός, άρα σπούδασε στο Eton! Συμφωνά με το δημοσίευμα, μία ημέρα πριν κάποια χρόνια ένας Eton-ίτης σπουδαστής γνώρισε μία νέα προλεταριακής καταγωγής και σύναψαν δεσμό. Εκείνη υπέθεσε ότι «σώθηκε» από την κατάσταση της «τίμιας πλην φτωχής νέας», εκείνος υπέθεσε ότι έκανε την μέγιστη επανάσταση, όχι λόγω της σχέσης του, αλλά λόγω των μαλλιών του. Είχε, λέει το δημοσίευμα, ωραίες μακριές ξανθές μπούκλες και αρνιόταν πεισματικά να τις κόψει, όπως απαιτούσε ο κανονισμός του σχολείου. Βασικό του επιχείρημα: είμαι κάτι διαφορετικό εντός της κοινωνικής μου τάξης. Απόδειξη και η σχέση μου με την «συντρόφισσα»! 58 0 58 Γραφείο συνοικεσίων «Eton» 15/12/2019

Brexit shocked liberal elites across Europe, instigating a burgeoning new field of research. Brexit scholarship tends to puzzle over two questions: what happened? What will happen now? This article addresses the latter and builds upon scholarship that suggests that “identity” mattered as much as economics. Digging deeper into British identity, this essay borrows from social-psychology to analyse how temporal status comparisons contributed to Brexit. It argues how the peculiar qualities of British identity narrative make Eurosceptic complaints about sovereignty, Brussels and “control”, particularly salient to nationalists. In short, negative temporal status comparisons with Britain’s former self underpins its longterm Euroscepticism: When Brits learn they once “ruled the world”, the European Union’s practices of compromise compare poorly: Cooperation is easily presented as subordination. Brexit can thus be understood as a radical attempt to arrest Britain’s decline by setting sail for a future based on a nostalgic vision of the past.

"In capitalist society… democracy is curtailed, wretched, false, a democracy only for the rich, for the minority"-V.I. Lenin.
Westminster, the so-called 'Mother of Parliaments', perfectly illustrates the truth of this. Parliament is paralysed because the ruling class is hopelessly divided.
The result-an hilarious farce; the whole world is laughing, and slapping its forehead in astonishment. A toxic brew of humiliation, seething factionalism and panic incites politicians to increasingly irrational behaviour and fuels civil wars within the two functionally capitalist and imperialist parties that have dominated British politics for more than a century: the Conservative Party and the Labour Party.
This article briefly examines three aspects of the Brexit crisis: why it threatens to accelerate Britain's decline; why it portends the demise of the 'social contract' that binds workers in Britain into an alliance with their imperialist rulers; why it hastens the reunification of Ireland and the breakup of Britain.

This contribution interprets the east-central European post-liberal governments’
recent anti-immigrant, anti-refugee and anti-human-rights hysteria in the context of the increasing dependence of the region’s societies for livelihood on employment in the western EU, the widespread racialization of east European labor in the western EU, and the refusal of east European political elites and societies at large to consider possible “Left” critiques of the EU. Given those circumstances, and laboring under related anxieties, post-state-socialist political elites and societies have assumed a fundamentalist-racialist posture. They redirect their repressed anger toward incoming refugees, claim an ahistorical, essential kind of Whiteness and contribute to rigidifying European discussions of “race.”

To access the article, please follow the link to the publisher https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/slavic-review/article/unbearable-whiteness-of-the-polish-plumber-and-the-hungarian-peacock-dance-around-race/59244B15CB295020E51DF252BDA76604.

If the above link does not work, please look up Slavic Review in your own institution's library website and download the paper from there.

If that fails, please contact the authors at jborocz@rutgers.edu or jborocz@gmail.com or msarkar@binghamton.edu and they will be happy to provide a copy. Sorry for the inconvenience.

SUMARIO: I. Introducción. II. Las preocupaciones y posibles situaciones futuras que se manejan desde el Reino Unido. 1. Lo que dicen los documentos generales sobre el Brexit, sobre los aspectos legis-lativos y sobre la cooperación judicial civil. 2. Las preocupaciones del documento " Brexit: justice for families, individuals and businesses ". 3. Los escenarios normativos verosímiles tras el Brexit. III. Marco jurídico actual y ejemplos de afectación sustancial. 1. Introducción al marco jurídico en materia de per-sona, familia y sucesiones. 2. Algunos ejemplos de afectación sustancial. Lo ya experimentado: el nombre de las personas físicas. 3. Algunos ejemplos de afectación sustancial: el estado civil en general. 4. Algunos ejemplos de afectación sustancial: la preocupación por el Reglamento 2201/2003. 5. Algunos ejemplos de afectación sustancial: la menor preocupación por el Reglamento 4/2009, en materia de alimentos. 6. Algunos ejemplos de no afectación: el Reglamento 650/2012, de sucesiones y otros. IV. Conclusiones.

ABSTRACT: The withdrawal of the United Kingdom from the EU brings significative changes in the daily life of individuals and families involved in cross-border situations.
Despite the natural interest of scholars and British authorities on the current regulations, such as the Brussels IIbis Regulation or the Maintenance Regulation, the impact of Brexit will be deeper on this area. It is not only a question of letting go of a handful of rules, but of giving up a complete legal system.
The fact that the United Kingdom does not take part in several regulations linked to the area of freedom, security and justice is only a minor factor. Actually, after Brexit the United Kingdom will be a third State at all effects. British people won't be no longer European citizens and they won't enjoy any more the EU fundamental freedoms. European citizens will be citizens from a third country when they are in the United Kingdom and, consequently, they won't enjoy there the EU fundamental freedoms.
The future scenario is really blurry with different options at hand, but none as good as the current situation. And even if the UK and EU are able «to reach a satisfactory agreement for both parts» (as negotiators say), I guess that individuals and families will be in a worse position than the current one.

hem İngiltere özelindeki hem de küreselleşmeyi inşa edip yararlanmış Batı dünyasının genelindeki çalkantıyı, basit bir ırkçı kabarışa indirgeme yanlışlığına düşmemek gerekiyor. Batı medeniyetini defalarca intiharın eşiğine getiren ırkçı dalganın yükselişinde, Avrupalı elitlerin demokrasi ve milliyetçiliğin buluştuğu çizgide biriken toplumsal taleplere sırtlarını dönüşleri pay sahibidir. AB üyesi ülkelerde yıllardır tartışma konusu olan milliyetçi talepleri; millî egemenlik, yönetici iradenin seçimler aracılığıyla millete dayanması ve millî kimliği var eden değerlerin korunması üçlüsüyle özetlemek mümkün. Bunların uzun süreli göz ardı edilmesinin doğurduğu tepkiler, değişik konuları merkezine alan protesto dalgalarıyla zaman zaman kendisini açığa vurmaktaydı. Yeni dünya konjonktüründe ise eşit vatandaşlığa ve dâhil edici millî kültür tasarımına dayanan milliyetçilikten boşaltılan alanın, ırkçılık ve yabancı düşmanlığıyla anılan aşırı akımlarca doldurulma gayretleri görülüyor. Ancak, yukarıda özetlediğimiz milliyetçi üçgenin içinde kalan talepler, açık tartışmalarda hâlâ geniş bir kitle tarafından benimsenerek savunuluyor. Gelecekte, iktidarını yitirmek istemeyen elitler, muhalif kesimlerin talepleriyle kendi konumları arasında bir sentez arayışına girdiklerinde; yine, aşırı sağda görülen gruplar, yalnızca yabancı düşmanlığıyla çoğunluğu sağlayamayacaklarını hissettiklerinde, bu üçgene doğru ilerleyebilirler. Yani, hızlanan jeopolitik rekabet iklimini ve tehdit lerle değişen güvenlik ortamını da dikkate alırsak, milliyetçi ilkelerin Batı’da yeni siyasi merkeze adres olabileceğini düşünebiliriz.

POLÍTICA EXTERIOR ESPAÑOLA EN EL ÁREA DEL ESTRECHO. GIBRALTAR, CEUTA Y MELILLA, MARRUECOS
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SPANISH FOREIGN POLICY IN THE STRAIT OF GIBRALTAR REGION. GIBRALTAR, CEUTA AND MELILLA, MOROCCO
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CURSOS DE DERECHO INTERNACIONAL Y RELACIONES INTERNACIONALES DE VITORIA-GASTEIZ 2018. 1ª ed., mayo 2019  --- Ed Thomson - Reuters -Aranzadi  2019  pp 389-460

Resumen:
El Área del Estrecho es una zona esencial para Europa y el Mediterráneo por la importancia estratégica del paso del Estrecho y su región circundante. Además, concentra en ella temas clave de la política exterior española: Gibraltar, Ceuta y Melilla, Marruecos y la cuestión del Sahara, que son los temas de controversias y  reclamaciones territoriales, soberanía y fronteras que nos afectan más directamente como Estado en nuestro entorno próximo. Estos temas territoriales de altísimo potencial conflictivo se encuentran localizados en una zona vital para España. Pero cada contencioso o controversia es diferente y evoluciona de manera distinta. España debe considerar un tratamiento de conjunto, las interconexiones y coherencia en el diseño de una política exterior para estas diferentes temáticas. Y para ello debe determinarse los intereses específicos de España con cada uno de estos diferendos, y el planteamiento estratégico de conjunto de España en la Región del Estrecho.
En este trabajo se realiza una comparación desde el Derecho Internacional de las situaciones de las tres ciudades a ambos lados del Estrecho, Ceuta, Melilla y Gibraltar, que concentran las problemáticas de controversias, fronteras, soberanía y reclamaciones territoriales que enfrentan a tres Estados en esta zona. Comparativamente las  situaciones de estos territorios tienen en común más diferencias que semejanzas jurídicas. Hay similitudes como las contestadas delimitaciones y demarcaciones fronterizas, o las exigencias de integridad territorial. Pero también enormes diferencias en el estatuto jurídico internacional e interno. Con todo, los argumentos y títulos jurídicos no son sólo lo único a tener en cuenta en la realidad internacional, pues hay aspectos de simbolismo y de debate mediático en la sociedad internacional que pueden eclipsar las diferencias legales.
      En la práctica España ha venido dando tratamientos separados y sin conexión a cada uno de los temas. Nunca ha habido una posición estratégica de Estado sobre el Área del Estrecho, que articule las diferentes cuestiones y reconozca las interacciones de cada decisión de política exterior. Además, los sucesivos Gobiernos han proporcionado orientaciones diferentes. Se aprecia, sin embargo, una progresiva conciencia de la relevancia estratégica del Área del Estrecho, y una mayor explicitación de la importancia y necesidad de su específica consideración.
Esta toma de conciencia debe llevar también a una progresiva  identificación de los elementos comunes y de las interacciones que existen entre los diferentes  contenciosos» que afectan a Gibraltar, los territorios de España en la costa africana, y las relaciones con Marruecos. De hecho, la práctica internacional demuestra que los actores perciben una interconexión entre los muy diferentes diferendos del Área del Estrecho. Además, estamos ante controversias, reclamaciones y relaciones muy volubles y sometidas a imprevistos de la realidad internacional, lo que directa o indirectamente pueden afectar a las otras cuestiones conflictivas de la Zona.
En consecuencia, muy probablemente existe la necesidad de establecer un subsector de política exterior diferenciado, y que cuente con amplio consenso nacional, con una visión a largo plazo de la coherencia de los diferentes acciones y políticas. Por lo que conviene considerar el debate explícito de las conexiones entre nuestros territorios en África, Gibraltar y Marruecos, en el marco internacional y de la UE. Lo que puede llevar a articular al menos de una serie principios de actuación en política exterior en esta zona.
A este debate hemos contribuido con dos propuestas de interconexión de temas conflictivos: respecto a los territorios en la costa africana, con la idea de separar el estatuto legal de las Ciudades del de las Islas y Peñones, e implicar a la UE en la coordinación y gestión de este último bloque, en su caso con la intervención de Marruecos. Respecto a Gibraltar, mediante la propuesta del Principado o ‘Ciudad de las dos Coronas’, con un modelo ad hoc de soberanía simbólica que permita a Gibraltar y Reino Unido ejercer jurisdicción con supervisión de la UE.
Además, este supuesto de internacionalización de la «Ciudad de Gibraltar», podría en el futuro, llegado el caso, resultar inspirador en la búsqueda de alternativas para los supuestos de Ceuta y de Melilla.
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Abstract: The Strait of Gibraltar Region is an essential area for Europe and the Mediterranean due to the strategically strategic importance of the passage of the Strait and its surrounding region. It also focuses on key issues of Spanish foreign policy: Gibraltar, Ceuta and Melilla, Morocco and the question of the Sahara, which are the issues of disputes and territorial claims, sovereignty and borders that affect us more directly as a State in our immediate environment.
These territorial issues of very high conflict potential are located in a vital area for Spain. But each dispute or controversy is different and evolves differently. Spain should consider a joint treatment, interconnections and coherence in the foreign policy treatment of these different issues. And for that, the specific interests of Spain must be determined with each of these differences, and the strategic approach of Spain as a whole in the Strait Region. In this paper a comparison is made from the International Law approach of the situations of the three cities on both sides of the Straits, Ceuta, Melilla and Gibraltar, which  concentrate the problems of disputes, borders, sovereignty and territorial claims that face three States in this zone. Comparatively the situations of these territories have in common more differences than legal similarities. There are resemblances such as the contested delimitations and border demarcations, or the demands of territorial integrity. But also huge differences in the international and domestic legal status. However, arguments and legal titles are not only the single thing to take into account in international reality, as there are aspects of symbolism and media debate in international society that can eclipse the legal differences.
In practice, Spain has been giving separate treatments and without connection to each of the issues. There has never been a strategic State position on the area of the Strait, which articulates the different issues and recognizes the interactions of each foreign policy decision. In addition, successive governments have provided different orientations. However, there is a progressive awareness of the strategic relevance of the Strait Area, and a greater enunciation of the importance and necessity of its specific consideration.
This awareness must also lead to a progressive identification of the common elements and interactions that exist between the different «disputes» that affect Gibraltar, the territories of Spain on the African coast, and relations with Morocco. In fact, international practice shows that the actors perceive the interconnection between the very different disputes of the Strait Area. In addition, we are facing disputes, claims and relationships that are very fickle and subject to unforeseen circumstances of the international reality, which directly or indirectly may affect the other conflictive issues of the Zone.
Consequently, there is most likely a need to establish a differentiated foreign policy subsector, with a broad national consensus, with a long-term vision of the coherence of the different actions and policies. So it is convenient to consider the explicit debate of the connections between our territories in Africa, Gibraltar and Morocco, in the international framework and the EU. What can lead to articulate at least a series of principles of action in foreign policy in this area.
We have contributed to this debate with two proposals for the interconnection of conflictive issues. Regarding the territories on the African coast, with the suggestion to separate the legal status of the Cities of the Islands and rocks, and to involve the EU in the coordination and management of this last block, in its case with the intervention of Morocco. Regarding Gibraltar, through the proposal of the Principality or ‘City of the Two Crowns’, with an ad hoc model of symbolic sovereignty that allows Gibraltar and the United Kingdom to exercise jurisdiction with EU supervision. In addition, this assumption of internationalization of the «City of Gibraltar»,could in the future, if necessary, be inspiring in a search for alternatives for the cases of Ceuta and Melilla.

The extreme right wing is on the rise. And there are signs that part of the political mainstream in Europe, the US, and beyond is considering going along with far-right populist parties and their divisive, ethno-nationalist programmes.
Europe at the Crossroads is an urgent scholarly response to the sociopolitical challenges that far-right programmes pose to the idea of a more egalitarian world. It offers an interdisciplinary explanation and critique of the dynamics of the far right in Europe – from Poland to the UK, from Sweden to Greece. The authors present immediate alter- natives when tackling the exclusionary rhetoric and the politics of resentment.
In formulating alternatives for a ‘social Europe’, each contributor critically assesses the current advance of far- right populism and the threat to liberal democracy since the global financial crisis of 2008 and the European refu- gee movement of 2015. Each chapter addresses the histori- cal roots and normalization of the extreme right, whether Orbanism in Central and Eastern Europe since 2014, the Brexit campaign and referendum in the UK in 2016. As the slogan ‘Fortress Europe’ – once a pejorative term – now appeals to large numbers of voters, the authors also analyse the flash points in the run-up to the European Parliament elections in May 2019.

This paper provides a critical theoretical review of the political factors, which significantly influenced the June 2016 Brexit decision to leave the European Union (EU). This paper also provides a critical investigation of the likely impact of Brexit on certain social, political and economic aspects of the UK landscape. To this end the paper also analyses the effect EU policies on the economy, migration, sovereignty and democracy had on Brexit views. During the 2014 European Parliament elections, the UK Conservative Party haemorrhaged electoral support to the United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP). During the 2016 Brexit Referendum campaign, the ruling elite had an unfounded expectation that UK citizens would vote to remain in the EU. Under the policy vacuum of no change, the political mantra of UKIP became appealing to an increasing majority in the UK. The failure to ensure that UK citizens were informed of the finalised EU-UK Brexit deal before the referendum took place (as indicated in David Cameron's 2013 Bloomberg speech) will prove to be telling. By August 2018, the rationale that a second referendum should be held was overwhelming. The UK population will experience many of the significant elements of the political threats, which were made during 'project fear'. The reality of post Brexit for many UK people will be quite different to the panacea they envisaged.

The aim of this study is to provide quantitative and qualitative evidence on the territorial patterns of employment dynamics within European countries and regions, highlighting the key trends and main drivers (territorial conditions and policy factors) of location preferences, with focus on the links between Knowledge Economies, new patterns of (high skilled youth) migration flows within and between countries and their effects on socio-spatial disparities. We consider this relationship to be a crucial underpinning of Cohesion Policies (CP) within the EU.
A multidisciplinary research approach was adopted, combining sociological and policy analysis approaches, with statistical and econometric modelling and data analysis, and spatial analysis and geographic information system (GIS) modelling. The statistical and spatial analysis of inter-regional and international EU migration and trends in skills distribution and industrial structure was complemented with a qualitative scenario analysis and six in depth regional case studies.

This paper addresses the main problems arising from the United Kingdom’s decision to leave the European Union with regard to insolvency proceedings. The following issues will be discussed: the modes of recognition of foreign insolvency proceedings under British law and the likely effect of Brexit, the impact of Brexit on forum and law shopping, the reform proposal for British workout procedures and the use of British workout procedures by EU companies.

This article is a review of "Hubris: The Road to Donald Trump" published in 2020 by Lord David Owen, former British Foreign Secretary and EU Envoy to ex-Yugoslavia. In this book, Lord Owen draws on the notion of "hubris syndrome" in analyzing the contemporary sociopolitical phenomenon of populism in the United States and the United Kingdom. He also analyzes the ideological backdrop of Emmanuel Macron's European policy. David Owen's main thesis is that the distinctive characteristic of certain political actors is their distortion of the truth in realizing their political objectives. He coins the notion of "hubristic mendacity" to account for the recurrence of this contemporary disregard for the truth and warns of its danger to democracy.

More than five years have passed since former British Prime Minister David Cameron delivered a much acknowledged and controversial speech on 23 January 2013, in respect to the British relationship with the European Union (EU). Europe and the EU are now, of course, facing different challenges than five years ago. The contrasting national and transnational identities which emerge in the so-called “Bloomberg Speech” (BS) imply a nationalistic body-politics which constructs the United Kingdom and England as separate entities contrasted to “the continent”, i.e. Europe. Hence, the BS oscillates between two extremes in its attempt to alternatively observe maximum distance to the EU and some proxim- ity to its economic policies. Moreover, both the topoi of urgency and threat/ danger are appealed to – warning the EU that it would suffer under the loss of the United Kingdom, but also warning British voters that Brexit would damage their future and prosperity. This speech can be perceived as the starting point for the referendum on 23 June 2016, which resulted in a tiny majority wanting to leave the EU (“Brexit”). Of course, there is no clear causal connection between the BS and Brexit, but many arguments of the “Remain and Leave campaigns” can be traced to the BS, as well as the huge ambivalence framing Cameron’s position towards the EU.

Following the outcome of the historic 'Brexit' referendum on 23 rd June 2016 in which a majority of eligible voters in the UK voted to 'Leave,' the United Kingdom is potentially on course to leave the European Union, but to ensure continued economic success it will seek to maintain a favourable trading relationship with the EU. This article identifies and critically evaluates the various types of trade deals the UK might negotiate upon exit with a particular focus on trade in services since financial and digital services are key components of the UK economy. It also offers both pre and post exit guidance on the data protection permutations of each type of trade deal and concludes that post-withdrawal, the UK should ensure that its data protection law is fully compliant with Regulation (EU) 2016/679. Forging its own data protection path could lead to isolation.

Brexit has become the most controversial puzzle in Europe since the
referendum held in 2016. Some developments in the digital landscape,
which seem to favour a more direct democracy at first glance, have
adverse effects rather than being useful in the context of public and
democracy discussions. In this study, these effects will be discussed in
the context of the Brexit referendum held in the United Kingdom. This
article discusses that the referendum or plebiscites are not a part of
democracy, with the effect of the commercializing media after 1990s.
The problem of this study is based on the Brexit referendum and it
puts forward the opinion that the aim of the referendum is not
providing direct democracy, but rather it is used as a tool to legitimize
the existing system. The purpose of working with this problem is to
reveal that the media, which should be the fourth power, and the
social media, which are expected to make a democratic contribution to
political communication, have turned the political communication
process and political socialization into political marketing, which also
includes scandal politics with false framing. The question of this study
is that whether the Brexit referendum is really an example of direct
democracy, focusing on the communicative frameworks. Natalie
Fenton, Anthony Mughan, Richard Gunther's perspectives on political
communication guided the literature of this article and studies on
framing are referred. In the study, political socialization and the
relation between politics, media, and public relations is examined.
Secondly, the development of Brexit is discussed. Then by explaining
former Prime Minister Cameron's undertaking about the referendum,
the relation between Brexit and democracy is put forward. This article
is important in the context of discussing whether referendum
processes can be taken as an example of direct democracy, in terms of
interaction opportunities: one of the most important opportunities of
new communication technologies.

Brexit, the UK withdrawal from the European Union, provides quite a challenge for theorists of international relations. Causes, effects as well as systemic, nation-state and individual analyses have yet to capture its essence which will inevitably have major regional repercussions. This presentation focuses on explaining the nation-level nature of the withdrawal by utilizing international relations theories. Neorealist analysis alludes to state interests and great power behaviour with the EU distribution of power a threat to UK national interests. Neoliberalism points to how free trade and democratic values have effectively been weakened by the perception of an overly centralized EU which has historically impacted on a UK reluctant to embed itself more in institutions such as the Euro and the Schengen zone. Marxist approaches examine the capitalist nature of the union and how Brexit is a counter hegemonic reaction to globalism. Constructivism articulates how UK nation-state identities produce a Self in opposition to an EU Other and how after nearly 50 years of membership, the UK remained heavily resistant to Europeanization. How does each theory provide an explanatory framework for understanding the event? How relevant is the nation-state unit of analysis for examining an action which was initiated by the domestic vote of citizens but also shaped by the systemic roles of the EU? Which theoretical approach most leads itself to further research in examining Brexit and also scrutinizing whether its impacts will produce a more unified or more fragmented Europe?

Now that the final lap of the EU-UK Brexit Trade Agreement negotiations seems to be at make-or-break point, few can anticipate the consequences, let alone the red herring effect. Many will wonder if this break-up on the periphery of the EU, from a former member that never really fully committed, will spread further, or even entail the break up of the separatist UK itself. 

Perhaps now is the time to create a Royal Commission on the "Constitutional Future of the United Kingdom", and aim for a more-federal structure with greater parity of esteem and relative influence between its eventual component parts - and a better brand than artificially subsuming those who don't fit under the label "British".

The outcome of the Brexit referendum is the apex of a long history of Euro-British relationships characterised by two opposing but coexisting stereotypes. On the one hand, England appears as the freedom-seeking nation resisting restrictive collective policies imposed by a totalitarian EU regime of faceless Brussels bureaucrats. On the other hand, England seems to resurrect its imperialistic superiority against the purported democracy and horizontality of European institutions. Adopting the notion of “cultural intimacy”—with which Michael Herzfeld analyzes the mutual engagement of contrasting positions in political and administrative practices—this paper addresses the equally stereotypical images of an indifferent, inhuman European bureaucracy and of an insular, cynical Great Britain in the works of Malcolm Bradbury and Tim Parks. Be it the allegedly liberal yet nationalistic stance of Thatcherist anti-Europeanism in Bradbury, or the British disaffection with the purported identitarian and cultural levelling within the common borders of the Schengen area and of the single currency, both authors’ symbolic constructions of European institutions and of British Euroscepticism are built as cultural entanglements of these two realities, and show the need to overcome the reductive conception of Europe as a failed super-state.

This article uses an analytical approach in order to dissect the major legal issues concerning the enforcement of intra-EU awards post-Brexit. The outcomes of the enforcement cases will depend on the country where enforcement is sought (EU Member States, the UK, and other third countries), the applicable legal regime pursuant to which enforcement is sought (the New York Convention or the ICSID Convention), various temporal factors (whether certain key moments in the arbitral proceedings occurred before or after the end of the Brexit transition period), and whether the intra-EU cases are based on intra-EU BITs or the ECT, or both. Due to this complexity, there is no easy answer as to how the various issues arising from the post-Brexit enforcement of intra-EU awards should be solved. This is most unfortunate as it creates uncertainty for investors, host States, and national courts of enforcement alike.

Though the UK is weaker than the EU on key metrics of bargaining power, the British approach to the first phase of the Brexit negotiations has been characterised by hard bargaining. Efforts to explain this puzzle have focused on constraints at the domestic level, but have not engaged with the cultural sources of bargaining style highlighted by constructivist scholars. Drawing on a series of interviews, this article suggests a number of cultural factors have influenced the UK's decision to adopt a hard bargaining strategy, including the country's majoritarian institutional culture, its weak socialisation into the EU, overstated perceptions of its own capabilities, the prevailing conservative political ideology, and a longstanding preference for 'divide and rule' diplomatic strategies. Our findings suggest not only that the UK’s choice of negotiating strategy is sub-optimal but also that theories of bargaining need to pay attention to cultural factors predisposing actors to particular strategies.

Artículos de revista (y notas ‘colgadas’ en un blog)

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The issue of the United Kingdom’s exit from the European Union (the so-called Brexit) means a turning point both in the history of the European integration, and also of the United Kingdom.The 51% of the British electorate voted in favor of leaving the EU, which raised up uncountable legal, political and economic questions to be answered.

The legal questions raised by the Brexit could be categorized into some groups. I follow the categorization of Takis Tridimas in this article. There are open procedural, institutional and administrative issues of the withdrawal, which organize the ‘know how’ of the process; but we could talk about the future relationship forms between the United Kingdom and European Union; and the future of the European integration paradigm; or about the development and changes of the European Union’s and United Kingdom’s legal system due to the Brexit.
In this paper, I analyze the European Union law rules of the withdrawal, highlighting the legal gaps waiting to be filled by the interpretation of the European Court of Justice. The elaboration of the treaty of withdrawal should rely on the interpretation and opinion of the European Court of Justice in relation to the problematic issues of the European Law, namely the Article 50 of the Treaty on the European Union.
In addition, I analyze the Brittish constitutional law rules in subject to the Brexit.

Until recently, the on-going legal discussions about ‘Brexit’, the United Kingdom’s upcoming withdrawal from the European Union (EU), have predominantly focused on the requirements and consequences of the withdrawal procedure set out in Article 50 of the Treaty on European Union (TEU). A hitherto neglected, though arguably no less important question concerns the effect, if any, that a withdrawal from the EU will have on the UK’s membership in the European Economic Area (EEA): Given that the EEA extends many aspects of EU membership beyond the EU’s borders, resulting in a Common Market ‘light’, a future UK membership in the EEA could – at least from a European business law point of view – effectively result in ‘business as usual’, as a significant share of EU law would continue to apply to UK companies, albeit in form of EEA law.

Against this background, it is interesting to note that legal analyses of Brexit generally assume that the UK’s EEA membership will be terminated ipso iure, should the UK decide to withdraw from the EU. According to this view, the UK subsequently could (re-)apply for EEA membership should its government so choose, with such an application having to be accepted by all remaining EEA Contracting Parties – an option commonly referred to as the ‘Norway option’ in reference to Norway’s status within the EEA. The present article challenges the underlying (and often merely implicit) assumption that the UK’s withdrawal from the EU will automatically result in its withdrawal from the EEA, given that the EEA Agreement is a separate international treaty subject to separate legal rules governing withdrawals and effects of possible changes in EU membership. It argues that a withdrawal from the EU will in fact not affect the UK’s continuing EEA membership, as long as the UK does not voluntarily choose to also withdraw from the EEA. It then analyses the post-Brexit situation under the EEA Agreement by addressing its practical application to a number of different areas, as inter alia the free movement of UK companies within the EEA, the future of the ‘European passport’ for UK credit institutions and investment firms, as well as the free (but possibly restrictable) movement of workers in the EEA.

Brexit was presented as the solution for Britain to take back control of its national borders. However, a closer look at a Mediterranean British border shows that Brexit could weaken the ability of UK authorities to manage and reduce unauthorised migration to the country.

This article will challenge the assumption that UK nationals have lost EU citizenship following Brexit because such a loss amounts to an arbitrary withdrawal of citizenship, prohibited by international law. The current public debate, and the Withdrawal Agreement itself, assumes that loss of EU citizenship is the automatic result of Brexit. Currently much of the discussion relies heavily on a narrative informed by the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties and general principles of international institutional law. These sources are quite valid for discussing the membership of a state in an international organization, and correctly apply to the case of the UK leaving the EU, but this narrative overlooks the law on human rights that applies to individuals.

This article firstly draws on prior scholarship to argue that EU citizenship, while not a nationality per se, is protected by international law in the same way as a nationality. This conclusion follows from EU citizenship amounting to a “fundamental status,” being a legal bond with a territorial, political entity. The jurisprudence of the Court of Justice of the EU has adopted this approach.

Secondly, the article argues that this human rights protection requires any withdrawal of EU citizenship to satisfy certain minimum standards. These standards would include the requirement that the withdrawal not be arbitrary, either procedurally or substantively. The CJEU has also applied this standard to prior attempted revocations of EU citizenship.

Lastly, looking at Brexit specifically, this article disagrees that all British citizens should lose EU citizenship. This argument questions whether the UK and/or the EU have this power and whether the Withdrawal Agreement provides for this outcome. It also argues that the attempted revocation of EU citizenship would be arbitrary.

The article concludes that the Treaties on European Union provided for a citizenship, not merely a basket of rights, which is now understood to constitute a fundamental status comparable to a nationality. While the UK is certainly free to leave the Union. Human rights require that EU citizenship must be protected and not revoked arbitrarily.

Abstract: This paper analyzes the attitude of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and
Northern Ireland towards European integration before and after the referendum on 23
June, in which the citizens of Great Britain voted to leave the full membership of the Euro-
pean Commonwealth.
The paper points out that Great Britain had certain reservations about the realization of the
plan for European integration, and it underlines the complexity of Great Britain’s attitude
towards European integration, which can be most clearly shown through the analysis of its
traditional geographical and cultural isolationism, but also through integration, before and
after its accession to the European Community in 1973.
In the end, it is concluded that Brexit surprised the ruling elite in both Great Britain and the
EU and it is emphasized that it is a historical event of first-class importance for the country
itself, which produces numerous economic and geopolitical consequences for Europe and
the whole world.
Keywords: European Union, United Kingdom, Brexit, Article 50, Treaty on European Union, negotiations.

On 24 June 2016, many people had the feeling that they had gone to bed the night before in the United Kingdom and had woken up in Little Britain – a country prone to isolationism and protectionism, risking hurting its economic and social development for the sake of imperial nostalgia and moral panic about ‘loss of sovereignty’ and ‘mass migration’. That feeling inevitably affected many individuals who identify as lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans, intersex, queer and other (LGBTIQ+). Although the possible impact of Brexit seems to have been scrutinised from most angles, there has been limited analysis of how it may affect LGBTIQ+ individuals.  This contribution assesses Brexit in relation to the situation of LGBTIQ+ individuals. This is particularly timely in the light of the recent UK Supreme Court decision in Walker v Innospec Limited, where the Court relied on European Union (EU) law to hold a provision of the Equality Act 2010 unlawful for violating pension rights of same-sex couples.

Birleşik Krallık’ın (BK) resmen AB’den ayrılması ile Brexit süreci sona ermiş olsa da geçen 11 ay içinde taraflar arasında pek çok çözülememiş sorunun giderek daha fazla gerilimi yükselttiği görülüyor. Nitekim AB ile BK arasında ayrılık sürecinin başından beri tartışmalara neden olan Kuzey İrlanda sorunu, taraflar arasında imzalanan Kuzey İrlanda Protokolü’ne rağmen bugün yine süregelen anlaşmazlıkların odağında yer alıyor.

De quoi Boris Johnson est-il le nom?
La division leavers/remainers va-t-elle perdurer?
Quel avenir est promis au parti conservateur et au parti travailliste. Ces questions, et bien d'autres!

Vous trouverez dans ce document le lien l'enregistrement MP3 de mon intervention lors du séminaire Eriac à l'Université de Rouen-Normandie du 22 octobre 2019. Et le lien pour télécharger le PowerPoint qui illustrait mes propos.

Against the backdrop of international affairs in Europe since 2010, intervention in the Middle East and diplomacy in South Asia, two further critical things have taken place to shock the state of the United Kingdom since 2016.  This Chapter focuses the discussion on the importance of vaccine diplomacy, and policy achievements that have moved the discussion on from Brexit, but despite the critical nature of these two events, there is a continuity of normal life, partly driven by liberal forces, but also by the very nature of society and its institutional resilience.  Because of this there are some very uncomfortable problems and discussions to taking place on articulating inequality created by structures which some voters wish to reform. Brexit has left some people wondering whether they are better off and where they fit in; what the trade picture was like four years ago and now, and what jobs will exist.  This is a summary of some key issues and some of the of the foundations being laid down for a post Covid-19 Future.
The first was Brexit, the second the Covid-19 pandemic, which has more recent highlighted inequalities in British society and created poverty where there had been societal and state weaknesses prior to the pandemic, because of accumulated economic inequalities such as those described in Chapter 3.  These have become more visible and are more talked about since austerity policies were introduced after 2010. Political scientists discuss two features of the last decade, as possessing characteristics of political realignment (the changing attitudes to British Political Parties and what matters to UK voters) and the emergence of ethnocentric identity, as an influencer in the realignment of voter and political party support. This is described well by Maria Sobolewska and Robert Ford in ‘Brexit Land’  which was published in 2020 and ‘The Economics and Politics of Brexit, The Realignment of British Public Life’ , by Stephen Davies, also published in 2020.
The economic rationale is that migration is good for the economy, the vision and purpose of encouraging migration can differ, some see no alignment with ethnocentric identity, economic success becomes a determined equation where wealth gains are made for the state irrespective of identity . Taxes fund the state, foreign direct investment creates jobs and education can be provided for all to ensure that the state has adequate skills in place to build the next generational workforce. The state in this case is equated with a general liberal equality for all, but this is never the case, as many self-employed people describe the difficulty in finding flexible work, especially in their middle age and when families are most dependent (this creates a shock to society and prospects for younger people wishing to have children – the population is in decline).

Terrorism is not a new concept. It has been in the vocabulary, the daily lives of millions of people. Since the 9/11 terrorist attacks, terrorism has become a shared enemy in the international system. In the aftermath of the attack and the Declaration of War on Terrorism by the US, several states and organisations started to develop or update their counterterrorism framework. The attacks in 2001 changed the magnitude and the urgency in that terrorism has been previously fought. The European Union, as a regional organisation, also started to not only update but expand their counterterrorism efforts throughout the years as the security of its member states is one of its main interests and objectives. From the 27 member states, the United Kingdom has the highest number of terrorist attacks, and is in the ‘top three’ in terms of arrests and trials due to terrorism charges. Because of the changes in counterterrorism, this dissertation had the objective of comprehending how the language of counterterrorism in the EU and the UK employed in counterterrorism policies have created and augmented counterterrorism practices on both levels. Furthermore, the two hypotheses that guided the research (i) the individual experiences an EU member state has had with terrorism produces a set of specific assumptions, beliefs, pieces of knowledge and truths about terrorism and terrorists that are reflected in the constitution of a language of counterterrorism. In turn, when a language of counterterrorism is systematically employed in counterterrorism policies, it will create and/or augment a set of counterterrorism practices; and (ii) the regional language of counterterrorism is an amalgamation of the individual languages of counterterrorism produced by the member states. Thus, the employment of a regional language of counterterrorism in policies also creates and/or augments regional counterterrorism practices. Once regional counterterrorism language, policies and practices are consolidated, there is a process of (re)internalisation of this new discourse by the member states that, as a result, change their counterterrorism languages, policies and practices. The dynamics between regional and domestic counterterrorism is a constant process of co-constitution and re-constitution; have been respectively corroborated and partially corroborated. Through the results and the analysis, it was possible to observe that a significant part of the EU counterterrorism framework was based on the British counterterrorism framework. Thus, the European and British counterterrorism languages and policies are similar in nature, diverging in the counterterrorism practices themselves. Furthermore, the last chapter presented an analysis of the Brexit process and its challenges and consequences to regional and domestic counterterrorism.

RESUMEN: Ali Smith es una gran creadora de atmósferas melancólicas. En su novela "Otoño" nos sumerge en la añoranza de la vida por parte de un hombre centenario, Daniel; añoranza que toma tintes políticos en la joven Elisabeth, enfrentada a la pérdida de derechos y libertades en la Gran Bretaña del Brexit, pasando en otros momentos por las reminiscencias de la infancia de ella, así como por la nostalgia recurrente de Daniel por su hermana muerta y por la olvidada pintora Pauline Boty; encuadrados en el marco del otoño que se cierne sobre ellos, dejando sin embargo briznas de color desde las que remontar el entorno desolado que les atenaza. Procedo a examinar el abanico de facetas que se va modulando a lo largo de la narración, culminando en la melancolía moderna, que postula Bartra, y en la consideración de la transcripción con la tinta de la melancolía que, como dice Starobinski, transmuta la negrura en luz.

ABSTRACT: Ali Smith is a great creator of melancholic atmospheres. In her novel Autumn we are submerged in the nostalgia of life by a hundred years old man, Daniel. A nostalgia that acquires political aspects in the young Elisabeth, who is facing the loss of rights and liberties in the Brexit Great Britain. We then reflect on her childhood memories and Daniel's recurrent nostalgia for his dead sister and the forgotten painter Pauline Boty. These situations are framed by the autumn that hangs over them, but allows the emergence of shades of colour from which the desolate environment can be surmounted. I examine this kaleidoscope of melancholic aspects, which concludes with the modern melancholy, posited by Bartra, and the consideration of the transcription with the ink of melancholy that, as Starobinski says, transforms darkness into light.

This article aims to indicate the role and importance of migration issues in the British social and political discourse in the period before Brexit. The article consists of three main parts. The first part adumbrates basic information about immigration to the UK, the scale and intensity of the phenomenon. It is pointed out here that the United Kingdom is currently ranked among the group of EU countries with the highest influx of foreigners. The second part focuses on the role and importance of immigration in the British social and political discourse. It is noted here that since the turn of the twentieth century the issue of immigration in the UK has gained the status of one of the key social and political issues. At the same time, compared with many other countries, Great Britain is today perceived as a country much more reluctant to immigrants. The third part presents the contribution of immigrants from European Union countries to the social and economic development of Great Britain. It is emphasized here that generally immigration from European Union countries has a positive, though in some areas slight impact on the British economy and the level of social development.

This report analyses the vote in the 2016 European Union (EU) membership referendum and the predicted impacts of leaving the EU based on the analysis of five local authority areas in England and Wales: Barnet, Ceredigion, Mansfield, Pendle and Southampton.
• Rational economic calculations have not weighed as much in the Brexit vote as discontent and emotions. The most important causes for the Leave vote, such as dissatisfaction with globalisation, migration and the perceived threats to identity, are to a large extent rooted in local socio-economic and geographic features.
• Structural local problems, such as scarcity of highly skilled jobs, lack of investment and casualisation of work, have contributed to create ‘geographies of discontent,’ especially in zones where regeneration policies have failed. • Some segments of the population felt ‘left behind’ by the ‘elites’ and believed that their interests were undermined by international economic and cultural trends which they associate with EU membership.
• At the cultural level, the Leave vote reflects a reaction against change and the preservation of identity; meanwhile, at the material level, it primarily manifests a will to transform the current socio-economic path. The overall impact of Brexit on the economy is expected be negative according to most interviewees as well as most academic and government studies. But this impact is going to be largely asymmetric. Some regions and economic sectors are likely to suffer more than others. These are the problems that emerged more often in our fieldwork: 1. Disruption in the import and export flows due to the introduction of tariffs will greatly affect aeronautical and automotive industries. The UK is expected to protect existing trade links with the EU to prevent relocation of economic activity and job losses. 2. The controls on immigration will likely aggravate the problem of skills shortages in key areas such as health services, technology and higher education. There is a need to address the mismatch between skills demand and supply in the UK which has been compensated via migrant workers so far. Shortages of low-skilled workers are also feared especially in food factories, warehouses, fruit picking and cleaning. 3. The loss of European funding and payments may very negatively affect British farming and R&D, as well as regional and local economic development in areas which suffered industrial restructuring. Although the UK Government has expressed a firm intention to match the lost funding, problems concerning the replacement of regulation, timing and criteria for the calculation of funding may generate new ‘winners’ and ‘losers’.
• Uncertainty is affecting both the economy and governance. Many of the required policies to mitigate the problems above have not been clearly defined yet. The relative optimism observed in the aftermath of the referendum has vanished and been replaced with a general sense of anxiety in the business community.
• Many of the problems underpinning the Leave vote are likely not going to be solved simply by leaving the EU. Some of them may even be exacerbated. In order to reduce discontent associated with low social mobility, casualisation of work, stagnant paths of local economic development and the relative economic and political insularity of certain areas, additional policies are required.
• Participants in our discussion panels agree that investments in infrastructures (roads and trains) to improve access, as well as in education and vocational training to address the mismatch between skills demand and supply, are necessary to make these areas more appealing for business.
• Moreover, it is necessary that both London and Brussels pay more attention to the local realities, and in particular to those areas which are further away from the great political and economic hubs. Local empowerment and more political decentralisation may be necessary to reduce some of the frustration which fueled the Leave movement.

A discussion of the extent to which the Henrician Reformation continues to shape British culture, with particular reference to the 'Henry VIII' bill proposed as part of Brexit plans.  Published in the i-newspaper on 'Reformation Day' to mark 500 years of Martin Luther's 95 theses.