Chad

The article considers a large region comprising Chad, Cameroon, the Central African Republic, Gabon, the Republic of Congo, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Angola, and Equatorial Guinea.  From the 1880s onwards, Central Africa was colonized by Spanish, French, German, Belgian, and Portuguese powers. Here Africans generally suffered a harsher kind of rule than in West Africa, as colonialism brought little capital and investments, and imposed brutal forms of extractive economy. Foreign powers, moreover, proved reluctant to dialogue with African elites. Yet, the colonial era was also a moment when Central Africans initiated radical political revolutions and capacious social changes, achieving independence in the 1960s and 1970s. Throughout the period under consideration, moreover, important cultural creations in the form of music, popular painting, photography, and fashion became influential in the rest of Africa and beyond.

Στη παρούσα ανάλυση θα εξετάσουμε την σχέση του Οργανισμού Ηνωμένων Εθνών με τους Περιφερειακούς Οργανισμούς όπως αυτή μετασχηματίστηκε μετά το τέλος του Ψυχρού Πολέμου.

Η ανάδυση νέων προκλήσεων στο διεθνές σύστημα οδήγησε στην ουσιαστική αναβάθμιση του ρόλου των περιφερειακών οργανισμών. Για το λόγο αυτό εξετάζεται ο ρόλος των Περιφερειακών Οργανισμών έτσι όπως αποτυπώνεται στη Χάρτα του Ο.Η.Ε. και άλλα διεθνή κείμενα. Παράλληλα, ψηλαφίζονται τα πλεονεκτήματα και τα μειονεκτήματα που παρουσιάζουν οι περιφερειακοί οργανισμοί στην ανάληψη δράσης για την επίλυση διεθνών διαφορών στα πεδία σύγκρουσης. Η παρούσα ανάλυση παρουσιάζει και τις μορφές συνεργασίας του Ο.Η.Ε. με τους Περιφερειακούς Οργανισμούς.

Η περίπτωση που εξετάζεται στο κείμενο είναι η κλιμακούμενη κρίση στη Κεντροαφρικανική Δημοκρατία η οποία χρονολογικά εντοπίζεται την περίοδο 2012 έως σήμερα. Η συγκεκριμένη περίπτωση καλύπτει περιπτωσιολογικά πλήρως τα θέματα που στοχεύει να εξετάσει η συγκεκριμένη ανάλυση: α) ο ρόλος του Ο.Η.Ε. στα πεδία σύγκρουσης στο μεταψυχροπολεμικό περιβάλλον  β) η διάσταση που έχει πάρει η συνεργασία των περιφερειακών οργανισμών με τον ΟΗΕ γ) τα προβλήματα που εντοπίστηκαν στη συγκεκριμένη κρίση σε συνάρτηση με τα γενικότερα θέματα προς επίλυση δ) η αποτίμηση της συνεργασίας του Ο.Η.Ε. με τους Περιφερειακούς Οργανισμούς τόσο στην περιπτωσιολογική μας επιλογή όσο και γενικότερα.

Τόσο ο χώρος όσο και η δυνατότητα που υπάρχει δεν μπορεί να καλύψει πλήρως τα θέματα που εξετάζονται. Παρόλα αυτά αποτελεί μια προσέγγιση σύγχρονης κρίσης βασισμένη εξελικτικά στα πορίσματα της διεθνούς εμπειρίας

All presidents in independent Chad have relied heavily on armed support, creating ample armies, feared presidential guards, and terrifying secret services. Proxy wars, political mistrust, economic opportunity-seeking, and strategic ever-changing armed alliances characterize Chadian politics. Flexibility and fluidity have embodied the heart of armed resistance in Chad since the establishment of the first important politico-military rebel movement Frolinat in 1966. In fact, for rebels and powerholders alike, the state is at its best when it is most fragile (in a Western sense). With fragility comes blurriness and flexibility and thus predation opportunities.

Depuis la Déclaration de Paris de 2005 sur l’efficacité de l’aide au développement, l’injonction d’optimisation de l’aide apparait de façon récurrente dans le discours des bailleurs. Elle s’inscrit, de plus, dans un contexte international marqué par la multiplicité et le prolongement des crises, et par des tensions budgétaires autour de la mobilisation des ressources nécessaires aux interventions. Une telle situation donne lieu notamment à une redéfinition des stratégies, au niveau de leur formulation et de leur mise en oeuvre. L’évolution du vocabulaire de l’aide au cours de la dernière décennie au travers des termes de « résilience », d’« inclusivité », de « nexus » entre les interventions humanitaires, de développement, de paix et sécurité, traduit des tendances en termes de construction et communication des stratégies au sein de l’industrie de l’aide internationale. De plus, le caractère itératif de l’usage de ces mots génère un effet normatif au sein du champ de l’aide internationale. La promotion d’une approche « intégrée » ou « globale » dans la réponse aux crises conduit à associer, dans la mise en oeuvre des projets, différents types d’acteurs, aux objectifs et intérêts divergents, disposant de modes opératoires variés, dans un cadre temporel distinct. La région du Sahel, considérée comme prioritaire dans l’affectation de l’aide de certains bailleurs, en particulier l’Union européenne et la France, constitue un bloc géopolitique pour les acteurs humanitaires et du développement depuis les crises alimentaires et nutritionnelles des années 1970, mais aussi dans le cadre de la lutte contre le terrorisme suite aux attentats du 11 septembre 2001, le Sahel étant alors perçu comme un vaste territoire d’insécurité et de menaces aux portes de l’Europe.
Ce document de travail vise à analyser les processus liés à l’émergence, diffusion et appropriation du triptyque « Humanitaire / Développement / Paix et Sécurité » en le reliant au contexte sahélien, avec des illustrations concrètes d'opérationnalisation au Tchad.

For decades articles and books have been published on the history of German foreign policy during Cold War. Regardless of whether Europe, Africa, Asia, Oceania, America or the world as a whole, the foreign affairs of the Western Federal Republic of Germany and the Eastern German Democratic Republic have been researched and analysed in context of a broad variety of locations. However, even though the list of publications continues to grow, the topic''s theses–especially its main thesis–do not show much progress. Already at an early stage, a central thesis–a core thesis–came to light, met no resistance and entered history''s and political science''s research canons on German foreign policy. This thesis reads: Inner German issues and the non-solved German question were so powerful, they dominated West and East German foreign affairs nearly right from the start. German foreign policy, that was the so-called Hallstein doctrine, that was the so-called German-German contradiction. And all studies–whether of history or political science, whether designed as a case study or as a global approach–confirm this thesis, use it as an integral part of their work–until today. But be that as it may. This study contradicts this thesis, this ''myth'' of German foreign policy. Instead it argues that neither the Hallstein doctrine nor the German-German contradiction, but national economic and international geostrategic interests dominated German foreign policy and German foreign activities–regarding the FRG, the GDR, and Germany as a whole. To proof this thesis, West and East German activities–of the two states, their economies and their societies–in nine Central African states between 1945 and 1975 are observed and analysed. More than a million file pages out of more than a dozen German archives were read to tackle this task–and shed some refreshing new light on the foreign policies of the two German states during Cold War.


Die deutsche Außenpolitik zur Zeit des Kalten Krieges stellt in historischer wie politikwissenschaftlicher Hinsicht einen Gegenstand dar, der mit gutem Gewissen als wissenschaftlich erschlossen bezeichnet werden kann. Zahlreiche Aufsätze, Artikel und Bücher sind in den vergangenen Jahrzehnten erschienen, welche die deutsche Außenpolitik in Europa, Afrika, Asien, Ozeanien, Amerika, oder auch gleich der Welt als Ganzem, in den Blick genommen haben. Dies gilt sowohl für die Außenpolitik der Bundesrepublik Deutschland als auch für diejenige der Deutschen Demokratischen Republik. Früh – wenn nicht sogar von Beginn an – kam hierbei eine zentrale These, eine Kernthese, zum Vorschein, die, ohne auf Widerstand zu stoßen, Eingang in den historischen und politikwissenschaftlichen Forschungskanon fand und ihn bereits nach kurzer Zeit zu dominieren begann. Die Rede ist von der die deutschen Auslandsaktivitäten angeblich bestimmenden Hallstein-Doktrin und dem mit ihr in engem Zusammenhang stehenden deutsch-deutschen Gegensatz. In dieser Arbeit wird dieser Kernthese, diesem ''Mythos'' der deutschen Außenpolitik, vehement widersprochen. Weder die Hallstein-Doktrin, noch der deutsch-deutsche Gegensatz, sondern nationale ökonomische und internationale geostrategische Interessen haben die deutsche Außenpolitik – und darüber hinaus auch die gesamten deutschen Auslandsaktivitäten, der BRD wie der DDR – maßgeblich bestimmt. Zur Stützung dieser Gegenthese werden in der vorliegenden Studie die staatlichen, wirtschaftlichen und gesellschaftlichen Aktivitäten West- und Ostdeutschlands in neun zentralafrikanischen Staaten zwischen 1945 und 1975 kritisch dargelegt, umfassend analysiert und im Hinblick auf mehrere zentrale Thesen zu den deutschen Auslandsaktivitäten ausgewertet.

Chad-Cameroon was launched in 2000 to develop the production capacity of oilfields in Chad, and to create a 1,070 km pipeline to transport the oil to facilities on the coast of Cameroon. It is operated by ExxonMobil, and funded by the World Bank and other international finance institutions. The main objective of this project aims to reduce poverty by accelerating sustainable economic growth and increasing expenditures targeted at poverty alleviation, especially for health, education, infrastructure and rural development. Given the inefficiency
and uncompetitiveness of Chad’s agricultural export, this project is one of the best options for bringing development to Chad by using its oil resources as the engine for economic development and poverty alleviation. Yet, the government of Chad failed to respond to the main
objectives of the project for poverty reduction. Instead, the Chad government uses additional oil revenues for weapon expenses.

Ce tout premier dictionnaire de la langue mambay vient compléter A grammar of Mambay, ouvrage du même auteur paru en 2011. Il s’appuie sur une décennie de travaux menés par de nombreux collaborateurs sous l’égide du Comité de Développement de la Langue Mambay (COLAMA) et de la SIL International. Rattaché au groupe linguistique adamaoua (famille niger-congo), la langue Mambay est parlée par environ 15.000 locuteurs répartis sur les rives du fleuve Kebbi au Cameroun du nord et au Tchad du sud-ouest. Véritable grenier des mots, pour reprendre le titre mambay (Mah ro’ dag ti Mambay), ce dictionnaire en recense plus de 3.400, qu’accompagnent des définitions en français de même qu’un index français–mambay comptant pour sa part 4.000 termes. S’ajoutent au dictionnaire à proprement parler un aperçu grammatical largement accessible ainsi qu’un précis d’orthographe concrétisant les efforts de standardisation entrepris par les membres du COLAMA. Le lecteur peut par ailleurs consulter un index scientifique permettant l’identification de la faune, dont celle de nombreuses espèces de poisson. Figurent enfin en annexe une sélection de textes mambay empruntés à divers genres, un « inventaire » de thèmes culturels, des images du pays mambay ainsi qu’un abécédaire. Bien plus qu’un simple dictionnaire de langue mambay, cet ouvrage constitue une contribution majeure à la documentation de l’héritage linguistique et culturel de ses locuteurs.

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Résumé
Situé sur la rive ouest du lac Tchad, au nord-est du Nigeria actuel, le sultanat du Borno fut aux XVIe et XVIIe siècles un État islamique majeur dans les échanges économiques, humains et culturels du Sahel et du Sahara. Deux auteurs en particulier ont décrit la façon dont les sultans du Borno se sont impliqués dans le concert diplomatique pour garantir leurs intérêts commerciaux et territoriaux. Il s’agit d’un savant bornouan, Aḥmad ibn Furṭū (c. 1570) et d’un Français qui fut esclave à Tripoli dans les années 1670. À partir de l’analyse des textes produits par ces deux auteurs, cette thèse cherche à dépasser la simple histoire politique et diplomatique des sultans du Borno pour envisager les représentations, les circulations et les pratiques diplomatiques entre un État sahélien et le monde qui l’entoure à l’époque moderne, en prenant en compte les contraintes du milieu, les dynamiques sociales, économiques et religieuses ainsi que les discours et pratiques de la diplomatie.
Mots clefs : Aḥmad ibn Furṭū, Borno, circulations, « chirurgien esclave », diplomatie, Empire ottoman, époque moderne, ḥaǧǧ, islam, Kanem, lac Tchad, Nigeria, Sahara, Sahel.
Summary
Located on the Western shores of Lake Chad in present-day Nigeria, the Borno Sultanate was the most important Islamic African state in the XVIth-XVIIth centuries. It influenced economical, cultural and human circulations in the whole Sahel and Sahara. Two contemporary authors described how the Borno sultans were integrated into the diplomatic exchanges in order to defend their economical and territorial interests. The first one was a Borno imam whose name named Aḥmad ibn Furṭū (c. 1570). The other was a French surgeon who was enslaved in Tripoli in the 1670s. On the basis of the texts they produced, this work aims to go beyond a political history of the Borno Sultanate and analyze the representations, the circulations and the practices of diplomacy between a sahelian state and its neighbours in the Early Modern period, taking into consideration the influence of environmental, religious, economical and social dynamics as well as the discourses and practices of diplomacy.
Keywords: Aḥmad ibn Furṭū, Borno, circulations, diplomacy, Early Modern period, « French surgeon », ḥaǧǧ, Islam, Kanem, Lake Chad, Nigeria, Ottoman Empire, Sahara, Sahel.

This dissertation focuses on French military interventions in Subsaharan Africa during the presidency of Valéry Giscard d'Estaing. It is principally based upon two case studies: the French interventions in Zaire in 1977 and 1978, and in Chad between 1974 and 1980. In studying these
interventions, as well as conducting a broader analysis of French Africa policy, this dissertation makes four arguments. First, strategic considerations, strongly linked to ideological concerns relating to security, prestige, and credibility, were the principle factors behind French decisions to intervene. Second, economic interests only played a secondary role in the reasoning of French decisionmakers. Instead, these interests were indirect and were mostly concerned with protecting
the economic bases of client or allied regimes. Third, allied African elites exercised a great deal of influence over French policymaking on the continent, including military interventions. The success of French policy greatly depended upon the agreement and cooperation of local elites. Finally, the outcomes of French interventions demonstrated the ultimate limits of military force as a method for building sustainable political order.

All six known specimens of the early hominid Sahelanthropus tchadensis come from Toros-Menalla site 266 (TM 266), a single locality in the Djurab Desert, northern Chad, central Africa. Here we present a preliminary analysis of the palaeontological and palaeoecological context of ...

The study uses political economy theories to explain (1) the dynamics within the circle of a country’s top political elites; (2)
the dynamics between these political elites, domestic firms,
and the state’s technocrats who are tasked with nudging firms toward global competitiveness; and (3) the dynamics between the top-level political elites (in the capital city) and provincial
politicians in the extraction area. Several case studies are
used to illustrate how natural resource rents influence each of these three political economy relations. Three remedies are then addressed: transparency & accountability, advocated by the West; resources-for-infrastructure barter trades, preferred by China; and distributing resource revenues to citizens equally via direct cash transfers, tried by Mongolia. Lastly, the study draws closer to the real world of German development cooperation. Applying the political economy lens developed throughout the study, the final section discusses the dynamics likely to be encountered when implementing the German Technical Cooperation Guidelines, i.e. assisting partner countries in long-term strategy development; consensus finding among stakeholders; improving technical education; organizing business and worker interests; and giving local communities the means to claim their rights. The study’s aim is to explain why donor-driven reforms (be they for better governance or SME linkage promotion) sometimes fail to meet their intended goals: reform policies – while outwardly appearing similar to policies in the OECD-world – can have an inwardly different function, one that caters to the logic of co-opting elites in order to stabilise the political settlement.

Located in the Guéra region in central Chad, the Mongo Sub-Prefecture is the scene of recurring conflicts related to the occupation and exploitation of the land. While the phenomenon is neither new nor specific to this part of the country, the scale it has taken in recent years makes it a worrying subject. This land conflicts are driven by a multitude of actors with traditional authorities, agricultural producers and the urban elite at the center. They are fuelled by the fact that the legal land tenure system, set up first by the colonial authority and then renewed by the Chadian authorities, has never been a reality in rural areas. To conduct the study the questionnaire survey was conducted from a sample of 106 households. Subsequently, semi-structured interviews supplemented the information collected through the questionnaires. The results reveal not only a pluralism of norms whose contradiction in implementation is inevitably conflicting, but also and above all the actors' play around rural land, with a multitude of conflicts whose impact is strongly felt by populations, both in terms of agricultural or pastoral production, and in terms of trade and social cohesion. At the end of the study, it turns out that the population largely ignores the laws governing the land. The result is a pluralism of norms, but the customary rules are preponderant. This determines several modes of access and use of the land. Résumé Située dans la région du Guéra au centre du Tchad, la Sous-préfecture de Mongo est le théâtre des conflits récurrents liés à l'occupation et à

This dissertation focuses on French military interventions in Subsaharan Africa during the presidency of Valéry Giscard d'Estaing. It is principally based upon two case studies: the French interventions in Zaire in 1977 and 1978, and in Chad between 1974 and 1980. In studying these interventions, as well as conducting a broader analysis of French Africa policy, this dissertation makes four arguments. First, strategic considerations, strongly linked to ideological concerns relating to security, prestige, and credibility, were the principle factors behind French decisions to intervene. Second, economic interests only played a secondary role in the reasoning of French decisionmakers. Instead, these interests were indirect and were mostly concerned with protecting
the economic bases of client or allied regimes. Third, allied African elites exercised a great deal of influence over French policymaking on the continent, including military interventions. The success of French policy greatly depended upon the agreement and cooperation of local elites. Finally, the outcomes of French interventions demonstrated the ultimate limits of military force as a method for building sustainable political order.

This chapter examines the recent resurgence of hybrid tribunals and seeks to explain why they have ‘returned’ as a viable model of international criminal justice. It proceeds as follows. The first section of the chapter briefly defines and describes hybrid tribunals before illustrating the resurgence in their use since 2015. A number of recently established and proposed hybrid courts are outlined. The second section of the chapter seeks to explain the reasons behind the ‘rebirth’ of hybrid tribunals. It situates their reemergence amidst the confluence of three broad factors: the increasingly evident limitations of the ICC; the waning view that the Court must be the only purveyor of international criminal justice; and the ongoing utility of hybrid tribunals. The chapter then argues, in section three, that hybrid courts should form an important part of a ‘network’ of international criminal justice alongside, rather than in competition with, the ICC or domestic judiciaries. The section also offers the creation of a permanent hybrid tribunal as a means to consolidate such a network of global justice. Finally, the chapter concludes by arguing that the revival of hybrid tribunals is unlikely to be ad hoc and that, even if they eventually fall out of fashion again, proponents of international criminal justice would do well to study and understand their benefits and advantages.

Le Tchad se singularise d’abord par son positionnement géographique et sa grande superficie. Sa population se caractérise par un faible peuplement moyen et, en ce début du XXIe siècle, par une forte croissance démographique dans un contexte de fécondité encore élevée, celle-ci étant en partie corrélée avec une forte mortalité infantile. Mais cette population présente de fortes différences régionales de densité auxquelles s’ajoute une répartition en une multitude d’ethnies qui, depuis l’indépendance, rivalisent pour l’accès ou le maintien au pouvoir étatique.

The Discours historique de l’estat du royaume de Borno, written by a former French slave in Tripoli in 1685, is one of the most important sources for the history of Borno sultanate. Unfortunately, its study has been neglected due to inconsistencies between the manuscript and other sources. The manuscript was then considered as a second hand source. However, a close study of the context where the manuscript was conceived and written shows that we can deeply learn from it. The work of whom we call the « French surgeon », comes within the scope of a context favorable for writing the experience of captivity. It is the consequence of the author’s intense works of research in Tripoli and in France. The « French surgeon » wrote this chapter in a voluminous manuscript on the history of Tripoli with the reviews of a second author. The most interesting part of his work remains the way how the « French surgeon » collected his sources : their census is the occasion to propose their first classification, and a first overview of the contribution of the Discours historique de l’estat du royaume de Borno for the modern history of Borno sultanate.

New report on armed groups along Libya’s southern border: Europe contributes to destabilizing dynamics
Southern Libya after the fall of Qaddafi has become synonymous with lawlessness. For centuries, the area has been home to a shifting sea of ethnic groups who see the border as an imposition but not a barrier. The Tubu (or Teda) are one such group, whose presence stretches across southern Libya, Chad, and Niger.

In its new report Lost in Trans-Nation: Tubu and Other Armed Groups and Smugglers along Libya’s Southern Border, the Small Arms Survey explores the role of Tubu militias before and since the fall of the Qaddafi regime; the roles and alliances of Chadian and Sudanese combatants in the border area; the Agadez–Fezzan corridor, placing particular weight on recent changes in migrant smuggling and drug trafficking; and data and analysis of regional weapons flows.

Authored by researchers Jérôme Tubiana and Claudio Gramizzi, Lost in Trans-Nation is a joint publication of the Small Arms Survey’s Security Assessment in North Africa (SANA) and Human Security Baseline Assessment for Sudan and South Sudan (HSBA) projects, in cooperation with Conflict Armament Research (CAR), and builds on the 2017 report Tubu Trouble: State and Statelessness in the Chad–Sudan–Libya Triangle by the same authors and organizations.

This report studies the effects of EU migration policies and the externalisation of EU border control on Saharan migration routes and on practices in the border regions connecting Niger, Chad, Sudan and Libya. The report finds that, in response to the obstacles and opportunities that border externalisation policies present for migrants, migration routes diversify and move to other countries. Beyond the fact that migration
is a transnational phenomenon not linked to one particular route or itinerary, this continuous moving of routes is made possible by cross-border Saharan trade and trafficking networks that have put in place the necessary logistics to facilitate migration and which often fall outside government control. Pushed by EU efforts to curtail migration, states such as Niger, Chad and Sudan have shored up border patrols and anti-smuggling operations in the border regions under study here. The report shows that this has been done in a manner that is often not conducive to stability in the region and which contributes to the ‘militia-isation’ – the growing power of militias whose presence undermines the state – of the countries at issue.

This chapter is an analysis of the Borno embassy to Mamluk Cairo in 1391, with a special interrest on the written norms and diplomatic practices of a Sahelian islamic state in the Middle Ages. In this chapter, the author not only thoroughly analyzes the political and economic context, but he also focuses on the shared diplomatic culture and its symbolism for the Borno sultanate.

Relations between Chad and China have expanded and deepened since diplomatic ties were resumed in August 2006. Growing links have been underpinned by Chinese oil development operations, epitomised by the Rônier refinery project. This symbolises China's ascendancy in Chad following N'Djamena's rejection of its relations with the World Bankled Chad–Cameroon pipeline project. Despite recent turbulence, oil investment looks set to play the key part in China's continuing engagement in Chad and enhance the potential for stimulating economic growth, despite severe constraints and ongoing challenges. By investing in a refinery, and dealing with N'Djamena in a different way from the conditionality heavy approach of recent Western engagement, China has embarked on an innovative intervention of increasing importance in Chad. This is seen in the appropriation of China by the Chadian leadership under President Idriss Déby as a means to promote a range of social goals related to the domestic political objectives of his regime. However, tensions remain within the terms of the newly forged partnership. Whether China can follow through on and sustain its present engagement, and enable Chad to escape its historical confinement amidst chronic underdevelopment and protracted insecurity, remains to be seen.

"An endless  civil war triggers in Chad five years after his independence in 1960.  Through the active involvement of France and Libya, the conflict shifted gradually from a simple uprising to a
complex global cold war  battlefield.  The  hostilities  endangered Chad’s independence  and became a matter of concern for the Organization of African Unity (OAU). "

Mourre, V., Bouimon, T., Mbairo, J. et Robion-Brunner, C. (2016) - « Archéologie des régions lacustres du Tchad : premiers résultats de la mission archéologique franco-tchadienne, poster présenté au congrès de la Society of Africanists Archaeologists, Toulouse, 26 juin - 2 juillet 2016.

"This paper applies the insights of obsolescing bargaining theory to a situation in which a host country interacted with both multinational corporations and an international organization, the
World Bank. Drawing on resource curse literature and the Rubinstein bargaining model, we demonstrate the continued usefulness of obsolescing bargaining theory by explaining why the World Bank had to renegotiate its initial bargain with Chad in the Chad-Cameroon Oil Pipeline Project. The paper explores how specific bargaining parameters changed over time in this case and suggests how resource curse dynamics and their impact on domestic politics might be particularly relevant for bargaining between host countries and international actors. The case study serves as a warning to international financial institutions and corporations alike with regard to the ways in
which obsolescing bargains can arise in the contemporary global political-economy."

Cet article propose de déconstruire la lecture globalisante et le label « Boko Haram » pour contribuer à une sociologie politique du mouvement et de la violence armée dans la région du bassin du lac Tchad. Il s’appuie sur des entretiens, notamment avec des déplacés, et des observations réalisées au cours de plusieurs terrains de recherche. L’auteur met en lumière les dynamiques de prédation, la faculté du groupe de créer du lien politique et de se connecter aux dynamiques sociales locales. Boko Haram est un mouvement hétérogène avec des formes de liens politiques et d’implantations locales précises. Enfin, les dynamiques du conflit dépassent largement les racines de Boko Haram et agrègent des acteurs aux ambitions, rationalités et savoir-faire différents.

Dans une perspective ethnologique, il s’agit de comprendre comment les Moundang du sud-ouest du Tchad, dont le dispositif rituel releve de la royaute sacree, se convertissent aux Religions du Livre musulmanes et chretiennes. De fait, deux territoires distincts sont mis en comparaison a travers la figure d’un migrant religieux, le Prophete Isaac. Du clan de la cour au sein de la constellation d’Eglises protestantes de la Sudan United Mission creee par le missionnaire allemand Karl Kumm, il chemine entre la commune de Lere au Tchad et Jos, « capitale » evangelique de la Middle Belt au Nigeria pour fonder sa propre Eglise « indigene » chez les siens. Du rejet des rites traditionnels des premiers protestants a l’inculturation catholique francophone puis a la « diabolisation » de la part des pentecotistes, les differentes strategies missionnaires europeennes et americaines sont etudiees. Ce travail est ainsi construit suivant trois axes : en premier lieu, la pluralite religieuse en terri...

Background: Health situation in Chad, particularly in the Western Logone is characterized by a general high morbidity, a difficult access to healthcare structures, and by a plurality of healthcare provision. In the evnt of illnesses, very few patients (18%) resort to modern healthcare. Objective: This study aims at adressing the link between the provision of healthcare system, geographical accessibility and patients therapeutic behaviors. Methods: We have resorted to methodology usually used in in geography that is review literature, surveys and interviews. Over the 429 investigated households, a response rate of 99.9% was obtained.. Levels of analyses include both descriptive and explanatory analyses. Results: 96% of the investigated individuals live close to a health center (0 to 10 kms) is. Conversely, 75% are attending healthcare centers located beyond 10 kms. In the event of illnesses, about 82% of patients resort firstly to traditional care. Résumé Contexte : le contexte sanitaire du Tchad, et plus particulièrement celui de la région du Logone occidental, est caractérisé par une forte

Depuis des années, des transes se succèdent dans des établissements scolaires de N'Djamena et touchent principalement des étudiantes. Dans cet article, j'analyse certaines réactions d'enseignants et de parents, mais aussi des médias et des autorités religieuses et politiques qui commentent ou qui interviennent pendant ces crises dans les écoles. Les références fréquentes à des « maladies », à des « syncopes » ou à l'« hystérie » renvoient, parfois simultanément, à différentes menaces ressenties qui pèseraient sur la ville et ses habitants. Ainsi, les élans d'une jeunesse trépidante sont reliés à l'apparition de djiins, shâyatîns, sirènes aquatiques et autres igures sorcellaires, dont la proximité menaçante serait révélée par la profusion d'accessoires de beauté chez les illes, autant que par les effets supposés de certains « parfums de Boko Haram » (la secte ayant frappé mortellement N'Djamena). Parallèlement à ces interprétations populaires, politiques et religieuses, la transe semble surtout s'articuler pour la jeunesse étudiante de N'Djamena à l'expérience de souffrances et d'abus répétés, mais aussi à différentes luttes pour l'éman-cipation. En conclusion, j'avance l'hypothèse selon laquelle ces conduites corporelles exceptionnelles permettent à une partie de la jeunesse tchadienne d'exprimer ses malaises et ses aspirations, tout en lui posant, du fait des propriétés caractéristiques du phénomène de la transe, des limites contraignantes.

The Impasses of Trance at School. Gender Violence, Religions and Protests in N'Djamena.-For several years, schoolgirls in N'Djamena have been entering into a state of trance. This article analyses some of the reactions of the girls' teachers and parents, as well as those of the media and the political and religious authorities who have been commenting or directly intervening during these crisis in the schools. The frequent references to "illnesses," "syncopes" or "hysteria" refer, often simultaneously, to various kinds of threat that seem to be menacing N'Djamena and its inhabitants. The rush experienced by anxious adolescent girls is associated with the appearance of djiins, shâyatîns, water sirens and other igures from witchcraft, whose threatening presence is supposedly borne out by the abundance of beauty accessories among the girls, but also by the effects of a "Boko Haram perfume" (the sect having perpetrated a series of deadly attacks in N'Djamena). Apart from these popular, political and religious interpretations, young students' trances in Chad's capital city seem to take the form of suffering and recurrent abuse, but also of their various struggles for emancipation. In conclusion, I conjecture that this exceptional behaviour actually enables the young student in Chad to express their sufferings and aspirations, while, due to the characteristic properties of the trance phenomenon, at the same time imposing binding limits upon them.

ꜤAbd al-aqq al-Sanūsī al-Tarjumī, oral history, Solomon. Abstract: In 1909, when the sultanate of Wadai, until then the last independent Muslim state in Africa, succumbed to French authority, the scholar ꜤAbd al-aqq al-Sanūsī al-Tarjumī wrote a treatise in which he explained why Muslims could remain in the country and live in "reconciliation" (Ṣulḥ) with the Christian conqueror. More than a hundred years later, the author and this treatise, Tabsirat al-ayrān min haul fitan al-zamān (Enlightenment of the Perplexed on the Horror of the Trials of our Time) have acquired a new reputation. This article explores the reasons why al-Tarjumī revives, and the relation between his work and his reputation. It will argue that his learned plea for reconciliation with the non-muslim colonial occupants of Wadai is now called upon to strenghten the position of traditional Muslims in Chad visa -vis fundamentalists; and that, with the help of King Solomon, al-Tarjumī has turned into the central figure of a narrative of wisdom literature. The study is based on three types of sources: a reading of al-Tarjumī's treatise, secondary literature about the history of his time, and interviews carried out in november 2017 in the Chadian cities of Abeche, Mongo and Ndjamena. Muslim cemeteries in Chad are not easy to recognise. Graves are not marked and graveyards are just open spaces, usually outside towns or cities. The Maqābir al-shuhadā' (Cemetery of the martyrs) in Abeche, the capital of the province of Wadai, is a walled-in empty space in the Shiq al-fukara ward. It is said to be the burial place of a few dozen victims, all learned Muslims, of a massacre committed by order of a French colonial officer in 1917, which came to be known as the kubkub tragedy. At the foot of a large tree, one plot is delineated by bricks that stick obliquely out of the sand, like a ring of teeth. Here lies, according to the notables of the city, the body of ꜤAbd al-aqq al-Sanūsī al-Tarjumī, the most important scholar of his time. The demarcation, however, is of very recent date and the choice of this particular spot is based on an illusion. The identification of al-Tarjumī's grave is the result of the revival of his fame and part of a new tradition. This article will explore the reasons why al-Tarjumī revives, and the relation between his work and his reputation. It will argue that his scholarly plea for reconciliation with the non-muslim colonial occupants of Wadai is now called upon to strenghten the position of traditional Muslims in Chad visa -vis fundamentalist co-religionists. The study is based on three types of sources: a reading of al-Tarjumī's best known text Tabsirat al-ayrān min haul fitan al-zamān (Enlightenment of the Perplexed on the Horror of the Trials of our Time) secondary literature about the history of his time, and interviews carried out in november 2017 in Abeche, Mongo and Ndjamena.

Sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV) among refugee women and children is one of the greatest threats to human rights. To improve prevention and response techniques, the global leaders in refugee management, UNHCR, developed a comprehensive set of guidelines to be universally adapted with a multi-sectoral and interagency approach. Using secondary research data conducted by NGOs working within several refugee settlements across Chad and Uganda, this paper argues that more work needs to be done in order to ensure social protections and easy access to services for SGBV survivors. By evaluating the effectiveness of the six overarching 1 strategies outlined in the UNHCR guidelines, this paper draws attention to the barriers and gaps that remain within refugee camps in addressing this epidemic.