Colonial Genocide

The paper aims to analyze the concept of ‘colonial genocide’ elaborated by the National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls in its report published on 3 June 2019 and the international responsibility of Canada for its wrongful act according to the current international law

The coastal Isthmus of Tehuantepec region of Oaxaca, Mexico – known locally as the Istmo – is regarded as one of the best wind energy generating sites in the world. Marketed as a preeminent solution to mitigating climate change, wind energy is now applying increasing pressure on indigenous groups in the region. The article begins by outlining a definition of colonialism that assists in identifying the temporal continuity of the colonial project to understand its relationship with wind energy development. The next section briefly reviews colonial genocide studies, discussing disciplinary debates between liberal and post-liberal genocide scholars, the relevance of self-management within colonial systems, the genocide-ecocide nexus and the ‘intent’ of destructive development projects. This leads into reviewing the claims and findings that emerged from fieldwork in the Istmo, which is divided into the north and south to show the different, yet similar dynamics taking place in the region. Finally, the article concludes that wind energy development as a ‘solution’ to climate change not only distracts from its dependence on fossil fuels and mining, but renews and continues a slow industrial genocide, assimilating and targeting (indigenous) people who continue to value their land, sea and cultural relationships.

This chapter examines the Herero and Nama war, the genocidal German campaign in Namibia, and the war's aftermath in the colony. Special attention is paid to the conflict between the former colonial governor Theodor Leutwein and the General who took over the colony during the genocidal war, and who directed the genocidal military campaign, Lothar von Trotha.

In June 2019 Canada’s National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls released its final report. This short Reflection focuses on the National Inquiry’s supplementary legal analysis, which concerns the law of genocide. I contend that this analysis is correct in holding that the murder and disappearance of large numbers of Indigenous women, girls, and other persons ought to be understood as an ongoing crime facilitated by specific policy choices, legal decisions, and socio-economic structures. I also contend that the systemic, recurrent, and large-scale nature of this crime is best captured by the term “genocide.” I argue that formal legal definitions of “genocide” such as the one offered in the 1948 Genocide Convention, though conceptually clunky, historically contingent, and politically inadequate, are key to illuminating some of the structural forces underlying and animating a range of events that may otherwise appear unrelated. Genocide, the ultimate collectivist crime, is a concept of preponderantly legal origin, which means that serious consideration must be given to its specifically legal definition when trying to determine whether it is justifiable or appropriate to apply it to a given social phenomenon. Its standard legal definition may be unable to do justice to the specificities of different modes of group violence, but its abstract generality is also what enables those who employ it to highlight the intrinsically systemic character of such destruction. Ultimately, I suggest that Canada’s genocide “debate” turns on the relation between “law” and “society”—the question, that is, of how precisely a legal definition is to be interpreted and applied under different, and often rapidly changing, social conditions.

In 2007, in order to facilitate the building and operations of the Square Kilometre Array (SKA), the Astronomy Geographic Advantage Act proclaimed a large 'astronomy reserve' in the central Upper Karoo, a roughly rhombic space covering some 120,000 square kilometres. As it happens, this geographic reserve coincides almost exactly with a region described by |Xam prisoners of the mid 19th century as |Xam-ka !au, their homeland. We show how archival records indicate that jXam descendants are still living in the space now reserved for astronomy and how the claims of the Kalahari communities represented in the South African San Council of having once lived in the area lack substance. We compare the |Xam and the SKA notions of landscape, describe the historic evolution from the one to the other and suggest that benefit for local communities can only be in the form of bottom-up discussions about the planning of future developments and the distribution of tangible benefits.

Officially, the 300-year enslavement of Africans in America desisted on December 06, 1865, by virtue of the Thirteenth Amendment of the United States Constitution. (African slaves were brought to so-called Spanish Florida as early as the 1560s.) Dismally, however, Morton's Fork ruled where blacks were concerned; it is an abominable fact that for the three quarters of a century supervening slavery-1865 to1940-capricious, malicious and tendentious applications of obscure, generally anachronistic-as well as flat-out concocted-legalities (not to mention thousands of lynchings) were foisted exclusively upon countless black men and (some) black women who were methodically sentenced to years of hard labor for lack of monies (as most all employers refused to hire blacks) to pay fines imposed for allegedly committing various (mostly trumped-up) misdemeanors.

In writing Heart of Darkness, Conrad made a crucial discovery.  Morality does not prevent genocide.  Quite the contrary, genocide occurs because of moral discourses.  It was for this reason that Conrad rejected morality.  To put the matter simply, Conrad rejects morality because he is committed to social justice.  For a more detailed analysis of Conrad's view of the political psychology that makes genocide possible, see chapter five of my book The Modernist God State, which is titled: "Joseph Conrad and Michael Bakunin on the Redemptive Logic of Western Genocide."

Local and national contexts shape the way people commemorate the Jewish Holocaust. In settler colonial contexts, Holocaust memory has a tendency to marginalise Indigenous peoples and obscure histories of colonial violence. In 2017, Canada unveiled its first national site dedicated exclusively to the Holocaust – the National Holocaust Monument (NHM) – several blocks away from the federal Parliament buildings in downtown Ottawa. I contend that, while the monument ostensibly commemorates the genocide of European Jewry, it also reflects Canada’s ongoing history as a settler state founded on the dispossession of Indigenous peoples from their lands. Proponents of the NHM – monument designers, spokespersons, and political supporters – engage with themes that are central to Canada’s national myth. They frame civilisational progress as the overarching narrative of both human and national history, and identify contemporary Canada as a the culmination of this history. This narrative marginalises Indigenous peoples in mutually reinforcing ways: it erases Indigenous peoples from the landscape while, at the same time, constructing settler society as newly “indigenised” inhabitants. In this way, the Canadian state uses the NHM to legitimise the theft of land while also suppressing Indigenous claims to land.

At the end of the nineteenth century, Indigenous boarding schools were touted as the means for solving the “Indian problem” in both the United States and Canada. With the goal of permanently transforming Indigenous young people into Europeanized colonial subjects, the schools were ultimately a means for eliminating Indigenous communities as obstacles to land acquisition, resource extraction, and nation-building. Andrew Woolford analyzes the formulation of the “Indian problem” as a policy concern in the United States and Canada and examines how the “solution” of Indigenous boarding schools was implemented in Manitoba and New Mexico through complex chains that included multiple government offices with a variety of staffs, Indigenous peoples, and even nonhuman actors such as poverty, disease, and space. The genocidal project inherent in these boarding schools, however, did not unfold in either nation without diversion, resistance, and unintended consequences.

Inspired by the signing of the 2006 Residential School Settlement Agreement in Canada, which provided a truth and reconciliation commission and compensation for survivors of residential schools, This Benevolent Experiment offers a multilayered, comparative analysis of Indigenous boarding schools in the United States and Canada. Because of differing historical, political, and structural influences, the two countries have arrived at two very different responses to the harms caused by assimilative education.

This special issue addresses the possible connections and mutual benefits of examining together two analytic concepts – memory and periphery. These concepts receive much attention in various scholarly discussions, yet they have done so rather independently from each other. The potential applications and utilities of combining memory and periphery and the epistemic insights they provide for various disciplins are presented in the different contributions to this issue.

Australia is populated with violent place names, a shadowland of myth. This is the story of toponymic Murdering Creek, on the southern side of Lake Weyba near Noosa in Queensland’s southeast. We will assess the alleged massacre at Murdering Creek as a potential type instance of the Australian genocidal process.
In our forensic examination of the Murdering Creek massacre myth, we find that it is supported by an actual event that, on the balance of evidence, took place in 1864 on a 23,000 acre pastoral station called Yandina Run,  between the Maroochy River and Lake Weyba. We determine that the massacre was carried out by local pastoral workers and at least one timbergetter. The motive seems to have been  a belief in white supremacy,  and a pathological desire to remove the Aboriginals, who objected to a homestead being built near a sacred bora in 1862.  An unkown number of Aboriginals were murdered while in canoes at the mouth of the Creek and into the shallow foreshore of the lake, where they had been inveigled by a ruse.
The massacre was enabled by the murderous and racist policies of the newly installed Herbert Government, the first Government of Queensland. Herbert assumed the office of Government in 1859, and was sworn into power in 1860. He took the title of premier and colonial secretary, which included Aboriginal affairs. He is considered the founder of Queensland. During Herbert’s long term, there is no legislative evidence that he considered the human rights of dispossessed Aboriginals. His priorities were economic, and Aboriginals were an encumbrance. Herbert’s Government introduced Aboriginal dispersal policies that legitimised extermination. Britain was a co-conspirator. Britain supplied the weaponry, strategic governance, immigrants and maritime mercantile support.
In our findings, Murdering Creek therefore becomes a type instance of a violent State sponsored process that saw the destruction of Aboriginal society across a multiplicity of other Murdering Creek type events in Queensland and across Australia.
Meticulous effort has been used to investigate this particular myth, because other researchers may be able to reuse the originating syncretic methods and investigative tools that can help them further decode Australia’s mythical past. Not the largely confected, triumphal past of heroic pastoralism, as it tamed the land for economic gain. No, it is the violent and defiantly  racist past that many of us choose to forget, including that at Murdering Creek. It is the invasive pattern of armed dispossession, the process of occupation that formed the political uses of Australian genocide, where economic imperatives outweighed humanitarian considerations. We ignore the past to our cost.

Indigenous Peoples and Contemporary Genocide Claims:

When indigenous peoples invoke the term genocide to describe their present day experiences it is often derided.  This is, at least in part, a product of the fixation of much genocide scholarship with mass killing and a failure to appreciate the importance of culture to the concept of genocide in the works of Raphael Lemkin. Consequently there is insufficient serious discussion of culturally destructive processes, which do not involve direct physical killing or violence, through the analytical lens of genocide.

The paper attempts to begin addressing this gap by discussing two recent examples from North America.  The paper concludes that indigenous peoples' use of the concept is often more accurate and precise than that espoused by many academics and calls for more research into the genocidal effects on indigenous peoples of state sanctioned dispossession and invasive industrial
interventions.

Tutsak Bebek
Beşik değil nasibine ranza düştü. 
Önlük yerine boynuna yafta düştü. 
Ömrüne daha yeni, hafta düştü. 
Bebek katiliyle bebeğim bir safa düştü
Ortak oldu annesinin çilesine
Erken geldi düzenbazların hilesine
O da katıldı yusufların kafilesine
Bebeğimin masumiyeti adalette lafa düştü
Yavrum tanımıyor daha babasını,
Parmalıklar ardına kurdu yuvasını,
Dört duvar sanıyor dünyasını,
Bebeğimin hürriyeti mahkemede rafa düştü.
Daha kırkı çıkmadan kesildi sütten
Maması yokken yargılanıyor örgütten
Yer gök utanır, bu mahkumiyetten
Bebeğime zindan, firavuna sefa düştü
Bebeğim mahbusta büyüyecek,
Minik adımlarla koğuşta yürüyecek,
Omzunda bir dava yükselecek,
Bebeğimin vebali mahşerde affa düştü.
Oyuncağı zeytin çekirdeğinden tesbih
Bu zülmü yazacak bir gün tarih
Kabilden beri zalimin sonu aynı telmih
Şimdilik bebeğime zindanda cefa düştü
Musa Firavun'un sarayında büyüdü
Yusuf zindandan sultanlığa yürüdü
Calût Davut'un sapan taşında çürüdü
Sabret bebeğim Rabbine hep vefa düştü
Bir Anne

This essay furthers the debate on the Palestinian case as it relates to Genocide Studies, questioning the lack of substantive discussion of this case to date in traditional Genocide Studies fora. It reemphasises the importance of the settler-colonial dimension to Zionist settlement in Palestine, which, it argues, has so far not been explored sufficiently. The paper suggests that the ‘Nakba’ of 1948, which was based on appropriation of the land of Palestine without its people, comprising massacres, physical destruction of villages, appropriation of land, property and culture, can be seen as an ongoing process and not merely a historical event.

Contemporary approaches to integrating "self" and the "other"—such as multiculturalism, cultural diversity, race relations, inclusiveness strategies, or identity politics—are flawed from the perspective of traditional thought. At their core, modernist ideologies are inimical to and destructive of all human diversity. The new face of antipathy to pluralism is becoming more deceptive as it grows less focused on respecting diversity and more on promoting ideological uniformity and the erection of a global monoculture. This essay argues that it is from a metaphysical perspective that human diversity can be fully understood and can seek to reconcile the dichotomy of "self" and the "other".

In den Kämpfen für eine andere Welt ist eine Vielheit von Masken an die Stelle des einheitlichen Subjekts getreten, das die Revolutionen des 20. Jahrhunderts im Proletariat zu finden hofften. Das Buch untersucht am Beispiel der maskierten aufständischen Zapatistas im Südosten von Mexiko und den Maskierungen der Maya im Hochland von Guatemala die Verbindung von Spiritualität und Politik im indigenen Widerstand: Der Anspruch auf die Anerkennung von Vielfalt, Differenz und Würde stützt sich auf soziale, ökonomische und symbolische Formen von Sinn, Wert und Bedeutung, die sich der kapitalistischen Wertzirkulation widersetzen.

In den Masken des Widerstands geht es um die durchaus nicht selbstverständlichen Beziehungen zwischen meinem ich und allen Anderen. Die Analyse der indigenen Geschichte und Gegenwart Mesoamerikas zeigt aus einer philosophischen Perspektive, dass die Konstitution eines jeden ich als ein bestimmter subjektiver Entwurf im Hinblick auf die Anderen erfolgt. Denn wir sind genötigt, den Anderen einen Sinn zu geben, um uns selbst zu begreifen.

Gestützt auf eine solche dekolonialisierende Herangehensweise werden die Aufstandsbewegungen in den Regenwäldern von Mexiko und Guatemala in den Blick genommen. Am Beispiel der maskierten ›Heiligen‹ der Maya im Hochland von Guatemala und der ebenfalls maskierten aufständischen Zapatistas im Südosten von Mexiko wird die enge Verbindung von Spiritualität und Politik im indigenen Widerstand verständlich gemacht.

In diesen Kämpfen für eine ›Welt, in der viele Welten Platz haben‹ ist eine Vielheit von Masken an die Stelle des einheitlichen Subjekts getreten, das die Revolutionen des 20. Jahrhunderts im Proletariat zu finden hofften. Durch diese Masken werden Subjektivierungsweisen möglich, in denen das ich den Anderen begegnet und Differenz als Bereicherung erfahrbar wird. In den sozialen Auseinandersetzungen der Gegenwart haben die indigenen Bewegungen eine große moralische Bedeutung erlangt, da ihre politischen Forderungen auf die dringend notwendige Anerkennung der Andersheit der Anderen abzielen.

Der indigene Anspruch auf die Anerkennung von Vielfalt und Differenz stützt sich auf andere soziale, ökonomische und symbolische Formen von  Sinn, Wert und Bedeutung. Ihre fortdauernde Existenz nach mehr als fünfhundert Jahren Widerstand ist das Ergebnis einer spirituell und politisch motivierten gesellschaftlichen Dynamik, die den Respekt vor der Würde der Anderen einfordert.

Die Vorstellung von Mesoamerika, die Existenz eines gemeinsamen kulturellen Raumes, der sich von Mexiko über Guatemala, Belize, Honduras bis nach Salvador, Nicaragua und Costa Rica erstreckt, benötigt keine lange Verteidigung, da die Ähnlichkeiten der hier gebräuchlichen gesellschaftlichen Konzepte manifest sind. Die Struktur des Universums, die Kosmogonien, Kalendarien, Riten, Mythen, Legenden, magischen Prinzipien und Praktiken, Götterwelten und Widerstandsformen verfügen in Mesoamerika über vielfältige Maskierungen; aber im Grunde ist es unbezweifelbar, dass ihre charakteristischen Begriffe miteinander korrespondieren.

Only through an exhaustive, in-depth approach to the reasons that have caused the ongoing Darfur Genocide, and following a thorough understanding of the criminal work of the French, namely the fabrication of a false language, an inexistent culture, and a bogus-nation, can people realize the tragedy befallen on the various peoples of Sudan – that are all non-Arabs.

All people in Khartoum know already that they live the end of a long tyrannical experience; they have not identified the forthcoming solution, but they have the real feeling that the nightmare named ‘Sudan’ has already its expiry date. It was about time!

No one knows the details of the final, ultimate division of Sudan; even the number of the emanating countries is not precisely told. Will there finally be a Free Nubia? Will the Red Sea coast’s Beja / Blemmyes ultimately get the freedom they have fought so many centuries for? What will the various borders among the possibly 6 or 7 countries east of Chad look like?
The only issue they have no doubt about is Peace; Peace will be achieved only when all these various peoples and ethnic – religious groups will get their independence and enjoy their self-determination and freedom, following the cancellation of the murderous and inhuman frame of ‘Sudan’, a name that means just Death.

Bogos Nubaryan 1918-1922 yılları arasında Ermeni tezlerini tanıtmak için Ermeni Patrikliğince görevli olarak Avrupa'ya gönderilmiştir. Bu yıllar arasında Ermenilerin Anadolu'da yaptıklarını ve Avrupa'da yapılan karalama propagandalarını düzenli olarak Ermeni Patriğine gönderdiği raporlar ve yaşadığı hayal kırıklıkları, büyük Ermenistan hayalinin sona ermesini anlattığı belgelere dayalı değerli bir eser

A number of studies have shown that ecocide can be a method of genocide if, for
example, environmental destruction results in conditions of life that fundamentally
threaten a social group’s cultural and/or physical existence.1 With the ever-increasing
rise of such cases of ecological destruction brought on by the extractive industries, or
indirectly induced by anthropogenic climate change, we argue that the field of
genocide studies should draw from the rich scholarly tradition of political ecology
and environmental sociology. Indeed, it is the contention of the authors that, given the
looming threat of runaway climate change in the twenty-first century, the advent of
the geological phase classified by geologists and earth scientists as anthropocene and the attendant rapid extinction of species, destruction of habitats, ecological collapse
and the self-evident dependency of the human race on our biosphere, ecocide (both
‘natural’ and ‘manmade’) will become a primary driver of genocide. It is therefore
incumbent upon genocide scholars to attempt a paradigm shift in the greatest
traditions of science3 and to cohere a synthesis of the sociology of genocide and
environmental sociology into a theoretical apparatus that can illuminate the links
between, and uncover the drivers of, ecocide and genocidal social death.4 Following
a discussion of both the conceptual and legal nexus between ecocide and genocide,
we further contend that capitalist ‘land grabs’ carried out by extractive industries,
industrial farms and the like are, through the annexation of indigenous land and the
associated ‘externalities’, the principal vectors of ecologically induced genocide when
the genos in question is an indigenous people.

Genocide and the intergenerational trauma that it produces have had a demonstrable effect on the health and wellbeing of Aboriginal peoples. This chapter first lays the basis of a claim for the violation of the United Nations Genocide Convention (1948) in the Indian Residential Schools (IRS) system. The focus is Article 2(e), which prohibits the forced transfer of children from one group to another. Second, the chapter outlines some of the effects of genocide on Survivors and their families, focusing on three levels of analysis: PTSD and intergenerational trauma, theories of historic trauma, and an overview of the health effects of racism and high allostatic load. These levels are important when seeking to determine how genocide recognition would help alleviate some of these problems. The chapter concludes by suggesting ways that healing and reconciliation can go forward in the aftermath of genocide and what role genocide recognition might play in this process.

This article explores the work performed by the genocide concept in the context of discussions about the Canadian Indian Residential School (IRS) system. In particular, after briefly tracing the history of genocide
debate in Canada, I detail tensions arising from the genocide concept, especially as they relate to fostering historical understanding and decolonization. This involves examination of Raphael Lemkin’s rationale for creating the term, its revision through the discussions that produced the United Nations Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of Genocide (1948), and use of the term by the Truth and Reconciliation Commission and the Canadian Museum for Human Rights. I engage
in this critical reflection not to discount the importance of genocide recognition in Canada, but rather to argue that the genocide concept, as well as the field of genocide studies, must be unsettled and decolonized
if they are to play a productive role in Canadian “reconciliation” or, more ambitiously, transformation.

La Rumorosa Rock Art Along the Border is the first publication to focus on the rock art of this region, primarily along the California and Baja California deserts, the southern Colorado River corridor, and southwest Arizona. Almost none of the sites or photographs have ever been published. This effort is the result of a small group of avocationalists working together with Kumeyaay-Tipai individuals and government agencies over a dedicated four year period. While use was made of existing site records, a meticulous search of the landscape employing newer technology such as DStretch® enhancement rendered many more discoveries. Small traces of pigment often led to the resurrection of complete elements and rock art panels.

I am making this available due to weekly requests for more copies.  It is very much appreciated that all 1500 copies are gone.  The revenue for the books all goes to the fund the Kumeyaay High School Archaeology Internship Program at Imperial Valley Desert Museum and UC Riverside for up to 10 students a year.  It is all 503c.  They get a stipend, 3 university college credits and field work and classroom study in archaeology in the leading university in their homeland.  Help out if you can by calling the museum at the number below.
Don Liponi, Ph.D.
dliponi@yahoo.com
www.larumorosarockart.com
Desert Trails Publishing
Member of the Kumeyaay Education Council
Instructor Kumeyaay Internship Program
Imperial Valley Desert Museum
11 Frontage Road, Ocotillo, CA 92259
Museum Phone = 760-358-7016
http://www.ivdesertmuseum.org/
Kristin O'Lear, M.S. is Executive Curator

There are two foundational sources frequently drawn upon when engaging in genocide accusation: 1) the collected works of Raphael Lemkin, the originator of the term, who sought to define and enshrine in law the crime of genocide, and 2) The United Nations Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide (1948, hereafter UNGC). This paper traces the criminalization of genocide and the development of its lore of accusation (see Pavlich 2007) through the “engaged scholarship” of Raphael Lemkin and the discussions at the United Nations that led to the codification of the UNGC. Through this overview, the restrictions placed on genocide accusation are noted, in particular how the drafters of the UNGC sought to defend their national sovereignty and protect themselves from accusation. Special attention is given to Canada’s involvement in the lore-formation activities related to the creation of the UNGC, with emphasis on how Canada contributed to the marginalization of cultural techniques of group destruction and thereby sought to guarantee for itself absolution for its policies of Indigenous elimination.

Narratives of innocence are stories born of the dispossession of bodies from lands that continue to serve as vectors of violence, reenacting the scene that created them. The term was introduced by Boyd Cothran to describe the cunning afterlife of conflicts between settler states and indigenous peoples: state violence yields stories that reiterate erasure, weaponizing memory to forget the lessons of colonization. In a situation of violence that produces silence, names resonate as instruments of clarity, cutting through erasure. Genocide is a name historians are now using to describe a process of erasure that created modern California, a process indigenous people have long discussed that narratives of innocence have silenced. Through a reading of Cothran's book Remembering the Modoc War and Benjamin Madley's book An American Genocide against an older literary genre on violence ranging from Dee Brown's Bury My Heart at Wounded Knee to Cormac McCarthy's Blood Meridian, I take California as an emblem of a profound alteration in the way the United States processes the trace memory of indigenous erasure. A historical reckoning is now underway as indigenous people reembody their occupied geographies, returning their stories to the land and, in the process, reconfiguring the national narrative.

Genocide and settler colonialism are conceptually related ideas, although the specific relationship remains unclear. Whereas some scholars develop subcategories of 'colonial genocide' or examine the historical origins of these concepts, I address the signification of 'genocide' and 'indigeneity.' I explore the system of meanings underlying each concept to suggest that both are paradoxically rooted in otherness. The category of indigeneity reveals a basic paradox: the colonizer and Indigenous other are separate from but, simultaneously, dependent upon one another. Likewise, with genocide the perpetrator and othered victim are separate but at the same time dependent on each other. Genocide and indigeneity are conceptually related so that one can consider them as two aspects of the same phenomenon. I propose conceptualizing the relationship between indigeneity and genocide as a two-stage process of erasure in settler societies, with imposition of the category of indigeneity as a preliminary genocide that precedes a formal act of genocide.

First published in the American Chronicle, Buzzle and AfroArticles on 26th April 2007
Republished:
http://www.somalitalk.com/oil/freedom.html (on the same date)
http://qilxuujaarsoo.blogspot.com.eg/2007/05/freedom-for-ogaden-wests-last-choince.html (3rd May 2007)
Ogaden was for millennia a passageway between Africa’s East coast and the Abyssinian plateau; through the Periplus of the Red Sea, a text written approximately before 1930 years by an Alexandrian Egyptian captain and merchant, we know details about the navigation alongside the African Red Sea coast, through the Bab al Mandeb straits, and further on until the Cap of Spices (Akroterion Aromaton – present day Cap Guardafui) and down to Rhapta, in the area of today’s Dar es Salam in Tanzania. Since the sailors had to arrange everything in a way to sail according to the direction of monsoons, sometimes they had to wait many long months in these faraway places; this was the main reason for the development of the trans-African caravan routes through the region of Ogaden.

In recent years, genocide scholars have given greater attention to the dangers posed by climate change for increasing the prevalence or intensity of genocide. Challenges related to forced migration, resource scarcity, famine, and other threats of the Anthropocene are identified as sources of present and future risk, especially for those committed to genocide prevention. We approach the connection between the natural and social aspects of genocide from a different angle. Our research emanates out of a North American Indigenous studies and new materialist rather than Euro-genocide studies framework, meaning we see the natural and the social (or cultural) as inseparable, deeply imbricated, phenomena. We argue that those entities designated natural are often engaged in co-constitutive relations with the social and cultural groups that are the focus of genocide studies. Simply put, groups become what they are through interaction—or symbiogenesis—with their natural world(s). Symbiogenetic destruction, then, is the destruction of this symbiogenesis. We use this term to draw attention to how relations with more-than-human entities are integral components of the ongoing formation of group life, and how they are put at risk by genocide. In particular, we examine testimony that centers on the relationship between Khmer people and rice, including rice cultivation and consumption, as it was impacted by the Khmer Rouge. In so doing, we highlight the cultural consequences of social/natural death in the Cambodian genocide.

Following the civil unrest resulting from the first Pakistani general election in 1970, the West Pakistani government fuelled by an abiding anti-Bengali racism carried out a carefully planned genocide against the people of East Pakistan. In just over nine months, the perpetrators murdered between one million and three million people.

The author analyzes Sven Agustijnen's Specters from the philosophical perspective. He tries to prove that the cinema of Belgian director is haunted because it presents the reality as made out of traces, which disturb the traditional division into presence and absence. The author analyzes the Augustijnen's film techniques and uses Jacques Derrida hauntology to show, how contemporary cinema tries to face the difficult and unfinished colonial history of Belgium (the genocide in Congo during the reign of the Belgian king Leopold II and the murder of the first prime minister of the independent Congo, Patrice  Lumumba).

Roughly speaking, the "Scramble for Africa" refers to the infamous invasion by the West European colonists between 1884 and 1914 of Africa and the dividing of the continent into different zones under the so-called names of protectorates, colonies, and free-trade areas. Hence, it can be said that West European colonialism set the stage for most of the deep sufferings of today's Africa by sowing the seeds of future conflicts through unbridled greed and selfishness.
During the Rwandan genocide of 1994, members of the Hutu ethnic majority murdered as many as 800,000 people, mostly of the Tutsi minority. France did not have a direct role as a colonial administration in Rwanda. However, since France has historically played a leading role in the colonization of Africa, she tried to be the dominant actor in the region in every sense in the 1990s.France's  efforts to manipulate domestic politics in Rwanda; its close ties with the ruling Hutu  government; her  arms sales to the country; her use of military force under the guise of defending the la francophonie (French-speaking world) and while doing so pushing aside the  UN force; taking a stand with the Hutu forces in "Opération Turquoise" instead of being impartial as  stipulated in the UNSC resolution caused France to be confronted with serious allegations that she was complicit with the Hutu in the Tutsi genocide in Rwanda.Recently published comprehensive report prepared by an US law firm upon the request of Rwandan government about the role of the French government in connection with the 1994 Genocide Against the Tutsi in Rwanda ends up with the conclusion that "the French government bears significant responsibility for enabling a foreseeable genocide."
French President Emanuel Macron on 5 April 2019, by sending a letter to Prof. Vincent Duclert, a historian and Inspector General of French National Education, asked the establishment of a commission under his presidency to examine all the French archives concerning Rwanda, covering the years 1990-1994. The report prepared by the Research Commission (the Duclert Report) was presented to President Macron on 26 March 2021. It is mentioned in the report that "The Commission doubtlessly missed certain documents, those that either disappeared or were never deposited in public archival centers."  It is understood from the statements of Duclert in the interviews he gave after the publication of the report that the President of the French National Assembly did not grant access to the archives of the Parliament on this subject. The Duclert report stated that “the French authority demonstrated a continual blindness in their support for a racist, corrupt and violent regime... The Rwandan crisis ended in disaster for Rwanda and in defeat for France.”. However, the report also claimed that France is not an accomplice to the genocide of the Tutsi. The report explained this point in the following way: “Is France an accomplice to the genocide of the Tutsi? If by this we mean a willingness to join a genocidal operation, nothing in the archives that were examined demonstrates this.”
The 1990s constitute a "critical juncture" in world history.In this context, it should be remembered that notable political events and developments were concentrated in the 1990s.In fact, the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsis in Rwanda is one of the most horrific chapters of this "critical juncture". Despite what was written about the actions of French governments in Rwanda in the 1990s before, during, and after the genocide, the truth about the responsibility of the then French authorities continues to be obscured.