Cultural Genocide

The paper aims to analyze the concept of ‘colonial genocide’ elaborated by the National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls in its report published on 3 June 2019 and the international responsibility of Canada for its wrongful act according to the current international law

This paper takes as its starting point the conflicting claims about the present condition of Tibetan culture. While the Dalai Lama argues that a "cultural genocide" is going on in Tibet, the Chinese Party State emphasises its efforts to safeguard and promote Tibetan cultural heritage. Regardless of the different meanings the notion of " culture" adopts and the different agendas it serves, both sets of claims rely on a remarkably similar rhetoric, which couches cultural heritage not only in political or economic but also in moral terms. Both the " cultural genocide " thesis and the Party State's alleged efforts to safeguard Tibetan culture are thereby enmeshed in the larger " ethico-politics" surrounding the " Tibet question " and the rise of China in the world. How to understand the fusion of the economic, the political, and the moral? What happens when the political economy of cultural identity (development, tourism, property and benefits) meets with the ethico-politics of cultural survival? I argue that a new form of moral economy has emerged at the conjuncture of "cultural survival " and "safeguarding cultural heritage" – a moral economy of cultural identity, similar in structure but different in form and style from the classical cases of moral economies.

We are at a crossroads. Either we save culture or we perish. Culture represents the identity of a people. Western culture is under attack. Cultural genocide is the first step in enacting actual genocide. Allow the Deep State to cancel culture and you are allowing them to cancel you. We have to fight back by creating our own communication outlets and cancel Deep State fake news and propaganda and their attempt to change the cultural narrative by changing the channel. Let's cancel them.

Scholarly literature highlights the systematic actions taken in the modern Middle East to destroy the Kurdish language. With a primary focus on Turkey, scholars have described this process as a policy of linguicide, or language genocide, which is “the extermination of languages, an analogous concept to (physical) genocide.”2 In contrast, similar processes at work in southern Kurdistan (Kurdistan of northern Iraq) have often been described as “linguistic suppression.”3 This paper argues that linguistic suppression does not adequately describe the Iraqi Kurds’ experiences. Rather, linguicide better captures the practices of cultural genocide that have targeted this group. This paper focuses on how the Kurds in modern-day Iraq were subjected to linguicide under the Language Education Policy (LEP) from 1932 to 1991. This policy was established during the monarchy (1921–1958), and advanced through the time of Saddam Hussein’s regime (1979–1991).4 While much scholarly work has associated the process of linguicide with the birth of a nation-state,5 this article further argues that linguicide in the Iraqi Kurdish case predates the formation of the Iraqi nation-state.

From around the turn of 20th century up to the 1970s, Australian government authorities assumed legal guardianship of all Indigenous children and removed large numbers of them from their families in order to `assimilate' them into European society and culture. This policy has been described as `cultural genocide', even though at the time it was presented by state and church authorities as being `in the best interests' of Aboriginal children. This article outlines the results of a study of the development of the policy of forced child removal, its antecedents, its surrounding philosophy and politics and the emergence of a more critical understanding of it in recent years, as well as examining the more general implications of this history for the sociology of childhood.

Hinduphobia is a contentious topic. Is it
the right term? Does it describe the
range of religious persecution and the
modus operandi of the perpetrators? Is it a
fear, a hatred or contempt of Hindus that
results in anything from casual discrimination
to the heavy consequences of legislation that
targets 'non-believers' in Islamic Theocratic
States? The problem for those attempting to
define the concept is that the scope of violation
and sentiment is wide...This article unpacks the concept of Hinduphobia as applied to the ethnic cleansing of Kashmir Pandits and provides a framework of indigenous persecution by Abrahamic Supremacists that helps reframe concepts like anti-Hindu sentiment as a minor problem of diasporas, and to place Hinduphobia within the historic setting of silencing and victim blaming aboriginals of Kashmir for seven centuries of colonialism, cultural and ethnic genocide and looming epistemicide.

OPENING PARAGRAPHS: In an old Silk Road oasis town on China’s western border, these days a thirsty traveller can knock back a cold beer in a local mosque. The former place of worship is now a bar for tourists. And it is with the customers’ views in mind—and, perhaps, the aspirations of China’s leaders—that the place is called “The Dream of Kashgar.”

For Kashgar’s Uighur residents, however, and for other Muslims across the Chinese region of Xinjiang, that dream is a nightmare. Last summer, when I traveled to Xinjiang, I witnessed the most abject sense of fear and trauma I have encountered in 27 years of researching identity and religion among its Uighur communities. Mosques were deserted and cloaked in razor wire, restaurants were stripped of their halal signage, and local people carefully avoided any expression of religious piety.

The memorial complex of Tsitsernakaberd in Yerevan is  analysed as an architectural and symbolic entity in relation to the Armenian national identity in the aftermath of the Armenian genocide. How does this Soviet­ era structure fulfil its role as a genocide memorial today, including its function as a forced substitute for the hundreds of holy places and the culture and life connected with them?

In the Introduction to this special issue, I first provide an overview of the programme of 'de-extremification' and mass internment in Xinjiang since early 2017. I then situate this development against the ‘ideological turn’ in Chinese Communist Party policy under President Xi Jinping, highlighting the new emphasis on stability maintenance and ideational governance. Next, I explore experiences of (in)security in Uyghur communities in- and outside of Xinjiang in the era of internment to consider how far PRC counter-terrorism initiatives have now evolved into state terror. In doing so, I apply Ruth Blakeley's (2012) definition of state terror as a deliberate act of violence against civilians, or threat of violence where a climate of fear is already established by earlier acts of violence; as perpetrated by actors on behalf of or in conjunction with the state; as intended to induce extreme fear in target observers who identify with the victim; and as forcing the target audience to consider changing its behaviour. Finally, I discuss the six contributions to the special issue.

Contemporary approaches to integrating "self" and the "other"—such as multiculturalism, cultural diversity, race relations, inclusiveness strategies, or identity politics—are flawed from the perspective of traditional thought. At their core, modernist ideologies are inimical to and destructive of all human diversity. The new face of antipathy to pluralism is becoming more deceptive as it grows less focused on respecting diversity and more on promoting ideological uniformity and the erection of a global monoculture. This essay argues that it is from a metaphysical perspective that human diversity can be fully understood and can seek to reconcile the dichotomy of "self" and the "other".

HOUSED IN THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS ARCHIVE at Geneva is a collection of intake surveys from the Rescue Home in the northern Syrian city of Aleppo. These documents record the histories of some 2,000 Armenian girls, boys, and young women who were rescued—or, more often, rescued themselves—from Arab, Kurdish, and Turkish households into which they had been taken during and after the First World War and as a consequence of the Armenian Genocide of 1915.

This monograph analyses the cultural genocide. It is perpetrated through the direct attack on cultural heritage with the intent of destroying a human group. The category of cultural genocide, although foreseen in the first formulation of the definition of genocide, does not have much luck. In international texts aimed at preventing and punishing genocide, only physical and biological genocide are mentioned. Nevertheless, interest in this category does not cease to exist. The phenomenon is analysed by the doctrine in numerous writings. The Supreme National Tribunal of Poland, in the 1946 judgment, defining the Poland v. Greiser, qualifies certain acts as cultural genocide. More recently, in 2016, the International Criminal Court condemns Al Mahdi for the destruction of cultural properties, applying the discipline established at the international level for the protection of cultural property in armed conflicts. In 2015, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada, in its final report, defines the policies implemented by the Canadian government regarding indigenous peoples and, in particular the phenomenon of residential schools, as cultural genocide. The author, after having outlined the category of cultural genocide, comes to the conclusion that using this category can allow to contrast the direct attack on cultural heritage perpetrated with the aim of destroying a human group.

Bogos Nubaryan 1918-1922 yılları arasında Ermeni tezlerini tanıtmak için Ermeni Patrikliğince görevli olarak Avrupa'ya gönderilmiştir. Bu yıllar arasında Ermenilerin Anadolu'da yaptıklarını ve Avrupa'da yapılan karalama propagandalarını düzenli olarak Ermeni Patriğine gönderdiği raporlar ve yaşadığı hayal kırıklıkları, büyük Ermenistan hayalinin sona ermesini anlattığı belgelere dayalı değerli bir eser

The international community has time and again committed to never let genocide occur again – however, multiple bouts of genocide have occurred since the Holocaust. This, in addition to the current quandaries surrounding the Uyghurs of China, points to the fact that the international laws and institutions have loopholes that allow for genocides – especially those that enact structural and cultural violence without necessarily employing direct violence – to ‘slip through’. This has been the case in spite of R2P policies being in place. In this paper, I examine the inability of international systems to capture ‘cultural genocide’ or intervene in it through a case study of Northern Cyprus. This study will shed light on the shortcomings of the system, which may also illuminate why the international community is likely to fail to protect the Uyghurs and many others in the future – unless the current understandings of and approaches to atrocities change.

The destruction of Julfa khachkars by Azerbaijani authorities in 2005-2006 at the state level became a stimulus for a unique awakening aimed at the proclamation and dissemination of Jugha classic khachkars. Today, if the number of Julfa original khachkars in the world does not exceed three dozen, the number of their replicas exceeds three hundred. The article presents the khachkar culture of Julfa, the process of copying the destroyed khachkars, the experience of digital repatriation.

Ruins have for centuries inspired wonder and fascination in the minds of those that gaze upon them. The complexity of responses to the vestigial elements of previous times can be seen in their propensity to incorporate thoughts of both permanence and transience and feelings of both pleasure and melancholia. Photographers became involved in these processes from the earliest days of the camera, contemplating ruins and allowing through their images viewers in far off lands to do the same. Such photography was one of the ways in which a growing interest in the Armenian provinces and the wider Near East manifested itself, with a wide variety of ideas being projected upon the built environment and its ruin.
Armenian churches, in particular, became sites of exploration and contemplation. At such places both Westerners and Armenians used the camera as a means of documenting the culture of Armenia and depicting its condition. Amidst the ruins, photographic observers pondered the past, present and future of Armenia, finding signs of both a nation’s survival and its decline. These places, however, also became the subject of another form of attention, with ‘new’ ruins being created through acts of cultural genocide. These processes of documentation and destruction can be seen as constituting strange reflections of and concrete responses to one another, at the heart of all lying the idea that the character, history and fate of the Armenian people might be read in stone.

In 1844, two ships carrying British soldiers and their families were wrecked on an Andamans island. Their harrowing experience was just one of the factors that made the East India Company colonise the islands, finally resulting in the extinction of many tribes

The usurpation of the Armenian cultural heritage of Artsakh by the government of Azerbaijan is a component of Azerbaijan's anti-Armenian policy. This is organized via very flexible internal mechanisms, that appear complex from outside. The article identifies and discusses the following mechanisms: a. usurpation through the propaganda of equality of nations and internationalism; b. attribution of the cultural heritage of Artsakh Armenians to Caucasian Albanians and heretofore to Azerbaijanis; c. renaming, reusage, transformation; d. physical destruction.

In its Final Report, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada concluded that the residential school system was a central element of a governmental policy, which can be described as ‘cultural genocide’ against First Nations. This paper aims to analyze the use of the concept of ‘cultural genocide’ in international law.

There are two foundational sources frequently drawn upon when engaging in genocide accusation: 1) the collected works of Raphael Lemkin, the originator of the term, who sought to define and enshrine in law the crime of genocide, and 2) The United Nations Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide (1948, hereafter UNGC). This paper traces the criminalization of genocide and the development of its lore of accusation (see Pavlich 2007) through the “engaged scholarship” of Raphael Lemkin and the discussions at the United Nations that led to the codification of the UNGC. Through this overview, the restrictions placed on genocide accusation are noted, in particular how the drafters of the UNGC sought to defend their national sovereignty and protect themselves from accusation. Special attention is given to Canada’s involvement in the lore-formation activities related to the creation of the UNGC, with emphasis on how Canada contributed to the marginalization of cultural techniques of group destruction and thereby sought to guarantee for itself absolution for its policies of Indigenous elimination.

02.10.2021:

Ok, das Morden mittels Gift'impfungen' geht ungehindert weiter, zumindest da, wo der Deep State noch das Sagen hat. Genozid aller Orten, Gehirnwäsche in nie dagewesenem Ausmaß, flächendeckende Korruption und totaler Verfall der Moral machen's möglich. Das ist die 'Neue Normalität', der feuchte Traum der faschistischen, transhumanistischen, satanistischen, paedophilen Eliten. Aber das 'Impf'-Tempo nimmt ab und die Akteuere werden immer nervöser. Das große Sterben der Ge'impften' hat bereits eingesetzt, und das können sie den Schlafschafen bald nicht mehr als "Impfdurchbrüche" verkaufen, oder als von Ungeimpften ausgelöste Infektionen mit dem nicht existenten(!) Covid 19-Virus.

"This LL.M. thesis provides legal arguments for, amongst other things, the inclusion of Indigenous and Tribal Peoples as Members of the United Nations (equal to States, but not required to form States) through an equality- and dignity-based examination of UN Decolonization, 'friendly relations', and self-determination. The arguments contained within also provide an examination of the violations of International Law resulting from, amongst other topics addressed, discrimination committed by the United Nations and States against Indigenous and Tribal Peoples via State-Indigenous governing relationships. Limited access to justice and limited actualized rights in regards to Indigenous Peoples’ self-determination are discussed with reference to Tribal/Indigenous/State shared histories, legal personality, the International Court of Justice and judicial procedure and remedy, State anti-discrimination laws, the UN and its relationship to international trade and business, the codification of international human rights and criminal law, mental health (with special attention to high Indigenous suicide rates in 'developed' States, colonialism and discrimination), current UN definitions of 'aggression', 'war', 'colonialism' and 'conflict' (with suggestions of definition revisions), State abuse towards Indigenous and Tribal Peoples, segregation and exclusion, and apartheid and cultural genocide as resulting from State-Indigenous inequality as experienced by Indigenous and Tribal Peoples. UN definitions of ‘development’ are challenged and held accountable for cultural discrimination and death. Recommendations with an emphasis on healing include amendment of the UN Charter and suggested General Assembly Resolutions, as well as equal international leadership opportunity for traditional and chosen Indigenous and Tribal legal and governing cultures, subsistence-based lifeways and traditional Indigenous and Tribal healers with a focus on the right to cultural integrity, traditional Indigenous and Tribal lands, including the right to say 'no' to non-native land-grabbing, resource exploitation and State abuses. The argument that State territorial integrity includes Indigenous and Tribal traditional lands is also countered. The original version of this LL.M. thesis was submitted to the Master's of Law program 'International Law of Human Rights and Criminal Justice' at Utrecht University, the Netherlands, 22 August 2012. This online version was uploaded 5 March 2013."

See also (background paper): https://www.academia.edu/101121793/Indigenous_Peoples_Decolonization_and_Self_Determination_and_the_Human_Rights_Regime_in_International_Relations

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Distributed in:

INDIGENOUS NATIONS & PEOPLES LAW eJOURNAL, Vol. 9, No. 10: Mar 29, 2013, Center for Indigenous Law, Governance and Citizenship, Syracuse University College of Law

PUBLIC INTERNATIONAL LAW eJOURNAL, Vol. 8, No. 45: Apr 9, 2013, ALAN SYKES, EDITOR, Professor of Law, Stanford University - Law School

HUMAN RIGHTS & THE GLOBAL ECONOMY eJOURNAL, Vol. 7, No. 30: Mar 20, 2013, MARTHA F. DAVIS, EDITOR, Associate Dean, Professor of Law and Co-Director, Program on Human Rights and the Global Economy, Northeastern University - School of Law, RASHMI DYAL-CHAND, EDITOR, Professor of Law, Northeastern University - School of Law, WENDY E. PARMET, EDITOR, George J. and Kathleen Waters Matthews Distinguished University Professor of Law, Northeastern University - School of Law

LAW & CULTURE eJOURNAL, Vol. 7, No. 19: Mar 26, 2013, BRUCE L. HAY, EDITOR
Professor of Law, Harvard Law School, REVA B. SIEGEL, EDITOR, Nicholas deB. Katzenbach Professor of Law, Yale University - Law School , University of California, Berkeley - Berkeley Center on Comparative Equality & Anti-Discrimination Law

LAW, NORMS & INFORMAL ORDER eJOURNAL, Vol. 9, No. 12: Mar 21, 2013, RICHARD H. MCADAMS, EDITOR, Bernard D. Meltzer Professor, University of Chicago Law School

LAW & SOCIETY: INTERNATIONAL & COMPARATIVE LAW eJOURNAL, Sponsored by: Indiana University Maurer School of Law, Vol. 8, No. 54: Mar 22, 2013, CHRISTIANA OCHOA, EDITOR, Professor of Law, Indiana University Maurer School of Law

PUBLIC INTERNATIONAL LAW eJOURNAL, Vol. 8, No. 45: Apr 9, 2013, ALAN SYKES, EDITOR, Professor of Law, Stanford University - Law School

CONFLICT STUDIES eJOURNAL, Vol. 7, No. 38: Aug 21, 2013, KELLY M. KADERA, EDITOR
Associate Professor, University of Iowa - Department of Political Science, BRIAN H. LAI, EDITOR, Associate Professor, University of Iowa - Department of Political Science

POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS: INTERNATIONAL INSTITUTIONS eJOURNAL, Vol. 7, No. 46: Mar 18, 2013, DAVID A. LAKE, EDITOR, Professor, UC San Diego

Social Responsibility of Business eJournals: Vol. 2, No. 159: 27 Nov 2013, LAW, INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS & CSR eJOURNAL, EDITOR, Timothy M. Devinney, Professor of International Business University of Manchester - Alliance Manchester Business School

This essay for the last documenta 14 issue of South as a State of Mind, reflects on contemporary processes of eco-genocide in so-called Florida, and on the 2016 struggle of Indigenous water protectors at Standing Rock, North Dakota. It can be read online here: South as a State Mind 9
http://www.documenta14.de/en/south/25218_resisting_extinction_standing_rock_eco_genocide_and_survival

Աշխատությունը «Հայաստանի պատմություն» 36-հատորյա գրքաշարի Ե հատորն է` նվիրված Պատմական Հայաստանի Տուրուբերան նահանգի Վարաժնունիք (Խնուս) գավառի պատմությանը և նյութական մշակույթի հուշարձաններին:
Գրքաշարի նպատակն է Հայաստանի պատմությունը ներկայացնել գավառ առ գավառ, յուրաքանչյուրը` գյուղ առ գյուղ:

There is a long history of the Greek Government using language to deny the ethnic identity of Macedonians and to attempt to change the identity of Macedonians to something less Macedonian or non-Macedonian. A wide range of these linguistically-based political and social techniques were discussed in the Human Right Watch Report titled Denying Ethnic Identity: The Macedonians of Greece. Since that Report, the most high profile example of this policy has been Greece’s insistence that the Republic of Macedonia change its name, and the implications of this for Macedonian identity. Less well-known at an international level are the Greek Government’s unsuccessful attempts to change the identity of the Macedonians in Australia and to change the name of the Macedonian language in the Australian state of Victoria. This presentation will explore the extensive alternative vocabulary that Greece has developed to describe ethnic Macedonians and their culture. Along with the Macedonian homeland, this vocabulary covers Macedonian identity and the Macedonian language. The presentation discusses: how this policy stems from the genocide committed by Greece, Bulgaria and Serbia in Ottoman Macedonia in 1912-13; how the political and social oppression of that time has developed into a long, slow phase of cultural genocide; how the alternative language to describe Macedonians is a key part of this cultural genocide; and why this alternative vocabulary is hate speech. The presentation will explore how the Greek government has attempted to spread this language to other countries and international arenas including academia, how the normalization of this ethnic denial speech is based on double standards that are not applied to Greeks and other peoples; and how awareness of this vocabulary and these double standards are an important step in ending its useage and treating Macedonians with respect.

As an individual I have many components. I can define myself in many ways depending on the context. I am a homosapien, a monotheist, Yahya’s and Matine’s father, a husband, a Turkish author, a philosopher, a lawyer, a skeptic, a believer, a democrat, a conservative, an American, a political activist, a reformist, a chess-player, a copywriter, a poet, a handyman, a Macintosh user, a teacher, . . . and I am also a Kurd. I am not sure how being a Kurd ranks among the manifold ingredients that makes up my personality, but recently it became one of the important characteristics. Why? Because I have realized that I am denied of this identity. I have also witnessed that many others who share the same culture and heritage are oppressed and killed just because of being born in a Kurdish family.

I am a Kurd who is less articulate in his mother tongue compared to the other four languages that I have learned, namely, Turkish, Arabic, Persian and English. I am a Kurd who lost his 21 years-old brother 19 years ago in Istanbul to the racist bullets of Gray Wolves or Turkish Nationalist militants. (3) I am a Kurd who was put in the same prison, for writing on religious-political issues, with the murderers of his brother and almost lost his life to the knives and teeth of Nationalist Grey Wolves! I am a Kurd who was systematically tortured in Turkish prisons (4) because of refusing to recite the Turkish Anthem that contains lines, such as, “I have lived free since eternity; which psychopath dare to chain me.”(5) I am a Kurd who was compelled to chant “Happy is he who can call himself a Turk”(6) and declare that “A Turk is worth the entire universe”(7) throughout elementary, middle and high-school years.(8) I am a Kurd whose Kurdish father prohibited the Kurdish language at home in order to survive in a city where being Kurd was regarded as being ignorant and lower class.(9) I am a Kurd who now enjoys eating rice with fork, unlike Kurds who prefer a spoon. I am a Kurd who wrote scores of books in Turkish and English, but none in Kurdish.

Whilst historians have discussed cultural genocide during the Holocaust, the subject has received less attention from forensic investigators and archaeologists. This is in spite of the fact that cultural genocide directly relates to material remains, the built environment and heritage. It is also in spite of the fact that in recent years, there has been an increase in the number of forensic and archaeological investigations at Holocaust sites. This paper provides a timely assessment of approaches to the investigation of cultural genocide and an examination of the potential for a “forensic turn” in this topic. It will demonstrate how investigating sites of cultural genocide offers the opportunity to enhance knowledge of crimes perpetrated during the Holocaust and recover evidence of societies who, as a direct result of both physical and cultural genocide, were diminished, eradicated and/or forgotten.

Chan fheumar a dhol ro dhomhainn a-steach gu eachdraidh gus beachdan aineolach gràin-chinnidheach a lorg an aghaidh nan Gàidheal. 'S e beachd ro chumanta a th' ann ann an Alba, agus san t-saoghal gu lèir, gur e sluagh barbarach neo-adhartach a bh' anns na Gàidheil. Chithear na beachdan seo gu diofar ìrean anns na Cunntasan Staitistigeach, Sean agus Ùr, agus nochd iad aig na h-ìrean as àirde san Riaghaltas aig àm nam Fuadaichean is na Gorta, ma dh'fhaoidte an fheadhainn as iomraitiche agus as nimheile aig an Ridire Teàrlach Eideard Trevelyan, neach a bha ag obair aig àrd ìre san t-Seirbhis Chatharra aig an àm agus a bha os chionn na h-oidhirpe mas fhìor gus fuasgladh a lorg don Ghoirt ann an Èirinn, agus cuideachd a thòisich an Highland and Island Emigration Society ann an 1852 gus taic agus brosnachadh a thoirt do mhuinntir na Gàidhealtachd gabhail ri sgeama a chuireadh a-null a dh' Astràilia iad. Mar a mhìnich Tom Devine, bha Trevelyan den bheachd gur robh '[a] national effort would now be necessary to rid the land of "the surviving Irish and Scotch Celts". The exodus would then allow for the settlement of a racially superior people of Teutonic stock.' 1 the prospect of flights of Germans settling here in increasing numbers-an orderly, moral, industrious and frugal people, less foreign to us that the Irish or Scotch Celt, a congenial element which will readily assimilate with our body politic. 2 Na bu thràithe, bha beachdan agus ro-bheachdan taobhach a' nochdadh gu ìre anns na Cunntasan Staitistigeach, mar a chithear, tha faireachdainn ga toirt seachad gu bheil claon-bhreith an aghaidh muinntir na Gàidhealtachd farsaing agus stèidhichte mar ro-bharail am measg cuid de na sgrìobhadairean aig an àm. Bha The Scotsman den bheachd seo san Iuchar 1851, 'Collective emigration is, therefore, the removal of a diseased and damaged part of our populations. It is a relief to the rest of the population to be rid of this part. 3 ' Beachd agus poileasaidh a tha Devine ag aideachadh a bhiodh ga fhaicinn mar 'chairteadh-cinnidh' nas fhaide air adhart san fhicheadamh linn. 4 Ach tha comhachadh cuideachd a' nochdadh tric anns na beachdan a leughar sna Cunntasan. Nuair a bhathar a' beachdachadh air leasachaidhean, amelioration, bhathar ag aithneachadh gun robh buaidh mhòr aig na siostaman agus cleachdaidhean seilbh is màil air mar a làimhsich na Gàidheil na dòighean àiteachaidh aca. Bhathar ag aithneachadh nach robh an sluagh fhèin as coireach airson an t-suidheachaidh aca agus nach robh cumhachd aca an suidheachadh atharrachadh. Bhathar ag aithneachadh cuideachd gun robh cion in-ionmhais na thrioblaid mhòr air a' Ghàidhealtachd leis a' chuid bu mhotha den phrothaid a bhathar a' faighinn ann ga toirt a-mach às a' Ghàidhealtachd leis na h-uachdaran. Gu tric is minic bhathar a' mìneachadh nach robh adhbhar neo brosnachadh aig na màladairean, neo h-iar-mhàladairean leithid choitearan, obair a dhèanamh neo airgead a chur a-steach gus piseach a thoirt air talamh air nach robh seilbh stèidhichte aca. Gidheadh, ro thric b' e fhathast eilthireachd am fuasgladh a mholadh seach ath-leasachadh laghan fearainn no còraichean stèidhichte a thoirt gu màladairean. San aiste seo bithear a' meòrachadh air a' bhuaidh a bha aig cleachdaidhean seilbh is màil air na dòighean a bha aig an t-sluagh tighinn beò ann. Bidh fòcas ga chur air an Eilean Sgitheanach mar àite eadar na h-Eileanan a-muigh agus a' Ghàidhealtachd air Tìr-Mòr, ach bheirear iomradh air na sgìrean sin gus co-theacsa a thoirt don fhiosrachadh mun Eilean Sgitheanach fhèin.

Mellan den 10 och den 14 december 2005 förstörde azerbajdzjansk militär tusentals historiska armeniska korsstenar, ”khach-kar” (khach, kors; kar, sten), några daterade ända tillbaka till 800-talet e.Kr., i Julfa i Nachitjevan, Azerbajdzjan. Detta pågick medan vittnen, bland dem den armeniske prästen Nshan Topouzian, stod maktlösa på andra sidan gränsen i Iran och beskådade och filmade förstörelsen. Kyrkogården i Julfa, känd som den största historiska armeniska kyrkogården i världen, beräknas från början ha inrymt närmare 10 000 begravningsmonument. Majoriteten av dessa, flera tusen i antal, utgjordes av korsstenar, en sorts armenisk runsten som reses till minne av en person eller händelse, något som man fortsätter med än idag, inte bara i Armenien utan även för resning av minnesmärken utomlands. Av de ursprungligen tusentals korsstenar som fanns i Julfa stod cirka 2 700 fortfarande kvar enligt en inventering gjord år 2002. Vid slutet av december 2005 hade allt krossats och forslats bort i ett uppenbart försök att radera alla spår av armenisk närvaro i området. Ropen på ”kulturellt folkmord” kom – som så ofta – alldeles för sent för att kunna hindra det som har beskrivits som en monumental förlust” för världsarvet.