Cut Marks

The main focus of this investigation is the lithic and bone artifacts from the Middle Pleistocene site of Bilzingsleben (Thuringia, Germany), especially their traces of use. As a result, many traces both on lithic artifacts and faunal remains can be presented. While the traces on the lithic assemblage allow comparative studies with other European Pleistocene sites, the osteological material offers an exceptional discovery. Microscopic investigations of three bone fragments indicate deliberate engravings. The data strengthen the thesis that Bilzingsleben shows clear evidence for a non-utilitarian activity of Homo erectus bilzingslebenensis (Vlcek 1978). These objects confirm the importance of the Bilzingsleben site for the questions of
early human culture.

The background for the comprehensive introduction is given by the site formation concept as formulated by Schiffer (1987). Microscopic traces also reflect the character of the site formation. Key questions include, whether Bilzingsleben displays scenarios of natural raw material accumulation. By screening sediments from the archaeological layers many naturally fractured flints and other northern gravels are found. These observations document a redeposition of terrace material from the late Elster glaciation. In addition, all sizes of local shell limestone occur. Following the discussion of Chapter I, the author concludes that fluvial transport of lithics and bone fragments is the main reason for their accumulation. In accordance with the results of the site formation discussion, it is consistent to focus the microscopic investigation only on sharp edged lithic artifacts. Concerning faunal remains, the main interest is set on the verification of cut marks. The analysis of selected bone fragments provides data for a discussion of the variety of taphonomic modifications. Beside a critical review of the lithic use wear research (Chapter III), several new perspectives and microscopic results are introduced (Chapter IV). Using the technical potential of SEM and Laser scan microscopy, new interpretations are given to the phenomena "polish" and gloss on northern flint. The secondary modification of the flint surface can be shown on archaeological flint tools from the Middle Paleolithic site of Lichtenberg (Lower Saxonia, Germany). While the Laser scan microscope allows the measurement of roughness, a quantitative description is also given for the abrasive effects along the edges of flint tools. Some new investigations were done with SEM on sickle gloss. Last of all, the potential of residue analysis on the example of birch tar as the most important prehistoric hafting material is discussed. Considering the evidence of hafting kit on the surface of one artifact from the site of Neumark-Nord (Sachsen-Anhalt, Germany), the technical possibilities of its investigation are discussed.

Chapter IV presents not only the methodological basis for the investigation of artifacts from Bilzingsleben, but also brings new insight into the discussion of high power analysis in lithic use wear. The evaluation of lithic use wear in the Bilzingsleben inventory (Chapter V) shows clear evidence for correlations between the functionality of tools and their direction of motion. The database connects morphological characteristics of tools with micro-chipping and abrasive effects along the working edges. Surface polishing is in general overlaid by post-depositional modifications. The Bilzingsleben record displays a correlation between use wear traces of the working of hard organic materials and the accumulation of wooden remains. In addition to Bilzingsleben, the author conducts lithic use wear analyses on three additional Middle Paleolithic assemblages. In conclusion there are some common characteristics for the travertine embedded sites of Bilzingsleben, Tata and Vértesszölös on the one hand, and short time hunting bases like Neumark-Nord and Wallertheim on the other hand. All sites with SiO2 material display a typical edge angle spectrum of tool types in correlation with their main direction of motion.

The second theme of this investigation is bone objects and their surface modifications. A methodological discussion presents both observation of butchery activities and technical experiments to examine the variety of cut marks according to different kinds of lithic working edges. The focus is set on morphometric dimensions of cutting profiles, such as the wall angle and depth. Comparing the profiles of traces on some bone artifacts from Bilzingsleben, clear evidence of their cutting character can be shown. Beside the three artifacts with non-utilitarian cut marks, several bigger faunal remains document cutting traces including "ad hoc" working platforms. The few objects with anthropogenic modifications must be differentiated from the large number of scratches caused by fluvial redeposition or trampling. A third group of a few objects displays tooth marks. Their microscopic profile can be documented, in connection with typical morphological features. In addition there are many bones that display gnawing marks by carnivores. Several faunal remains with potential cut marks from Wallertheim (Rheinhessen, Germany) and Stránská skála (Moravia, Czech Republic) were investigated. Two bones from Wallertheim display cut marks, while the bovid sacrum from Stránská skála preserves no anthropogenic traces but does exhibit
tooth marks.

The investigation of the assemblage from Bilzingsleben helps to define the activities of Middle Pleistocene human beings at the site. In the context of the general site formation, it can be concluded that there is no evidence for a permanent settlement at the site. Instead, there is a high probability for one or more short-term occupations, when people some 400,000 years ago came and looked for specific raw materials, like wood, bones and maybe also sinew, antler and ivory. This answer can and must be sufficient from our today's point of view.

Dog and human bones, both featuring cut marks, are – from a present-day point of view – a weird find category in a settlement like Manching. Moreover, remains of both humans and of the first domestic animals appear almost exclusively out of anatomical articulation and deposited with common settlement waste. These circumstances may suggest various interpretations. It is usually assumed that dog meat was being consumed while the cut marks on the human bones bear testimony to complex several stage burial rites. The article critically assesses the available evidence for these two explanations while discussing other possibilities including cannibalism, ritual canophagy, and animal burials.

Abstract:

L’argomento di questa tesi nasce dall'esperienza congiunta di rievocazione storica ed archeologia sperimentale che ho maturato con gli anni. Appassionato di rievocazione dal 2007,
ho praticato (e continuo tuttora a praticare) la scherma ed il reenactment relativi a svariati periodi della storia della Sardegna: il periodo medioevale (giudicale), quello romano-imperiale e da ultimo quello nuragico. La necessità di avere maggiori informazioni, non disponibili tramite le fonti scritte, iconografiche e archeologiche legate sopratutto a quest’ultimo periodo, mi ha portato con gli anni a pormi ulteriori quesiti sull’argomento. Quella dei nuragici era una società pacifica? In caso contrario come combattevano i suoi guerrieri? Che tipo di struttura gerarchico-militare avevano? Le risposte a queste domande diventavano sempre più impellenti man mano che mi confrontavo con il pubblico (e spesso con i pregiudizi legati a questo lontano periodo). Desideroso di avere delle risposte, coadiuvato dall’esperienza di artigiano-archeotecnico del bronzo che porto avanti nei ritagli di tempo, ispirato da studi sulla cosiddetta “archeologia del combattimento” e dalle tecniche forensi applicate nell'archeologia, sono giunto a conclusione che solo studiando i resti umani di quegli
uomini vissuti 3000 e più anni fa, avrei potuto ricavare maggiori risposte alle mie domande.
Nel presente lavoro ho esaminato i casi più noti in letteratura di reperti scheletrici con visibili segni traumatici, ponendo particolare attenzione ai periodi preistorici. Come paragone
per lo studio dei reperti nuragici è stato utilizzato lo scheletro di un presunto soldato medioevale, il quale presentava diversi traumi da combattimento. I resti ossei nuragici consistono in tre crani appartenenti a tre diverse sepolture collettive localizzate in aree della Sardegna tra loro molto distanti. Per questi tre casi si è provveduto a determinare il tipo di trauma osservato, che tipo di arma ha provocato la ferita e lo scenario ipotetico dell’aggressione che ha interessato ciascun individuo. Lo studio di questi casi ha permesso una ricostruzione delle modalità di combattimento più verosimili per tale periodo; queste hanno
permesso di dedurre quali ferite e in quali aree del corpo si potrebbero riscontrare più frequentemente i traumi. La riproduzione dei traumi mediante prove d’archeologia sperimentale (test di taglio) hanno permesso di capire quali lesioni potrebbero essere prodotte da alcune specifiche armi dell’età del Bronzo. Come ultima analisi sono stati elencati i principali casi di trapanazioni craniche per poter determinare se tali pratiche siano da mettere in relazione a traumi conseguenti ad episodi violenti o a pratiche etnoiatriche.

The subject of this thesis was born from a joint of historical reenactment and experimental archeology that I have gained over the years. Fond of living history since 2007, I practiced (and still continuing to practice) the fencing and the reenactment related to various periods of the history of Sardinia: the medieval period (Judicial), the Roman Empire and finally the nuragic one (Age of Bronze). The need to have more information, not available through the written sources, iconographic and archaeological related especially in the latter period, led me through the years to ask me more questions on the subject.
Nuragics was that of a peaceful society? Otherwise how his warriors fought? What kind of hierarchical-military had? The answers to these questions became more compelling as I compared them with the public (and often with the prejudices related to this distant period). Eager to get answers, aided by the experience of bronze artisan-archaeotecnic that I carry in my spare time, inspired by studies on the so-called "archeology of combat" and forensic techniques applied in archaeology, I have come to the conclusion that only by studying the human remains of those men lived 3000 years and more ago, I could get more answers to my questions.
In this paper I have examined the best known cases in the literature of skeletal remains with visible signs of trauma, paying particular attention to prehistoric times. As a comparison for the study of the nuragic finds, was used the skeleton of a supposed medieval soldier, who presented several combat trauma. The skeletal nuragic remains consist of three skulls belonging to three different collective burials located in areas of Sardinia each other very distant. For these three cases, it was decided to determine the type of trauma observed, what kind of weapon caused the wound and the hypothetical scenario of the attack that affected each individual. The study of these cases has allowed a reconstruction of how to combat the most plausible for that period; These have enabled us to deduce which wounds and in which areas of the body could be encountered more frequently trauma. Reproduction of trauma by tests of experimental archeology (test cutting) has allowed us to understand what injuries could be produced by a number of specific Bronze Age weapons. As the final analysis were listed the main cases of cranial drilling to determine whether such practices are to be related to trauma resulting from violent incidents or etnoiatric practices.

The study of a faunal sample of 662 identifiable specimens from the Baume de Goulon (Eastern Provence) indicates that the red deer, wild cattle, wild board and ibex were important prey species. The treatment of the killed animals will be reconstituted by analysis of frequencies of skeletal parts, cut marks and burning activities. The results show a selective consummation of the hunted prey in the cave and the utilization of food techniques such as marrow extraction, bone grease extraction or clear meat soup preparation.

Previous zooarchaeological analysis at Koobi Fora indicates that Okote Member hominins were the primary agents of bone assemblage formation, gained early access to large and small mammal flesh, and consumed both high-and low-ranked carcass parts. The discovery of additional butchered specimens prompted the re-analysis presented here of three large and well-preserved zooarchaeological assemblages from the Okote member, GaJi14, FwJj14N and FwJj14S, to revisit paleoecological hypotheses about tool-assisted carnivory. Cow and goat limb butchery documenting the skeletal location of cut marks created by skinning, defleshing, and disarticulation was used to build an actualistic model to infer hominin consumption of distinct carcass resources. Archaeological specimens were assigned to early (defleshing limbs), middle (defleshing ribs, viscera, vertebrae, and head) and late (metapodial tendon removal, element disarticulation, long bone fragmentation) carcass consumption stages, and the incidence of these butchery behaviors was examined for specimens and minimum number of element and individual aggregates. Elbow specimens, where traces of defleshing, disarticulation, and percussion co-occur, offer a sequential view of carcass consumption behaviors that is free from fragmentation bias. Classification trees populated with actualistic data were used to identify defleshing and disarticulation cut mark clusters on archaeological elbow portions by their location, cut mark count, median length, and median cross-sectional width. Actualistically-informed configurational analysis offers high-resolution behavioral reconstruction of the butchered sub-assemblage and should be integrated with assemblage-scale zooarchaeological methods. These experiments highlight the bias for detecting butchery traces of early carcass access, because defleshing cut marks are abundant and introduced to dense midshaft portions, whereas disarticulation cut marks are rare and occur on epiphyseal portions, which are often deleted by density-mediated destruction. Butchery trace interpretation across multiple analytical scales confirms a flexible carnivorous paleoecological role for Okote hominins that included primary and secondary access to carcass resources from large and small mammals.

Áridos 1 and Áridos 2 (Madrid, Spain) are two Middle Pleistocene sites belonging to the isotopic stages 9–11. Both places contain partial carcasses of Elephas (Paleoxodon) antiquus associated to Acheulian stone tools. In this work, the taphonomic study of the elephant remains of Áridos 2 is presented. This study has documented several cut marks on different bones, which indicate bulk flesh and viscerae extraction by Middle Pleistocene hominins. Several arguments are provided to support that at least some of the cut marks were made with handaxes, further suggesting that some of these artifacts were butchering tools in this stage of human evolution. Although cut marks on elephant carcasses have been documented at some Middle Pleistocene sites, very few have been published in detail to allow consideration of their status as hominin-imparted marks. By doing so, the present study provides more evidence of large carcass exploitation by hominins during this period.

A recurring theme of late Upper Palaeolithic Magdalenian human bone assemblages is the remarkable rarity of primary burials and the common occurrence of highly-fragmentary human remains mixed with occupation waste at many sites. One of the most extensive Magdalenian human bone assemblages comes from Gough's Cave, a sizeable limestone cave set in Cheddar Gorge (Somerset), UK. After its discovery in the 1880s, the site was developed as a show cave and largely emptied of sediment, at times with minimal archaeological supervision. Some of the last surviving remnants of sediment within the cave were excavated between 1986 and 1992. The excavations uncovered intensively-processed human bones intermingled with abundant butchered large mammal remains and a diverse range of flint, bone, antler, and ivory artefacts. New ultrafiltrated radiocarbon determinations demonstrate that the Upper Palaeolithic human remains were deposited over a very short period of time, possibly during a series o...

Cut marks on animal bones suggest that the simple core and flake technology used by hominins was effective and important for
butchering large mammal carcasses. However, by 1.7 Ma, Acheulean technology, characterized by large bifacially flaked handaxes, appears on the landscape and it is unclear whether these new tools were used for a similar purpose or developed for different tasks. One of the best ways to link specific tool types to butchery by hominins is through the traces they leave behind on fossils. Past attempts to identify tool-induced variations in the micromorphological characteristics of cut marks have been unsuccessful due to a lack of control over variables such as carcass size and the angle at which the tool was held. Here we offer a new approach for characterizing the unique signatures of cut marks inflicted by stone flakes and stone bifaces.

Experimental cut marks were produced with stone flakes, unifacial scrapers, and bifacial handaxes controlling for bone size, type, and portion, and raw material of the lithics. 3D reconstructions of each experimentally created mark were produced using a Nanovea white-light confocal profilometer. Quantitative measurements that were recorded from the 3D models of the cut marks included volume, surface area, maximum depth, maximum width, and length. Additional measurements collected from the 2D cross-sectional profiles were cross-sectional area, width, depth,
and roughness. Statistical tests are applied to these measurements to identify those that vary with tool type. When applied to the fossil record these quantitative measurements may allow cut marks to be linked to specific tool types and provide a better understanding of the technological innovations of the Early Stone Age.

Cut mark frequencies in archaeological faunal assemblages are so variable that their use has recently created some skepticism. The present study analyses this variability using multivariate statistics on a set of 14 variables that involve differential skeletal element representation, fragmentation processes, carnivore ravaging impact, carcass size and tool type. All these variables affect the resulting cut mark frequencies reported in archaeological sites. A large sample of archaeofaunal assemblages has been used for this study. It was concluded that the best estimator of cut mark frequency in any given assemblage is the percentage of cut-marked long bone specimens (probably due to its better preservation than other anatomical areas), which is determined by fragmentation and carnivore ravaging. Carcass size and tool type also play a major role in differences in cut mark frequencies. Fragmentation is also a key variable determining the abundance of cut-marked specimens. It is argued that general cut mark percentages are of limited value, given the number of variables that determine them, and that a more heuristic approach involves quantifying cut marks in a qualitative manner.

The Arago cave (Tautavel, Pyrénées-Orientales, France) is one of the most important middle Pleistocene sites in Western Europe. Amongst the numerous faunal remains found, one species stands out for its notable rarity and originality: the mouflon. They were particulary abundant in levels F (MNI=83) and G (MNI=42). Using Payne’s method we found mainly adults in the same layers. Furthermore, analysis of the mortality profiles indicated death by hunting. We completed theses studies by estimating the weight of the population using two methods. The first one is based on the occlusal surface at the first lower molar and the second one, on the morphology of the astragalus. The frequencies of skeletal parts showed a high correlation with the bone density and this indicated differential survivorship rather than bone transport by human measured by the MGUI.  Furthermore, the carnivore activity (gnawing marks) on the mouflon assembly is very weak. From the patterns of bone fracturing of the long bones and butchery marks the principal steps in the preparation of mouflon for nourishment can be followed. These analyses attest of an intense exploitation of this animal by hominids (Homo erectus), essentially in an alimentary purpose, and allow us to propose the hypothesis that man was indeed a hunter than scavenger.

The zooarchaeological study of small-vertebrate consumption requires a taphonomical approach to differentiate animal bones that were incidentally incorporated from those that were intentionally exploited in the past human subsistence. In order to make this distinction, the relationship between archaeological small-rodent burned bones and prehistoric human behavior was explored using an experimental cooking study as a modern analogue. During the cooking experiment the entire carcasses of three guinea pigs (Cavia porcellus) and two yellow-toothed cavies (Galea leucoblephara) were placed in the coals of an open fire that simulate a real campfire, rotating their positions until the meat was completely cooked. Subsequently, the intensity of burning damage and the loss of skeletal elements were analyzed at macroscopical levels. The data was used to identify cooking evidence in the Ctenomyidae and Caviidae rodent bones recovered from Quebrada del Real 1 (ca. 6000–300 BP, Córdoba, Argentina). Remarkable similarities between the archaeological and analogical records were found, including the distinctive burning pattern on the distal extremities of the unmeaty long bones (e.g, radii and tibiae), the high frequency of broken incisor teeth and the loss of autopodium elements. Based on these comparative results, it is suggested that the small-rodent assemblages of QR1 were primary accumulated by humans though butchery, cooking and consumption related activities. Extending this study to other archaeological sites in South America may help to identify the prehistoric bone collectors of these small-animals.► We conducted a cooking experiment exposing cavy rodent's carcasses directly on fire. ► Then, we examined the pattern of burning bone modification and elements loss. ► We compared the results with the small-rodent assemblage from Quebrada del Real 1. ► We conclude that archaeological rodent bones were primary accumulated by humans.

Archaeological records of the treatment of human skulls for ceremonial or cult purposes appear at the end of Palaeolithic and are shown in different ways, being able to identify through the taphonomic modifications. According to this, the presence of skull cups (bowls from human calvaria) is currently considered evidence of ritualistic treatment of human bodies and it is found in many occasions associated to cannibalism. Prehistoric skull cups are characterized by a careful and repetitive fracture pattern and elevated frequency of cut marks. We aim to assess whether it is possible to identify a common pattern, through the cut marks disposition and frequency, in the treatment of modified skulls to produce skull-cups, by comparing evidence from different prehistoric assemblages in Europe. We compared published data and drawings of cut marks recorded on the surface of human skulls specimens from TD6.2 of Gran Dolina (early Pleistocene, Spain), Gough’s Cave, Fontbrégoua, Herxheim, and El Mirador Cave. Cut marks were spatially plotted as polylines over the bone templates in ArcGIS, which has allowed us to evaluate their distribution and greater or lesser presence in the different views of the human skulls. In all samples except in TD6.2 have been proposed some ritual component on the remains and perhaps of the cannibalism events. In three of the sites (Gough’s, Herxheim and El Mirador) the elaboration of skull cups was recorded. The location and distribution of cut marks on the studied skulls, were analysed using the ESRI ArcGIS software package. In order to statistically compare patterns among skulls of the same site and between skulls from different sites the cut marks were digitalised on standardised templates of a skull in six side-views: anterior face; dorsal; left lateral; right lateral; superior; and inferior). Results show a high frequency and a spatial distribution with a clustered pattern of cut marks are also shown common in all the skull cups and Fontbrégoua. This is particularly concerning the longitudinal cut marks located in the upper part of the skulls and superimposed or parallel to the sagittal suture. However, no parallels were observed with the treatment of Homo antecessor skulls. The scalping of the craniums from Gough’s Cave, Fontbrégoua, Herxheim, and El Mirador may be therefore associated with the preparation of the skulls (skull cups and non-skull cups) for ritual purposes. We statistically demonstrated that on skull cups there are areas with higher concentration of cut marks, corresponding mainly the removal of the scalp. The high frequency of cut marks can also be associated with defleshing and is found on the lateral and ventral facets of the skull. We have located patterns of spatial distribution of aggregate and regularly scattered cut marks in the skull craniums, with higher densities than in the skulls without prearranged morphology. Repetitive patterns, intended for intensive cleaning bone, have been recognised in specimens from Gough’s Cave, Fontbrégoua, Herxheim, and El Mirador Cave. A methodical process has been identified in the manufacturing of the skull cups. The removal of the scalp and defleshing was meticulous and intensive according to the number of cut marks, in all skull cups and Fontbrégoua. This pattern is repeated from the Magdalenian sites of Gough’s Cave to the Bronze Age site of El Mirador Cave, providing further evidence of the preparation of the skulls for their possible ritualization. Intensive tissue removal can be an indicator of human cannibalism in a ritual context.

The numerous mouflon bones found in the different archaeological beds of La Caune de l’Arago show human activity marks. A precise description of these traces has been done using attributes such as orientation, location on bone ans mark morphology (length, width and depth). This procedure permits to define a model of Human erectus way of treatment of the antique wild sheep and to privilege the hypothesis of hunting rather than scavenging.

Out of a total of 851 bones, 558 could be determined (65,5 %). The assemblage is composed of discarded waste. Bones are highly fragmented, and show marks of butchery, burning, 3 cases of carnivores, and in one case pathology. There are no killing or skinning marks. Specific faunal deposits were not found.

Domestic fauna dominates with over 90 % of the number of remains. Cattle were the primary food resource, followed by pigs and caprinae (sheep/goat). A young dog under one year old is also present in the corpus. Regarding wild game, only the larger animals are present. Wild boar is represented by adult individuals of both sexes as well as young. Few bones of aurochs and red deer are also in the assemblage.

The 5 bone tools include pointed tools manufactured on caprinae metapodials. Comparisons with sites in France and Germany indicate that the fauna from Kobern-Gondorf matches other sites dating to the Michelsberg culture.

The Ciota Ciara cave is located in the karst area of Monte Fenera (Borgosesia-VC) and, with the Ciotarun cave, it is the only Middle Palaeolithic site in Piedmont where the presence of Homo neanderthalensis has been confirmed by discoveries of human remains. Preliminary taphonomic and archaeozoological studies have been performed on a portion of the palaeontological remains from the Stratigraphic Unit 14 (1144 bones). The studies confirmed the presence of cut-marks on Ursus spelaeus and Canis lupus, made by lithic instruments. The position of the cut-marks on the bones can be related to skinning and butchery. An experimental butchery has been performed to test the efficiency of the tools made by local quartz during slaughtering activities. The archaeozoo-logical analysis of the faunal remains of S.U. 14, identified cut-marks with weak peculiarities, probably due to the use of quartz tools. The analysis of the experimental collection allowed distinguishing between cut-marks made by q...

Studies of bone surface modifications (BSMs) such as cut marks are crucial to our understanding of human and earlier hominin subsistence behavior. Over the last several decades, however, BSM identification has remained contentious, particularly in terms of identifying the earliest instances of hominin butchery; there has been a lack of consensus over how to identify or differentiate marks made by human and non-human actors and varying effectors. Most investigations have relied on morphology to identify butchery marks and their patterning. This includes cut marks, one of the most significant human marks. Attempts to discriminate cut marks from other types of marks have employed a variety of techniques, ranging from subjectively characterizing cut mark morphology using the naked eye, to using high-powered microscopy such as scanning electron microscopy (SEM) or micro-photogrammetry. More recent approaches use 3D datasets to obtain even more detailed information about mark attributes, and apply those to the fossil record. Although 3D datasets open promising new avenues for investigation, analyses of these datasets have not yet taken advantage of the full 3D surface morphology of BSM. Rather, selected cross-sectional slices of 3D scans have been used as proxies for overall shape. Here we demonstrate that 3D geometric morphometrics (GM), under the " Procrustes paradigm " and coupled with a Bayesian approach, probabilistically discriminates between marks caused by different butchery behaviors. At the same time, this approach provides a complete set of 3D morphological measurements and descriptions. Our results strengthen statistical confidence in cut mark identification and offer a novel approach that can be used to discriminate subtle differences between cut mark types in the fossil record. Furthermore, this study provides an incipient digital library with which to make future quantitative comparisons to archaeological examples, including contentious specimens that are key to understanding the earliest hominin butchery.

This paper is a first attempt to investigate the variability in reindeer-procurement strategies in Upper Palaeolithic sites by means of sex ratios, as reflected by osteometrical data. For this purpose the “Variability Size Index” method is employed. The idea behind the analysis is that sex ratios in reindeer (but also in red deer and in bovids) were mainly determined—as they are in modern populations—by the reproductive biology of the animals and not by environmental conditions. Thus, any deviations from these ratios must be explained in terms of behavioural/cultural variables. The faunal material for the study comes from sites in southwest France, Switzerland and southern Germany. During the Upper Palaeolithic females dominate in all assemblages, but a clear variability can be seen: some sites show sex ratios similar to those found in Palaeolithic carnivore dens, whereas other sites show somewhat higher frequencies of bulls. The variation in the sex ratios of reindeer among Upper Palaeolithic sites cannot be explained by either their chronological position or topographical location, but it is more probably a result from seasonal differences in reindeer-procurement. Thus generalizations about the exploitation of reindeer or other prey species based on results of a single site or layer of a site will mask the variability in the subsistence strategies which existed either during the Upper Palaeolithic or, at a finer scale, even during the Magdalenian.

La Caune de l’Arago (Tautavel, Pyrénées-Orientales) is one of the most important lower paleolithic sites in Western Europe. The middle complex of the cave (F and G levels) presents a remarkable abundance of mouflons. Studies of mortality profils, bones fragmentation, conservation of the rests, skeletical representation and cut marks attests of an intense exploitation of these animals by men, essentially in a alimentary objective.

The Arago cave (Southern, France) is one of the most important Lower Palaeolithic site in western Europe. The middle complex of the stratigraphic sequence (Mindel) depicts a remarkable diversity and richness of small bovids (genus Ovis, Hemitragus, Rupicapra and Capra). This site is of a greate importance for a better understanding of caprids emergence and evolution. Mortality profils, skeletical representation, bone fragmentation, and cut marks analyses of muflon bones from levels F and G suggest an acquisition of this animal by hominids for a subsistence purpose.

Archaeological records of the treatment of human skulls for ceremonial or cult purposes appear at the end of Palaeolithic and are shown in different ways, being able to identify through the taphonomic modifications. According to this, the presence of skull cups (bowls from human calvaria) is currently considered evidence of ritualistic treatment of human bodies and it is found in many occasions associated to cannibalism. Prehistoric skull cups are characterized by a careful and repetitive fracture pattern and elevated frequency of cut marks. We aim to assess whether it is possible to identify a common pattern, through the cut marks disposition and frequency, in the treatment of modified skulls to produce skull-cups, by comparing evidence from different prehistoric assemblages in Europe. We compared published data and drawings of cut marks recorded on the surface of human skulls specimens from TD6.2 of Gran Dolina (early Pleistocene, Spain), Gough’s Cave, Fontbrégoua, Herxheim, and El Mirador Cave. Cut marks were spatially plotted as polylines over the bone templates in ArcGIS, which has allowed us to evaluate their distribution and greater or lesser presence in the different views of the human skulls. In all samples except in TD6.2 have been proposed some ritual component on the remains and perhaps of the cannibalism events. In three of the sites (Gough’s, Herxheim and El Mirador) the elaboration of skull cups was recorded. The location and distribution of cut marks on the studied skulls, were analysed using the ESRI ArcGIS software package. In order to statistically compare patterns among skulls of the same site and between skulls from different sites the cut marks were digitalised on standardised templates of a skull in six side-views: anterior face; dorsal; left lateral; right lateral; superior; and inferior). Results show a high frequency and a spatial distribution with a clustered pattern of cut marks are also shown common in all the skull cups and Fontbrégoua. This is particularly concerning the longitudinal cut marks located in the upper part of the skulls and superimposed or parallel to the sagittal suture. However, no parallels were observed with the treatment of Homo antecessor skulls. The scalping of the craniums from Gough’s Cave, Fontbrégoua, Herxheim, and El Mirador may be therefore associated with the preparation of the skulls (skull cups and non-skull cups) for ritual purposes. We statistically demonstrated that on skull cups there are areas with higher concentration of cut marks, corresponding mainly the removal of the scalp. The high frequency of cut marks can also be associated with defleshing and is found on the lateral and ventral facets of the skull. We have located patterns of spatial distribution of aggregate and regularly scattered cut marks in the skull craniums, with higher densities than in the skulls without prearranged morphology. Repetitive patterns, intended for intensive cleaning bone, have been recognised in specimens from Gough’s Cave, Fontbrégoua, Herxheim, and El Mirador Cave. A methodical process has been identified in the manufacturing of the skull cups. The removal of the scalp and defleshing was meticulous and intensive according to the number of cut marks, in all skull cups and Fontbrégoua. This pattern is repeated from the Magdalenian sites of Gough’s Cave to the Bronze Age site of El Mirador Cave, providing further evidence of the preparation of the skulls for their possible ritualization. Intensive tissue removal can be an indicator of human cannibalism in a ritual context.

The presence of skull cups (bowls made from human calvaria) is considered evidence of the ritualistic treatment of human bodies. These artefacts are characterised by careful manufacturing which can be taphonomically observed in bone surface modifications (BSM) as cut marks and percussion marks. These BSM show morphological similarities across Upper Palaeolithic, Neolithic, and Bronze Age assemblages. This study is focused on the analysis of the frequency and spatial distribution of cut marks on skull cups from Gough's Cave (UK), Herxheim (Germany), and El Mirador Cave (Spain), as compared to the frequency and spatial distribution of modifications on human skulls (non-skull cups) from TD6.2 of Gran Dolina (Spain) and Fontbrégoua (France), with the aim of identifying a common pattern related to a symbolic background. Nearest neighbour analysis and Kernel analyses were used to identify the distribution pattern of anthropogenically induced modifications. The results indicate that the frequency and distribution of cut marks on human skulls modified into skull cups are unique and are most likely to be the result of meticulous cleaning of skulls. A similar frequency and distribution pattern of modifications was also observed on skulls from Fontbrégoua, possibly related to the collection of skulls as war trophies. No parallels with the treatment of skulls of Homo antecessor at TD6.2 of Gran Dolina were observed. We suggest that the treatment of human skulls for ritualistic purposes therefore results in a consistent pattern of modification.