Eastern Mediterranean

This article presents the results of the study conducted in six new member states that joined the European Union in 2004 (This article is based on the report “Juvenile delinquency in six new EU member states’, 2008. Participant and co-authors where Jiri Burianek from the Charles University in Prague, Bojan Dekleva from the University of Ljubljana, Andreas Karpadis from the University of Cyprus, Beata Gruszczyńska from the Warsaw University & Institute of Justice of Poland, Vidas Kalpokas from the Law Institute of Lithuania, Anna Markina from the Uni-versity of Tartu and Majone Steketee and Marit Moll from the Verwey-Jonker Institute) (The study has been financially supported by the European Coomunity-Daphne-2 Programme to Combat Violence against Children, Young People and Women.). Five former eastern European countries; the Czech Republic, Estonia, Lithuania, Poland, Slovenia and Cyprus, a southern European country and former British colony in the eastern Mediterranean. Often little is known about the prevalence of youth delinquency in these countries, let alone in a trans-national comparison. In this study we examined the variability in patterns of self-reported youth delinquency behaviour and the relative ranking of the prevalence of different types of juvenile delinquency. We also tested whether a number of sociological and criminological theories on prevalence and occurrence of youth delinquency are valid in these six countries.

Modern coastal areas have natural and transported rocks (armourstone) on which various types of organisms live. Burrowing, boring and feeding by these organisms can destroy or modify the coastal rocks and hence change the coastal morphology. Two rock types and three dominant types of organisms have been studied in Mersin Bay, Eastern Mediterranean of southern Turkey. In this study area, Plio-Quaternary conglomerates and variously aged limestone armourplates have been affected by Phoronida worms, bivalve Brachidontes pharaonis (Fischer P. 1870) and the limpet Patella sp. Phoronida colonies were found covering the hard substratum as a mat and form tubular endolithes of 35.0 mm depth and 1.5 mm diameter, whilst Brachidontes pharaonis (Fischer P. 1870) form 44 mm deep vase-shaped gastrochaenolites. The bioerosive activity of Limpet Patella sp., found intertidal and within the spray zone, cannot be significantly observed on the rocks over short time periods. The soft sandy matrix of the conglomerates present were found to disintegrate by bioerosional processes, with the released gravels being transported and deposited onto the beach. Within the armourstone limestone blocks, a maximum of 44.0 mm deep holes developed after 50–60 years. However, these biological activities do not threaten the stability of the blocks due to their hard and homogeneous internal structure. Furthermore, the organism colonies that cover these rocks as a strong mat (maximum 29.0 mm) act to protect their surfaces from further biological attack and wave action.

Turkey’s different recent moves in the Eastern Mediterranean, it is argued, aim to disrupt the game plans of other countries. Backed by military instruments, Turkey has confronted regional adversaries, including some of its NATO allies. It has undertaken naval exercises or deployed its navy to support its seismic surveys and has thwarted other players’ drilling efforts, hence blocking the monetization of the area’s natural resources, not to mention its military involvement in the Libya conflict. There is a tendency to view such actions as erratic moves aimed at disrupting the game plans of others which can hardly be explained by strategic considerations. Disruption is definitely part of Turkey’s regional conduct, but it would be misleading to downplay it as aimless. Such moves can be best conceptualized as part of coercive diplomacy, which is based on the threat of punishment or threat of denial to achieve desired objectives.

The climate of the Eastern Mediterranean region of the last 60 ky was determined by a high resolution study of the oxygen and carbon isotopic composition (1500 measurement pairs) of speleothems from the Soreq cave, Israel, with chronology provided by 53 precise 230Th–234U (TIMS) ages. The high precision of the speleothem TIMS ages permits us to determine the timing of

Η παρούσα μελέτη φιλοδοξεί να σκιαγραφήσει το μεταψυχροπολεμικό πλαίσιο εκτύλιξης της τουρκικής στρατηγικής συμπεριφοράς με άξονα αναφοράς την ενέργεια και πιο συγκεκριμένα, την παραγωγή και τη διαμετακόμιση υδρογονανθράκων επί του «Ενεργειακού Διαδρόμου Ανατολής-Δύσης». Η παρατηρούμενη διάσταση μεταξύ αρχικών στόχων, ενδιάμεσων ενεργειών υλοποίησης και τελικών αποτελεσμάτων της τουρκικής ενεργειακής πολιτικής καταγράφεται ως ασυνέχεια νοούμενη εν τέλει ως ασυνέπεια υπό την έννοια ότι η Τουρκία επέδειξε μία αλλοπρόσαλλη στρατηγική συμπεριφορά, η οποία είναι αμφίβολο αν υπηρετούσε το σκοπό της ενεργειακής αναβάθμισής της. Το συγκεκριμένο γεγονός πλήττει καίρια το κύρος της χώρας, αλλά αναδεικνύει και τα όρια της επιθετικότητάς της. Αμέσως μετά το τέλος του Ψυχρού Πολέμου διατυπώθηκαν μεγαλεπήβολοι στόχοι με ρητές αναφορές στους υδρογονάνθρακες των μετασοβιετικών δημοκρατιών και της Μέσης Ανατολής, κατόπιν αυτοί κατέρρευσαν και εν τέλει, θεμελιώθηκε μία ετεροβαρής ενεργειακή σχέση με την Ρωσία. Υπό το συγκεκριμένο πρίσμα και παραπέμποντας στην προσήκουσα χαρτογραφία, γίνεται προσπάθεια να απαντηθούν τα εξής ερωτήματα: Ποιες ήταν οι παράμετροι ένταξης της ενέργειας στα στρατηγικά μέσα της Τουρκίας κατά τη διάρκεια του μεταψυχροπολέμου; Πώς επηρέασε το εν λόγω ζήτημα τις τουρκορωσικές σχέσεις; Υπήρχαν σημεία σύνδεσης της ευρύτερης γεωστρατηγικής της Τουρκίας με την ενεργειακή πολιτική της;

The Resedaceae, containing 6 genera and ca. 85 species, are widely distributed in the Old World, with a major center of species diversity in the Mediterranean basin. Phylogenetic analyses of ITS and plastid trnL-trnF sequences of 66 species from all genera of the Resedaceae reveal (1) monophyly of the family, in congruence with preliminary phylogenetic studies; (2) molecular support for the traditional morphological subdivision of the Resedaceae into three tribes according to ovary and placentation types, and carpel number; (3) two monophyletic genera (Caylusea, Sesamoides), and one natural group (core Reseda), which includes the remaining four genera of the family (Ochradenus, Oligomeris, Randonia, Reseda); (4) a monophyletic origin for four of the six taxonomic sections recognized within Reseda (Leucoreseda, Luteola, Glaucoreseda, Phyteuma). Our results lead us to interpret an increment of the basic chromosome number in the family from x D 5 to x D 6 in at least two independent in...

The eresid spider genus Eresus is morphologically and ecologically conservative. At least three species occur in Europe. However, deep genetic divergence among geographical samples within two species, E. cinnaberinus and E. sandaliatus, may suggest more cryptic species. In the present study we investigate the genetic cohesion of the third species, Eresus walckenaeri, throughout its eastern Mediterranean distribution range, relative to the E. cinnaberinus–E. sandaliatus species complex. Eresus walckenaeri specimens were monophyletic. Genetic discreteness of E. walckenaeri in a region of sympatry with its sister species in Greece provides evidence for species integrity of E. walckenaeri within the European Eresus species complex. Eresus walckenaeri exhibited high concordance between geographical location and mtDNA genealogy. Two major phylogeographical clades were found in the Greek–Turkish and Syrian–Israel parts of the investigated area, respectively (∼6.5% sequence divergence). Concordance between geography and genetic divergence was further observed between Aegean island samples and their corresponding Greek and Turkish mainland samples, suggesting regional subdivision with gradual but potentially high dispersal propensity. Monophyly and limited regional distribution indicate Mediterranean endemic origin. © 2005 The Linnean Society of London, Biological Journal of the Linnean Society, 2005, 86, 1–9.

Öz
Doğu Akdeniz farklı etnik, siyasi, dini, kültürel yapısıyla özellikle 2. Dünya Savaşı sonrası gerilimlerin eksik olmadığı bir bölge olmuştur. Bölgedeki aktörlerin tarihsel sorunları güvenlik kaygılarını besleyen bir etki yaratmıştır. Günümüzde uluslararası ilişkilerin gerilim alanlarından belli başlısının enerji kaynakları ile ilgili olduğu görülmektedir. 2000’li yıllarda Doğu Akdeniz’de keşfedilen hidrokarbon kaynaklar, bölgedeki mevcut gerilimleri artıran bir unsur olmuştur. Türkiye’nin bölgeye ilgisi tarihsel bağları yanında en temel bakış açısıyla yakın dönem Kıbrıs sorunu bağlamında açıklanabilmektedir. Ancak Türkiye genel güvenlik ve enerji güvenliği kaygıları, artan enerji tüketimi ve enerji koridoru / merkezi olma hedefi kapsamında da bölgeyi dış politikasının odak noktasında görmektedir. Bu kapsamda, bölge ülkelerinden, en uzun kıyı uzunluğuna sahip ülkesi Türkiye’nin, bölgeye ilişkin politikalarının incelenmesi önemli görülmektedir.
Arap Baharını takiben, Libya ve Suriye iç savaşı gibi çatışma alanlarının yaygınlaşması sonrası, bölge dışı güçlerin müdahil olması ile birlikte Doğu Akdeniz son dönemde uluslararası ilişkilerin odak noktasını teşkil etmeye başlamıştır. Aynı zaman diliminde bölgedeki hidrokarbon temelli deniz yetki alanları sorunlarındaki gerilim, uluslararası ilişkiler açısından bölgeye yönelik politikaları ve olayları yönlendiren dinamikleri anlamayı önemli hale getirmiştir. Uluslararası sistemin anarşik yapıda olduğunu kabul eden ve devletler açısından gücü artırmanın yanında güvenliği sağlamanın da önemine odaklanan neorealist kuramın, son gelişmeler ışığında bölge politikalarının anlamlandırılması için uygun bir bakış açısı sunduğu değerlendirilmektedir.
Bu çalışmada, Türkiye’nin Doğu Akdeniz enerji politikası neorealist yaklaşımla analiz edilerek, Türk dış politikasının belirli bir bölümü teorik açıdan incelenecek ve uluslararası ilişkiler disiplinine katkı sağlanmaya çalışılacaktır. Bu kapsamda öncelikli olarak neorealist kuramın analize temel teşkil eden esasları ortaya konulacak, çalışmayla ilişkili olan Doğu Akdeniz’deki siyasal gelişmeler ele alınacak, son olarak Türkiye’nin Doğu Akdeniz enerji politikası analiz edilecektir.
Anahtar Kelimeler: Neorealizm, Türkiye, Doğu Akdeniz, Enerji Politikası, Hidrokarbon, Doğalgaz


Neorealism Theory and Eastern Mediterranean Energy Policy of Turkey
Abstract
Because of its various ethnic, political, religious and cultural diversity, Eastern Mediterranean has never been without tension, in particular after World War II. The historical disputes among the regional players contributed to the security concerns. It can be observed today that energy sources are one of the main causes of international conflicts. Hydrocarbon resources, discovered in the eastern Mediterranean in the early 2000s, have become a factor that increases the already existing tension in the region by creating disputes regarding the maritime jurisdiction zones.
After the Arab Spring, with conflict zones spreading with Libya and Syrian civil war and outside players getting involved; Eastern Mediterranean has become the focal point of international relations. Neorealist approach, which acknowledges the international system is anarchic and from the viewpoint of the states focuses both on increasing their power and ensuring security; in light of recent events provides a proper perspective regarding the interpretation of the regional policies. Among all the countries in the region, the analysis of the regional policy of Turkey with the longest coastline in the eastern Mediterranean is considered significant.
This study aims to contribute to international relations discipline by analyzing certain parts of Turkish Foreign Policy from a theoretical perspective while the energy policy of the country is analyzed in line with neorealist approach. In this context, firstly, basic principles of neorealist theory, which will be the basis of the analysis, will be presented; political developments in the eastern Mediterranean concerning this study will be discussed, lastly the regional policy of Turkey will be analyzed. 
Key Words: Neorealism, Turkey, Eastern Mediterranean, Energy Policy, Hydrocarbon, Natural Gas

A field study on cotton (Gossypium hirsutum L., cv.) was carried out from 2005 to 2008 in the Çukurova Region, Eastern Mediterranean, Turkey. Treatments were designated as I100 full irrigation; DI70, DI50 and DI00 which received 70, 50, and 0% of the irrigation water amount applied in the I100 treatment. The irrigation water amount to be applied to the plots

Until recently, Turkey has relied on trade and diplomacy, as well as its key geographic location between Europe and the Middle East, to project power. But amid a decade of volatility brought on by the Arab Spring uprisings of 2011, Ankara has shifted to a hard-power approach to secure itself from threats in and achieve its aspirations of becoming a regional power.

Conventional wisdom is that geography privileged Turkey to be a genuine bridge between the East and West, but often overlooked is the fact that that same geography exposes Turkey to numerous unique challenges and threats, which has elevated territorial integrity, security, and interests to a central position in the thinking of the Turkish political, security, and defense establishment. These challenges have compelled Turkey to adopt a strong state model, increasing its hard-power projection to meet them.
Foreign discourse on Turkey often alienates such considerations, which creates a gap not only in terms of understanding what Turkey is doing or trying to do but also, most importantly, why it is doing it and what its end goals are.

https://newlinesinstitute.org/turkey/mapping-the-rise-of-turkeys-hard-power/

This chapter looks at Cyprus as a status seeker in the Eastern Mediterranean and sheds some new light on Cyprus’ role in the region as well as on the study of small state status in the discipline of the International Relations. The authors investigate Cyprus’ status seeking strategy, assess its effectiveness and discuss its impact, by exploring its relationships with the great powers, the EU and with its neighbours in the region. Their findings indicate that Cyprus’ status seeking strategy has been successful. The Republic of Cyprus is being recognized as a key player in the region, as a “good power” and a useful partner. Moreover, the authors suggest that Cyprus status seeking strategy has laid the foundations for changes in the Eastern Mediterranean. In addition, they argue that in the case of Cyprus status seeking is not an end in itself. Cyprus seeks to better its position and harness the gains from that improvement. Thus, this chapter shows that even a small, occupied, peripheral small state can succeed in status seeking and improve not only its status, but also enhance conditions for cooperation, peace, stability, security in a region. That said, the authors underline that changes in the Eastern Mediterranean are at an embryonic stage and Cyprus’ advanced status in the region remains fluid and vulnerable.

Kıbrıs uyuşmazlığına ilişkin barış süreci müzakerelerinin devam ettiği 2000’lerin başında Kıbrıs adası etrafında hidrokarbon rezervlerinin varlığına ilişkin haberler çıkmış ve Güney Kıbrıs Rum Yönetimi (GKRY) de varlığı tartışılmaya başlanan kaynakları kullanabilmek konusunda girişimlerde bulunmaya başlamıştır. GKRY Münhasır Ekonomik Bölge (MEB) ilan etmiş; Mısır, Lübnan ve İsrail ile MEB Sınırlandırma Antlaşmaları imzalamış, hidrokarbon arama ruhsatları ilan etmiş ve bunları ihaleye açmıştır. GKRY’nin fait accompli yaratmaya yönelik eylemlerini, Türkiye, hak ve menfaatlerini ihlal ettiği gerekçesiyle diplomatik ve siyasi yöntemlerle uluslararası kamuoyuna kabul edilemez olduğunu ilan etmiştir. Böylelikle iki taraf arasında bir dış politika krizi tetiklenmiştir.  Tetiklenen krizle beraber taraflar çıkarlarını savunmaya yönelik kriz yönetim stratejileri uygulamaya başlamıştır. Kriz yönetim sürecini ve stratejilerini ulusal güç, bölgesel sistem, liderlik gibi etkileyen birçok unsurun yanında üçüncü müdahil aktörler de etkileyebilmektedir.  Üçüncü aktörün krize müdahalesinin hangi türden olduğu ve aktörün krizin taraflarıyla olan ilişkisi, krizin tırmanma ve yumuşama süreçlerini etkiler. Bu durum krizin seyrini değiştirebilmekte ve krizin taraflarının stratejilerini belirlemesinde etkili olmaktadır. Söz konusu kriz özelinde Avrupa Birliği (AB) ulus üstü bir örgüt olarak birtakım sebeplerle kriz yönetim sürecine müdahil olmuştur. AB’ye GKRY’nin tam üye Türkiye’nin ise üyelik için aday olmasından kaynaklanan; üçüncü taraf aktör-AB ile krizin tarafları arasındaki ilişkinin niteliği, krizde güç asimetrisine sebep olmaktadır. Güç asimetrisi, GKRY’nin hamlelerini ve AB’nin uyuşmazlığa yönelik tutumunu belirleyici değişken olmakta ve ortaya çıkan uygulamalar Türkiye’nin hem kriz yönetimini hem de AB ile ilişkilerini etkilemektedir. Bu çalışmada GKRY ve Türkiye arasında gelişen bir kriz olarak Doğu Akdeniz deniz yetki alanları krizinde üçüncü müdahil aktör-AB’nin krize müdahilliğinin hukuki-siyasi niteliği, gerekçeleri ve yöntemlerinin neler olduğu, AB’nin müdahilliğinin Türkiye’nin kriz yönetim sürecine ve Türkiye-AB ilişkilerine etkileri analiz edilecektir.

​After more than a year of efforts, the Libyan National Army’s (LNA) military campaign to capture Tripoli has collapsed. Turkey’s military intervention in favour of the Government of National Accord (GNA) has been crucial in preventing the fall of Tripoli, turning the tide against the LNA and helping the GNA advance to the east. Turkey’s involvement has also stirred new diplomatic initiatives, enhanced the geopolitical antagonism between Ankara and external supporters of the LNA such as Russia and Egypt, and ushered Libya into a new phase of conflict between the GNA and LNA. Amid possibilities of conflict escalation and challenges to bridging Cairo’s proposed peace initiative and the UN-led peace talks, a win-win formula in Libya will be difficult to negotiate.

... Geological and morphological studies carried out in the neighbouring areas show the occurrence of E–W trending Quaternary normal fault segments (Spili and Agia Galini faults) that control the present topography and morphology, and exhibit steep young scarps mostly ...

Παρά το γεγονός ότι η διεθνής πολιτική της Ανατολικής Μεσογείου μας απασχολεί σε επίπεδο πολιτικής και ειδησεογραφίας καθημερινά, η συστηματική έρευνα και μελέτη γύρω από αυτήν είναι πολύ περιορισμένη, ακόμα και στην ελληνόγλωσση βιβλιογραφία. Οι αναλύσεις για την Τουρκία, την ενεργειακή ασφάλεια, τις διακρατικές και πολυμερείς συνεργασίες στην περιοχή, τα ελληνοτουρκικά, το Κυπριακό, τη Λιβύη και πολλά άλλα παρεμφερή ζητήματα παρασύρονται πολύ συχνά από τον όγκο και τη ροή της καθημερινής πληροφόρησης και ειδησεογραφίας. Στην απουσία ενός καλά θεμελιωμένου γνωσιολογικού πλαισίου, το αποτέλεσμα είναι να χάνουμε τη δυνατότητα ανάγνωσης της μεγάλης εικόνας και ερμηνείας των εξελίξεων, τόσο σε επίπεδο θεσμών όσο και σε επίπεδο Μέσων Μαζικής Ενημέρωσης και κοινωνίας. Το ανά χείρας σύγγραμμα επιδιώκει να εξετάσει κάποιες από τις βασικές δυναμικές που συνδιαμορφώνουν τη σύγχρονη διεθνή πολιτική στην Ανατολική Μεσόγειο. Σε αυτό το πλαίσιο εμπίπτουν οι γεωπολιτικές τάσεις και μεταβολές στο διεθνές και περιφερειακό σύστημα, το μεγάλο κεφάλαιο της τουρκικής εξωτερικής πολιτικής, και τα περιφερειακά δίκτυα συνεργασίας με επίκεντρο την κυπριακή εξωτερική πολιτική και τις αντιλήψεις περί ασφάλειας στην περιοχή. Πέρα από την παράθεση στοιχείων και την ανάλυση, σκοπό αποτελεί και η αναγνώριση κάποιων μοτίβων ανταγωνισμού και συνεργασίας που αναφύονται στην περιφέρεια, αλλά και η ανάδειξη της σημασίας της Ανατολικής Μεσογείου ως «νέας» γεωπολιτικής υπο-περιφέρειας.