Neomarxism

사회 세계 (MSW)를 aking에 자세히 언급하기 전에 m나는 먼저 철학 (설명 심리학)과 Searle (S)와 비트 겐슈타인 (W)의 작품에서 예시로 현대 심리학 연구와의 관계에 대한 몇 가지 의견을 제공 할 것입니다, 나는 이것이 행동에 Searle 또는 어떤 해설자를 배치하는 가장 좋은 방법이라고 생각하기 때문에, 적절한 관점에서. 그것은 크게 설명 심리학의이 두 천재에 의해 PNC, TLP, PI, OC, TARW 및 기타 책의 내 리뷰를 볼 도움이 될 것입니다.

S는 TLP의 메커니즘으로 W의 선견지명 진술과 그의 후기 작업에서 그의 파괴에 대한 언급을하지 않습니다. W, S는 행동의 이러한 기계적 견해의 주요 해체자가되었다, 그리고 가장 중요한 설명 심리학자 (철학자), 하지만 W가 그를 완전히 예상하고, 크게, 다른 사람을 수행 (하지만 W, 튜링과 AI에 프라우드 풋과 코플랜드의 많은 논문과 책을 참조하십시오). S의 작품은 W보다 훨씬 쉽게 따라할 수 있으며, 일부 전문 용어가 있지만 올바른 방향으로 접근하면 대부분 극적으로 분명합니다. 자세한 내용은 W S 및 기타 책에 대한 내 리뷰를 참조하십시오.

전반적으로, MSW는 작업의 S의 반세기에서 발생하는 Wittgenstein을 통해 많은 실질적인 발전의 좋은 요약이지만, 내 보기에, W는 여전히 그가 말하는 것을 파악하면 기본 심리학에 대한 타의 추종을 불허합니다 (내 리뷰 참조). 이상적으로,  그들은 함께 읽어야한다 : S1 / S2의 운영W의 기발한 예와 함께 설명 S2 / S3의 운영에 명확한 일관된 산문과 일반화에 대한 Searle, 그의 화려한 격언. 제가 훨씬 어렸을 때, 저는 그 일을 하는 책을 쓰곤 했습니다.

현대 의 두 시스템 보기에서인간의 행동에 대한 포괄적 인 최신 프레임 워크를 원하는 사람들은 내 책을 참조 할 수 있습니다'철학의 논리적 구조, 심리학, 민d와 루드비히  비트겐슈타인과 존 Searle의언어'  2nd ed (2019). 내 글의 더 많은 관심있는 사람들은 '이야기 원숭이를 볼 수 있습니다-철학, 심리학, 과학, 종교와 운명 행성에 정치 - 기사 및 리뷰 2006-2019 3 rd 에드 (2019) 및 21st  세기 4번째  에드 (2019)  및 기타에서 자살 유토피아 망상.

Рецензія на перший український (і східнослов'янський) переклад класика антиколоніалізму Франца Фанона. В огляді розглянуто як конструктивні аспекти Фанонової візії соціальної емансипації та солідарності, так і проблематичні тези, які віддаляють Фанонову апологію практики від марксистської політичної теорії.

This essay attempts to offer a sociological approach on the matter of culture and  mass media embodied in the capitalist societies. The ideas brought by the Frankfurt School in the XX century and its legacy in the current sociology will be the starting point of analysis here, defining them in the most clear way and pointing out the achievements and failures of the critical theory and its value nowadays as a mean to understand the mass culture and the cultural industries. The reviewed literature about the topic will lead the argument towards the critical analysis while the paper's conclusions will aim to shed light on wheter the new technologies and the commercialisation of the culture in the capitalism are a kind of “social control” tool or not as the critical theory seems to imply (technocapitalism and technoculture). So we will be able to understand its role in the capitalism.

Key words: Social theory, critical theory, neomarxism, Frankfurt School, mass culture, cultural industries, mass media, capitalism, modern society, technology, control.

The Danish documentary Armadillo received its Danish premiere in May of 2010 and immediately caused a national debate, particularly in the media.
This study explores which types of discourse predominated in the wake of the film’s release and what the film’s position is in relation to the discourses carried by the media. Additionally, there is a discussion of the film’s representation of reality and what role the film plays in the process of identifying the subsequent discourses.
The study concludes that two discourses appeared – a political and a media discourse. The political discourse was rooted in a struggle between two perceptions of reality in the case of Armadillo and the Danish participation in the war in Afghanistan.
The media discourse focused on the notion of a “true” representation of reality. This dis-course was characterized by disagreement, which was manifested on a discursive plane, i.e. there was a linguistic and a political dispute whether the film reflected the full and honest reality of the Danish soldiers’ campaign in Afghanistan.
In terms of genre theory, the film is not a truthful imitation of reality. It is not a true representation of the reality out there (Afghanistan), but a partial picture of Afghan existence in the province of Helmand in 2009. Although Armadillo is primarily an observational documentary, it contains dramatized elements which use reconstructed scenes and non-diegetic music, whose expression contains elements of poetic documentary style while referencing well-known fiction war films. Consequently, the film is not a true picture of reality but rep-resents a subjective and stylized view of parts of the reality the Danish soldiers experienced in Afghanistan in 2009.

"The social sciences are enmeshed with their own subject area in complex ways. Social-scientific discourses have an impact on the self-perception of tradition, authenticity and identity in the broader society. In the following sections, I shall trace various scholarly discourses on Filipino tradition, national identity, and popular Christianity.
Hence religion functions either as obstacle to or source of national identity. From the post-Second World War years until today, the intellectual attitude towards Christianity varied considerably: outright refusal of the oppressor’s religion by left-wing nationalists, reappraisal of a revolutionary »Passion Catholicism« by the »history from below« discourse, attempts of reconstructing pre-Christian animism, Austronesian cosmology and/or mystic-messianic nationalism as the true religion of »the« Filipino people, or post-nationalist appreciation of religious »creolization« and »hybridity«. Such discourses are inseparable from the political development after independence and the postcolonial struggle over intellectual self-determination.
This chapter examines various attempts of Filipino intellectuals to contribute to the collective identity of their nation. As will be shown below, over a long period of time this ambition could be achieved only by selecting and defining certain essentials that make the desired collective »good to think«. Thus, the scholarly endeavour is aimed at compensating the loss of a supposed cultural authenticity of the past, destroyed by colonialism. In their neo-Marxian struggle for a classless society of »the people«, in their post-Rousseauistic attempts of re-constructing an »imagined community«, or in their recent esteem of cultural difference and »hybridity«, historians and socio-cultural anthropologists unavoidably take positions in the political arena."

These course notes provide an overview of the literary and cultural theory produced in the wake of structuralism and poststructuralism. The authors discussed in these notes include, among others, Saussure, Peirce, Barthes, Jakobson, Propp, Greimas, Lévi-Strauss, Genette, Derrida, Kristeva, Lyotard, Lacan, Hall, Althusser, Foucault, Greenblatt, Bakhtin, Butler, and Bhabha.

Die hiermit vorliegende Doppelausgabe der Siegener Schriftenreihe Massenmedien
und Kommunikation entstand aus zwei sich überschneidenden und
ergänzenden Projekten:
Seit dem Sommersemester 2011 veranstaltete Marcus Stiglegger zusammen
mit der studentischen Initiative GenderS die Gender-Ringvorlesung,
die jeweils unter verschiedenen Schwerpunkten interdisziplinäre Aspekte
der Gendertheorie von Gastdozierenden vorstellen und diskutieren ließ.
GenderS wurde 2009 gegründet. Durch die studentische Initiative sollten
Aufklärung und Forschung über Geschlechtsidentität, Rollenfindung, sexuelle
Identität und weitere Gender-Themen einen Platz in der studentischen
Selbstverwaltung finden, die bis dahin unterrepräsentiert erschienen. Ziel
der Initiative ist eine Beschäftigung mit Themen aus dem Umfeld der Gender
Studies auf Forschungsebene, aber auch Aufklärungsarbeit zu alternativen
Konzepten von Sexualität und Geschlechtlichkeit.
Ein zentraler Baustein dieses Ziels war von vornherein die Gender-Ringvorlesung,
die 2009 noch unter Betreuung des autonomen Referats gay@
uni an der Universität Siegen startete und zur Keimzelle der Initiative wurde.
Ab diesem Zeitpunkt wurde die Ringvorlesung zum festen Bestandteil
des Lehrplans im Sommersemester und bekam 2011 mit Marcus Stiglegger
auf Lehrenden- und Lisa Kleinberger auf Studierendenseite ein dauerhaftes
BetreuerInnenteam. Dieses wurde auf Seiten der Initiative GenderS durch
wechselnde HelferInnen unterstützt. Die Ergebnisse dieser Zusammenarbeit
werden im vorliegenden Band präsentiert.
Das zweite Projekt, in dessen Kontext die vorliegende Ausgabe zu sehen
ist, ist das in Kooperation der Universitäten Siegen und Mainz bestehende
interdisziplinäre Forschungsprojekt „Körpertheorie der Medien“

This article suggests the need for imagining assemblages and engagements between queer, Marxist, postcolonial and indigenous perspectives in order to critically confront the complex and ambivalent politics of queerness today. It grounds and deploys this reflection through a critical exploration of “Dawn of a New Gay,” a non-academic piece on ‘po-mo homo’ and the case of Queers Against the Israeli Apartheid, an activist group based in Toronto. Queerness, in our account, is constituted by dimensions which go far beyond a narrow conception of sexuality. Thus, ‘queering queerness’ implies talking about ‘classing’, ‘gendering’ and ‘racialising’ processes, avoiding an additive logic and acknowledging their interelated messiness. By employing ‘queer’ as a self-reflective, methodological tool, we examine its integral role in the processes of capitalism, racialisation, heteropatriarchy and colonialism. The suggested theoretical perspective has implications in terms of how to think of politics ‘as such’: there is a need, this article argues, to overcome economic and culturalist reductionisms in the approach to radical politics. Both are liberal in their ‘ideological mechanics’ because they proceed with the logic of segmentation and obscure how power(s) operate(s).  Assembling critical perspectives is an impossible and necessary exercise of de-reification of categories and theories but, more fundamentally, it is an attempt to imagine less oppressive political praxes and futures.

El objetivo central de este curso es interrogarnos sobre el lugar que, como intelectuales y cientistas sociales, ocupamos en las relaciones de poder que analizamos. El mismo se compone de dos secciones. En la primera y más extensa sección abordaremos diferentes teorías y vocabularios conceptuales que, de variadas formas, reconocen y conceptualizan la condición política de la producción de conocimiento en el mundo contemporáneo. En la segunda sección trataremos de forma crítica los debates concretos que algunas comunidades académicas han planteado acerca de sí mismas. La última clase estará dedicada a discutir elaboraciones teóricas en las que el docente está trabajando en este momento y tendrá formato de seminario de investigación.

Aula-resumo sobre os principais autores, conceitos, características e limites da Escola Inglesa, Marxismo e construtivismo. Ministrada a alunos do curso de Relações Internacionais do Centro Universitário de Belo Horizonte como parte do Curso de Aperfeiçoamento Discente Direcionado (CADD), promovido pelo Instituto de Ciências Humanas do UNI BH.

Walter Benjamin Tesi di filosofia della storia Thesen Uber den Begriff der Geschichte a cura di Massimo Morigi: antologia a cura di  Massimo Morigi delle Tesi di filosofia della storia nelle principali lingue europee conformata alla filosofia della prassi del Repubblicanesimo Geopolitico

This article reads dependency alongside and against postcolonial theory in an attempt to reinvigorate and re-validate some of the insights of the former, while at the same time supporting the latter’s current ascendancy in the field of Third World politics. It is argued that although dependency and post- colonial theory share some common territory—a suspicion of Western liberal modernity, a critical–historical analysis—they tend to have irreconcilable differences that show up their respective strengths and vulnerabilities. Dependency chooses a structuralist and socioeconomic perspective, seeing imperialism and development as tied to the unfolding of capitalism, whereas postcolonial theory favours a post-structuralist and cultural perspective, linking imperialism and agency to discourse and the politics of representation. The article stages a mutual critique of them, based on the work of Frank, Cardoso & Faletto, Said, Spivak and Bhabha.

Este artículo tiene dos propósitos. Primero, presentar ‘en sociedad’ mi agenda de investigación sobre la política de la ciencia política. Segundo, compartir un conjunto de hallazgos significativos sobre los casos de Chile y Uruguay que corroboran el argumento central del trabajo: básicamente que (como múltiples teorías críticas plantean) las condiciones de producción del conocimiento impactan en el conocimiento producido y viceversa, y que la ciencia política no es la excepción.

The main protagonists of Political Retism (from Latin “Rete”, Net) are the common people. Retism is a non-violent, revolutionary legislative project allowing common citizens to candidate themselves to short-term and fully revocable municipal administrations using the principles of meritocracy and lottocracy.
Retism is designed to fill the vacuum left by Karl Marx's missing theory of state.

Problematika významu progresívnej hudobnej kultúry so zameraním na psychedelický rock a kraut-rock v rámci tzv. kontrakultúry je vo vedeckej monografii reflektovaná z viacerých interdisciplinárnych, kulturologických a filozoficko-estetických hľadísk – skúma vzájomné vzťahy a prieniky hudby, životného štýlu s filozofiou, resp. svetonázorom a politickými východiskami kontrakultúry daného obdobia. Odborná reflexia témy sa pohybuje od uchopenia kontrakultúrnych fenoménov vo všeobecnosti až po jej konkrétne prejavy v tzv. kraut-rockovej subkultúre vo vtedajšej Nemeckej spolkovej republike (v komparácii so situáciou vo svete).

Περίληψη:  Ο όρος του Τρίτου Κόσμου, πέραν της οικονομικής αναφοράς του σε ένα κόσμο μεταξύ Δύσης και Ανατολής, Καπιταλισμού-Κομμουνισμού, εμπεριέχει και μία κοινωνιολογική αναφορά, στη Γαλλική Τρίτη Τάξη. Ο συγκερασμός των δύο επιστημονικών πειθαρχιών, για την πληρέστερη κατανόηση του όρου του τρίτου κόσμου, επιτυγχάνεται με τον προσδιορισμό των εννοιών της ανάπτυξης και της υπανάπτυξης, όπου η υπανάπτυξη δεν είναι απλά ζήτημα αριθμών αλλά τουλάχιστον εξίσου και θέμα ψυχογραφικής και κοινωνιολογικής διάρθρωσης των υπό μελέτη υποκειμένων. Ωθούμενη από το περίγραμμα αυτό, αναπτύχθηκε η επεξηγηματική θεωρία της υπανάπτυξης, όπως την κατέθεσε στη διεθνή επιστημονική κοινότητα ο Immanuel Maurice Wallerstein, ένας επιστήμονας της σύγχρονης εναλλακτικής κριτικής σχολής στις ΗΠΑ έναντι του παγκόσμιου καπιταλισμού. Στη μεθοδολογία της ανάλυσης του μοντέρνου παγκόσμιου συστήματος γίνεται διαυγής ο τρόπος με τον οποίο αντιλαμβανόμαστε και επιτυγχάνουμε την κατανόηση αυτής της πραγματικότητας, ήτοι της οντολογίας του κόσμου. Αποδομώντας τις φιλελεύθερες διαρθρώσεις του συστήματος προσδίδεται μία «ολιστική ιστοριοδιφική κοινωνιολογική επιστημονική» διάσταση μέσω της ανάλυσης των παγκόσμιων-συστημάτων. Εφόσον η νεομαρξιστική ιδεολογία επικεντρώνεται στην υπανάπτυξη, ως συνεπακόλουθο κατηγοριοποιείται και η θεωρία ή ανάλυση περί του νεωτερικού παγκόσμιου συστήματος στο ίδιο ιδεολογικό περίγραμμα. Το θεμέλιο της ανάλυσης του Wallerstein είναι το παγκόσμιο καπιταλιστικό οικονομικό σύστημα το οποίο λειτουργεί εκτός των παραδοσιακών κρατικών συνόρων. Καθίστανται έτσι η ανάπτυξη και η υπανάπτυξη ως οι δύο όψεις του ίδιου νομίσματος, το οποίο στη θεωρία των παγκόσμιων συστημάτων κατανέμεται στα τρία επίπεδα: Πυρήνας-Ημιπεριφέρεια-Περιφέρεια με μορφή σχέσης δομημένης εκμετάλλευσης. Συνεπώς, σύμφωνα και με την ακραιφνή μαρξιστική θεωρία, η ανταλλαγή χρηματοοικονομικών ροών, προϊόντων και εργατικού δυναμικού παράγει κέρδος, το οποίο καρπώνεται ο μονοπωλιακής φύσεως παραγωγικός συντελεστής Κεφάλαιο, δηλαδή το Κέντρο-Πυρήνας, εις βάρος του ανταγωνιστικής φύσεως παραγωγικό συντελεστή Εργασία, ήτοι της Περιφέρειας. Ανάμεσα τους κείτεται η Ημιπεριφέρεια, με μικτή παραγωγική διαδικασία. Η προσέγγιση της μακρό-κοινωνιολογικής και κοσμοϊστορικής αντίληψης του συγγραφέα του νεωτερικού παγκόσμιου-συστήματος πραγματοποιείται μέσω της παρουσίασης του πρωτοπόρου θεωρητικού του τετράτομου έργου, Το Νεωτερικό Παγκόσμιο-Σύστημα και των συναφών με αυτό εκπονημένων συγγραμμάτων.


Λέξεις Κλειδιά:

Τρίτος κόσμος, ανάπτυξη, υπανάπτυξη, νεομαρξισμός, νεωτερικό-μοντέρνο, παγκόσμιο σύστημα, καπιταλισμός, δομημένη εκμετάλλευση, πυρήνας-κέντρο, ημιπεριφέρεια, περιφέρεια

The Culture of Perversity and its New Ethos of Progressive, Neo-Marxist Intellectual Terrorism

One crazy public-school teacher tells you the truth about the lies you have been told your whole life.

Unless otherwise noted, everything in this document has been authored by Shawn Tickle, and he reserves all rights to those materials created by him, including all applicable copyrights.

Do not steal my stuff and try to sell it to anyone!

Massimo Morigi, Epigenetica, Teoria endosimbiotica, Sintesi evoluzionista moderna, Sintesi evoluzionistica estesa e fantasmagorie transumaniste ... , p. 1 di 237, caricato su Internet Archive in data 1° gennaio 2021 Massimo Morigi Epigenetica, Teoria endosimbiotica, Sintesi evoluzionista moderna, Sintesi evoluzionistica estesa e fantasmagorie transumaniste. Breve commento introduttivo, glosse al Dialectical Biologist di Richard Levins e Richard Lewontin, su Lynn Margulis, su Donna Haraway e materiali di studio strategici per la teoria della filosofia della prassi olistico-dialettica-espressiva-strategica-conflittuale del Repubblicanesimo Geopolitico* ____ * In frontespizio, Il paradiso di Jan Brueghel il Giovane, in ultima pagina i Due amanti di Giulio Romano.

In the year 2000, American scholar Michael Hardt and his fellow Italian scholar Antonio Negri introduced their book Empire which deals primarily with the issues such as forms of sovereignty and imperialism theories. Neomarxism and to a certain extent Postmodernism constituted the basis on which the theoretical structure of the book based. Hardt and Negri have clearly suggested that the outworn imperialism theories which have hitherto been in use could no longer explain the world in which we live. Therefore, they have attempted to introduce a new imperialism theory which contains a discourse that is familiar with Marxism; the story of the oppressor and the oppressed. In their book, Hardt and Negri used 'Empire' as the oppressor force and 'the Multitude' as the oppressed force. Subsequently, in relation to this, Cynthia Weber, who is an International Relations (IR) scholar, has associated these two notions with Neomarxism theory and 2000 film Memento which is a psychological-thriller film directed by Christopher Nolan. Throughout the film Memento, there are implications of some notions such as truth, ontology and desire as related to IR theory. Cynthia Weber has put in an effort to untie the possible overlaps between the mentioned theories and the film Memento. Neomarxism and Postmodernism are our theories here. In this context, this paper tends to give more credit to the side of postmodernism. Of course one cannot expect from one theory to be fully overlapped by a film. However, it needs to be accepted that there might be some critical points that need to be engendered in the film as a relation to the theory on hand. Also, in this paper, firstly, the notions Empire and the Multitude coined by Hardt and Negri are to be briefly explained in order to understand what would a neoMarxist point of view has to offer. In the end, it will be argued that Memento can be identified more clearly with postmodern insights rather than neoMarxist explanations as has been done by Cynthia Weber.

Základný rozdiel medzi Adornom a Gassetom spočíva v politologicko-filozofickej rovine: Gasset ako aristokrat zastáva elitnú kultúru a kritizuje masovosť vo svojej podstate, avšak Adorno vníma manipulované masy ako obete establišmentu, ktoré sú podprahovo ovplyvňované.

This paper discusses two neomarxist theories of environmental crises – theory of metabolic rift and the second contradiction of capitalism theory. The goal of the paper is to present two critical theories and to confront them so similarities, differences, flaws and contributions of those theories can be identified. In the first part of the paper author classifies different approaches to ecological crisis and sustainable development in order to relate two neomarxist theories to other approaches to the topic. In the second part, author discusses theory of metabolic rift, which is a heuristic analysis of Marx's original work. In other words, this theory represents a new reading of the classic and tries to integrate it's new findings about envirnmental side of Marx's thought into a contemporary marxist theory. Third part of the paper is reserved for the second contradiction of capitalism, a neomarxist theory of economic crisis which can be applied as a theory of ecological crisis. Two theories are then confronted after which similarities and differences between them are pointed out. The author concludes the paper by stressing out the flaws and scientific contributions of the two theories.

Fredric Jameson, in Political Unconscious, opines that revolution is repressed in history and
there is always the return of the repressed. Moreover, a text has unconsciousness and what has
been repressed in history is archived in the political unconscious of novel. Mediation is always
needed to open the threshold of novel‟s unconsciousness to history. This paper opts for
addressing a novel which critiques capitalism; in other words, the unconscious of the text is the
warehouse of repressed desires of history, hence the unconscious critical of novel to capitalism.
Richard Wright‟s Native Son is unconsciously critical of capitalist structure of America. Bigger
Thomas, the black protagonist who is incarcerated for unintentionally killing a white girl, is
treated not as a black but as a human whose social rights are provided like the white. The
political unconscious of the novel places communism in prison because never does a real
communism occur between them.

Roger Scruton (1944-2020) excelled as a nonconformist, conservative thinker.  Disillusioned by the narcissistic utopianism of the Paris student rebellion of May 1968, he set out to critique and refute the prevailing ideologies of the New Left. Henceforth he sought contact and sided with the dissidents in Eastern Europe. Some of his essays leveled at the paragons of the then intellectual Left first appeared in 1985 under the title "Thinkers of the New Left".". An updated edition by the title" Fools, Frauds, and Firebrands" was published in 2015 and again in 2019. - Aside from analyzing and rejecting the varieties of neo-Marxist thought from György (Georg) Lukács, the Frankfurt School to Antonio Gramsci and Slavoj Žižek, Scruton's main concern was the "deconstruction" of New Speak pervading contemporary academia, as promoted by protagonists of French Theory like Jacques Lacan, Gilles Deleuze, Alain Badiou.  My review essay deals with the German translation of this book which may be regarded as Scruton´s legacy.

A presente dissertação propõe uma análise a respeito do conflito civil existente na Ucrânia, desde 2014, a fim de compreender se esse embate se configura num conflito isolado ou numa luta hegemônica entre a Federação Russa e o Ocidente. O estudo é realizado com base em conceitos vinculados à teoria crítica em Relações Internacionais e à Economia Política Internacional. Primeiramente é realizada uma análise das mudanças ocorridas na Federação Russa e na Ucrânia, após a desintegração da ex - URSS, no início dos anos 1990, primordialmente as novas relações sociais e os novos tipos de Estados que emergiram. Em seguida, proceder-se-á uma comparação entre as capacidades materiais, as ideias e hábitos e a institucionalização ocidental e russa, e suas consequências para o Estado ucraniano e para a Ordem Mundial. Por fim, análises a respeito das relações da elite ucraniana com as classes capitalistas transnacionais russas e ocidentais serão realizadas, para explicitar os interesses dessas frações da burguesia na guerra civil da Ucrânia. As seguintes conclusões são propostas: 1 – a queda da ex-URSS provocou uma enorme crise nas relações sociais da Federação Russa e da Ucrânia, primordialmente por meio de uma Revolução Passiva Neoliberal, o que possibilitou a formação de Estados controlados por elites oligárquicas. Além disso, a perda nas capacidades materiais, ideias e hábitos e institucionalização da Federação Russa propiciou a expansão do Ocidente para as antigas áreas de influência russa, inclusive a Ucrânia. 2 – A ascensão de Vladimir Putin ao poder proporcionou uma melhora nos indicadores socioeconômicos e na estabilidade política da Rússia, assim, esse país passa a resistir com maior veemência ao avanço do Ocidente, tendo essa resistência bases históricas e geopolíticas. 3 – O contraste das estruturas históricas do Ocidente e da Federação Russa demonstrará que ambos os atores influenciam diretamente na guerra civil ucraniana, na medida em que cada um tem proeminência numa determinada parte do território da Ucrânia (Oeste e leste, respectivamente). 4 – As classes transnacionais capitalistas do Ocidente e da Rússia têm inúmeros interesses na Ucrânia, portanto sua atuação é fundamental para o entendimento do embate existente na Ucrânia. 5 – A guerra civil ucraniana tem como base um conflito hegemônico entre o Ocidente e a Federação Russa.

Sebelumnya, penulis telah membahas mengenai Perdebatan Besar antara kaum Realisme dengan Liberalisme dan antara kaum Tradisionalis dengan Behavioralis, apa saja asumsi-asumsi dan konsep dasar kaum Realisme dan Liberalisme, apa saja perbedaan antara Pendekatan Tradisionalis dengan Behavioralis, kaum mana yang akhirnya memenangkan Great Debate yang pertama dan Great Debate yang kedua, serta penulis juga menjelaskan dampak apa saja yang ditimbulkan dan apa pengaruh dari perdebatan-perdebatan tersebut terhadap masyarakat internasional dan perkembangan ilmu Hubungan Internasional. Pada kesempatan kali ini, penulis akan membahas tentang perspektif Hubungan Internasional yang selanjutnya, yaitu tentang Perdebatan Besar Ketiga antara Neorealisme/Neoliberalisme dengan Neomarxisme/Strukturalisme.

The first part of this paper will explore the Realist school of IR. Here, it will be discussed how Realism accentuates the sovereign agency of nation-states by bolstering the inherent normativeness of anarchy. Following this, the Liberal theory of IR will be introduced as it entertains the potential of peace within the world of war. For the first time, anarchy will be understood as susceptible to cultural change. The appeasement of anarchy - however - is not sufficient. If anarchy is to be truly overcome, a shared component that transcends the differences between nation-states should be erected. To this end, the classical liberal doctrine of economy will be introduced. The myth of anarchy will - again - undergo a change, in that the free market economy will be understood as a unifying force that binds the nation-states together. The change in anarchy, however, can only come about by way of socio-political responsibility. Here, constructivism will be introduced as it emphasizes the political responsibility of making something out of anarchy. The myth of anarchy will - yet again - undergo a change, in that anarchy will no longer be understood as natural or inherent. This point is crucial, because a true change in anarchy can transpire only if political actors realize that they are responsible for a specific kind of anarchy. Finally, the notion of capitalism will be introduced. That is to say, the accrued knowledge of anarchy will culminate in the analysis of late capitalism. It will be argued that the canon of anarchy often forgets the internal organization of states and dismisses the vertical hierarchies of power that affect the international politics. Capitalism will - therefore - assume a more prominent role. It is the claim of this paper that the understanding of IR in terms of anarchy can be afforded solely to the victors of the new world order. Finally, the intention of this paper is to construct a road map for present-day political action. In the end, the discussion of globalization and neo-Marxist theory will compose exactly that - a map for action.

The study of international relations has long been stuck in a state of limbo where advocates of different schools of thought – be it realism, neorealism, liberalism or Marxism – would aim to prove their understanding of the international system right, while also discrediting contending accounts. Although advances are occasionally made (usually within already existing frameworks, by enlisting interdisciplinary analysis) during episodic long campaigns often called interparadigm ‘debates’, the trenches remain close to where they were at the time of the first great debate, just after the First World War (Kurki and Wight, 2013: 14).

The analogy between interparadigm debates in international relations and trench warfare is intentional. The essay argues that although comparing and contrasting neorealist and neomarxist understandings of hegemony is certainly possible, it might not necessarily be the most useful method of studying the current world order. As these two approaches see international relations through fundamentally different lenses and rely on significantly dissimilar basic assumptions, pitching them against each other might recall the spirit of trench warfare in drawing the reader into a desperate struggle where neither parties can realistically hope for a quick and decisive victory.

What is proposed instead is a more holistic approach where different paradigms applied together might help researchers form a more nuanced framework that offers a more complex, refined understanding of the hows and whys of international relations.

"The Inka Empire adopted several means to create, demonstrate and legitimize the power in its conquests over a vast territory. This paper focuses on one of those means: the production and
restructuring of socially constructed space. We believe that through this process of domination, the Inka Empire imposed its ideology and its worldview over the conquered societies. Although we do not ignore or reject the explanations usually given to this process, this position evaluates the Inka expansionism as a process guided not only by economic or logistic motivations. Therefore, we believe that ideology and the use of space are both key components when analyzing any social process, and in this specific case: the Inka domination in Northwest Argentina, particularly in the area of the Quebrada de Humahuaca. In subsequent lines we aim to explore some aspects of the relationship between ideology and space as theoretical concepts with the social production of space in the Tawantinsuyu, the Inka conquest of Humahuaca and the specific case of La Huerta archaeological site."

Hardt & Negri’s acute analysis of post-Fordist capitalism and contemporary governmentality has been a topic of heated arguments and controversies among critical Latin American scholars since the publication of “Empire”. One of the sectors that has engaged the most with the ideas in the book is  one that self-describes as the Modernity/Coloniality group, formed by academics like Santiago Castro-Gomez, Ramon Grosfoguel and Walter Mignolo, among others.  For them, Capitalism is a system that took shape and became hegemonic at the dawn of what Immanuel Wallerstein described as the world-system, in the 16th century and has been from the start a structure of heterogeneous elements in terms of forms of control of labour-resources-products as in terms of the peoples and histories articulated in it. From their perspective, the classic Marxist succession of modes of production (slavery, feudalism, imperial capitalism and so forth) is misleading; the modes of production were simultaneous in time and entangled in space. They do not like to use the word Capitalism alone, because it only emphasizes one of the dimensions of the colonial matrix of power. Grosfoguel insists that Capitalism is only one of the multiple entangled constellations of the colonial power matrix of the European / modern / colonial / capitalist / patriarchal world-system. Hardt & Negri’s perspective is seen as innovative because of its emphasis in the central role played by immaterial production and its close links with biopower and biopolitics , but the members of the Modernity/Coloniality group think that “Empire” is nevertheless a Eurocentric critique of modernity, conceived from the hegemonic side of the colonial difference. Only from there one could think that industrial workers are diminishing while immaterial labour is growing (this is the time when industrial work has grown the most in history). The fact that Capital has nearly exhausted the external spaces for its realization and now has to open new terrains in its inside, thriving in the products of immaterial labour does not mean that coloniality has disappeared, but that it is in a process of reorganization. The heterogeneity of racialized modes of production persists, even with the hegemony of post-Fordism. When Hardt and Negri see that globalization and post-Fordism have made geography and colonialism nearly irrelevant and outdated because the market has subsumed every territory, Castro-Gomez and the members of the Modernity/Coloniality group see that capital is now looking for post-territorial colonies to continue expanding. Now, besides the traditional underpriced commodities and the cheap industrial products of the maquilas, capital needs the information contained in genetic codes (expropriated through patents defended by supranational trade institutions) and non-western knowledge systems; traditional knowledge is not searched to destroy it, but to preserve it (and subsume it), although it’s still regarded as of low epistemological value. There’s a reorganization of coloniality in the making, one where the categories created by modernity (race, ethnicity, gender, age and class) continue to be important but are being reconfigured and articulated with others like religion.

В статье рассмотрены исторические циклы модернизации России. Показано, что первый цикл продолжался с конца XVII до начала второго десятилетия XIX в. В это время модернизация в форме «вестернизации» способствовала тому, что в XVIII в. (в период между правлениями Петра I и Екатерины II) Россия интегрировалась в мировую капиталистическую систему, позиционируясь как полупериферия. Но по своим характеристикам она являлась империей, проводя активную внешнюю политику. А ее стремление преодолеть периферийные процессы и приблизиться к ядру мир-системы обусловило «догоняющий» характер модернизации российского общества. Победа России в Отечественной войне 1812 г. характеризует в целом позитивный для нее итог данного цикла модернизации. Второй цикл датируется концом 50-х гг. XIX – началом XX в., демонстрируя либеральную модель модернизации. В итоге недостаток экономических ресурсов, «националистический консерватизм» властей, «бюрократически направляемая индустриализация» и форсированная модернизация приводят к трагедии России в Первой мировой войне и революционным событиям 1917 г. Выбор в пользу автаркии был сделан в конце 1920-х – начале 1930-х гг., положив начало третьему циклу модернизации России в форме индустриализации, которая все же дала свои результаты. Экономический рост продолжился и после Второй мировой войны вследствие выполнения пятилетних планов. Четвертый цикл российской модернизации характеризовался событиями «перестройки» второй половины 1980-х и периодом постсоветской России 1990-х гг. Вследствие этого Российская Федерация оказывается в положении полупериферии, а большинство новых независимых государств – периферии в рамках мировой капиталистической системы. Обосновано, что первый и третий циклы относились к имперской модели модернизации, а второй и четвертый – к либеральной. Проанализированы последствия выделенных циклов.
Ключевые слова: Россия, мир-системный анализ, циклы модернизации, имперская модель, либеральная модель, периферия, полупериферия, ядро.

The article describes the historical cycle of Russian modernization. It is shown that the first cycle lasted from the late XVII before the second decade of the XIX century. At this time modernization in the form of «westernization» contributed to the fact that in the XVIII century (in the period between the reigns of Peter I and Catherine II) Russia integrated into the world capitalist system and she was positioned as semi-periphery. But Russia was an empire in her characteristics also she has been active in foreign policy. And her desire to overcome the peripheral processes and closer to the core of the world-system resulted in «catch-up» nature of modernization of Russian society. Russia’s victory in the Patriotic War of 1812 characterizes the overall positive outcome for her of this cycle of modernization. The second cycle dates from the late 50’s XIX – beginning of XX century. It was an example of the liberal model of modernization. As a result the lack of economic resources, «the nationalist conservatism» of the authorities, «bureaucratically directed industrialization» and accelerated modernization led to the tragedy of Russia in World War I and the revolutionary events of 1917. The choice in favor of self-sufficiency was made in the late 1920’s – early 1930’s, this marked the beginning of the third cycle of modernization of Russia in the form of industrialization, which has produced results. Economic growth continued after World War II as a result of implementation of five-year plans. The fourth cycle of Russian modernization characterized the events of «perestroika» the second half of the 1980’s and the period of post-Soviet Russia of the 1990’s. Consequently, Russian Federation is in a position semi-periphery, and most of the New Independent States – within the periphery of the world capitalist system. It is proved that the first and third cycles belonged to the imperial model of modernization, and the second, and fourth – to the liberal model. The consequences of these cycles were analyzed.
Keywords: Russia, world-system analysis, cycles of modernization, imperial model, liberal model, periphery, semi-periphery, core.

Prof Bev Skeggs asked me just before the viva if I could make a note of the questions and share them with fellow PhD students. These 12 questions are the result. The examination was not recorded and I made no notes during the viva. This is my best approximation which provides the thrust, gist and spirit of the questions. The
viva was 1.5 hours. I defended the thesis strongly for all the questions but for question 2, I did accept that this “leap” could have been handled better with a more detailed rationale.

This is Part 1 of an article aimed at defending Marx against orthodox Marxists to reveal the possibilities for overcoming capitalism. It is argued that Marx's general theory of history as technological determinism along with his call for the dictatorship of the proletariat is inconsistent with his profound insights into alienation and commodity fetishism as the foundations of capitalism. Humanist Marxists focused on the latter in opposition to Orthodox Marxists, but without fully acknowledging this inconsistency and its implications, failed to realize the full potential of Marx's work. The outcome has been the triumph of "neoliberalism," effectively a synthesis of the worst aspects of capitalism with Soviet managerialism. Here I argue that eco-Marxists should combine humanistic Marxism with the defence of genuine science to revive a tradition of thought going back to Aleksander Bogdanov and Ernst Bloch, and to Marx himself. However, traditional Marxists' lack of appreciation of the importance of the "superstructure" has hindered even eco-Marxists from developing the culture required to replace capitalism. In Part 2 I will argue that the call for an "ecological civilization" brings into focus what is required: a realistic vision of the future based on ecological concepts.

PERNÝ, L. Vybrané kapitoly zo súčasnej anglo-americkej sociálnej filozofie. Liberalizmus. Komunitarizmus. Neomarxizmus. [Monografia]. Prešov: Vydavateľstvo Prešovskej univerzity. 1. vyd. 2018. ISBN: 978-80-555-2045-2. Dostupné online: http://www.pulib.sk/web/kniznica/elpub/dokument/Perny1

The aim of the book Selected Chapters from Contemporary Anglo-American Social Philosophy is to critically map, summarize and compare a relatively wide range of contemporary Anglo-American social philosophers. The methodological approach is chosen on the basis of information-summarizing and comparative character of the work. The main goal of the thesis is not the in-depth analysis of the authors, but briefly, clearly and accurately outlining the nature of attitudes in a small space of trends, opinions, relationships and comparison of key opinions as a stimulus for further possible analyses, interpretations and studies. Because in many cases there are living authors, the book remains open for future modifications of their attitudes. As the title suggests, the selected authors and directions are geographically determined by the Anglo-American space and focused primarily on concepts that have influenced the 20th and 21st century social thinking. Introduction is a short excursion into the history of social philosophy. The thesis is divided into three separate chapters.
Selected were those which correspond in particular to the definition of social philosophy as the study of social life, which results in a certain image of social life, especially in the context of the perception of social as a philosophy of society accepting social justice as a value criterion (it takes into account the social interests of citizens, their social needs, like food, housing, education, culture, health, etc.). The work is based on theoretical sources, especially written by the authors Ľuboš Blaha, Marek Hrubec, Emil Višňovský, Ivan Buraj, František Novosád, Ladislav Hohoš and Ľubomír Belás. The first part, called Revision of Liberalism, analyses in particular the Dewey line of egalitarian or social liberals (Berlin, Rawls, Dworkin, Sen, Ackerman) who opened the door to the new direction, analysed in the second chapter — Communitarism (Taylor, MacIntyre, Sandel, Walzer), and culminating in a critique of the left (third part of the work), that is to say, inspired by Marx; neoutopism and critical theory (Roemer, Peffer, Cohen, Wallerstein, Jameson). The conclusion of the work belongs to the statistics of the current world and the question of why we are dealing with social philosophy.


Úlohou knihy Vybrané kapitoly zo súčasnej anglo-americkej sociálnej filozofie je kriticky zmapovať, zosumarizovať a komparovať pomerne rozsiahlu škálu súčasných predstaviteľov anglo-americkej sociálnej filozofie.  Hlavným cieľom práce nie je hĺbková analýza autorov, ale  vecne, jasne a správne vystihnúť na pomerne obmedzenom priestore podstatu postojov, názorov, ako aj vzájomnú podmienenosť konceptov sledovaných autorov tak, aby daná práca mohla slúžiť nielen edukačným cieľom, ale aj ako podnet pre ďalšie možné analýzy, interpretácie a štúdie. Nakoľko v mnohých prípadoch ide o žijúcich autorov, kniha zostáva stále otvorená pre možné modifikácie ich názorov a postojov.  Ako už názov napovedá, vybraní autori sú predstaviteľmi anglo-amerického  diskurzu, ktorí významne ovplyvnili sociálno-politické myslenie 20. a 21. storočia. Práca je členená do troch samostatných kapitol. Úvod tvorí krátky exkurz do dejín sociálnej filozofie a jej členeniu. Vybrané boli tie smery, ktoré zodpovedajú svojím zameraním povahe sociálnej filozofie najmä tým, že venujú podstatnú pozornosť rôznym aspektom sociálneho života človeka, akými sú napríklad otázka spravodlivosti v jej rôznych aspektoch, problému rovnosti, slobode, odcudzeniu, spoločným etickým hodnotám, normám a pod.  Vybraní autori pristupujú k daným témam z rôznych metodologických pozícií, a preto aj vidia vyššie nastolené problémy inou optikou. Analýza sociálne orientovaných konceptov bude okrem diferencií medzi jednotlivými autormi čiastočne skúmať a porovnávať ich názory s filozofmi, ktorí tvoria líniu filozofického myslenia, orientovanú predovšetkým na obhajobu slobodného trhu, a z toho plynúci postoj k sociálnym otázkam ako nutným dôsledkom realizácie slobodného trhu. Uvedenú líniu by bolo možné v danej súvislosti označiť za antisociálnu, reprezentovanú napríklad Hayekom alebo Nozickom. To, čo sa napríklad z pohľadu Rawlsa javí ako spravodlivosť, sa z pohľadu Nozicka javí ako nespravodlivosť, a z pohľadu Hayeka ako „fatamorgána – mirage“. Práca vychádza predovšetkým z analýzy pôvodných teoretických prác skúmaných autorov, ako aj zo sekundárnych teoretických zdrojov, predovšetkým z prác Ľuboša Blahu, Mareka Hrubca, Emila Višňovského, Ivana Buraja, Františka Novosáda, Ladislava Hohoša, a Ľubomíra Belása. Prvá časť, s názvom revízia liberalizmu, analyzuje predovšetkým deweyovskú  líniu egalitárnych alebo sociálnych liberálov (Berlin, Rawls, Dworkin, Sen, Ackerman), ktorí revíziou liberalizmu otvorili dvere novému smeru, ktorý je analyzovaný v druhej kapitole – komunitarizmu (Taylor, MacIntyre, Sandel, Walzer), a ktorý vyvrcholil kritikou zľava (tretia časť práce), teda autormi inšpirovanými Marxom; neoutopistami a kritickou teóriou (Roemer, Peffer, C. A. Cohen, Wallerstein, Jameson a ďalší). Záver práce patrí štatistikám súčasného sveta a otázke, prečo sa v dnešnej dobe zaoberať sociálnou filozofiou.

Teacher opinions and discussions about Visual Culture Theory and Material Culture in art education are examined in this paper. Both approaches were compared and evaluated within their contents and fundamentals. Visual Culture Art Education (VCAE) in art education, specifically, has been criticized as having a Neo-Marxist or Cultural Marxist agenda stemming from Critical Theory, nonetheless, it is also viewed as being just another recent Postmodernist approach. Being a controversial theoretical account, VCAE seems widely unknown and not understood in its conceptual frame among art teachers in Turkey. Its name also may have caused confusions. In this study, art teacher opinions of VCAE content, principles, applications and practices were collected through a survey questionnaire; and examined. Participants were 71 art teachers. Purposeful, convenient, random sampling method was employed to represent a population of art teachers from various backgrounds, with various experience levels, with educational experience from various universities, working at various geographical regions and towns in Turkey. The study was designed and structured as a descriptive survey research. Analyses revealed that art teachers usually are not aware of the typical discussions about VCAE. Having been criticized as an ideologically rooted theory, applicability of VCAE in Turkey seems controversial in many aspects.