Paleochristian

Elbora-Vascos. From Visigothic Bishropic to Ribat of Talavera. Two Studies on the Western Toledan Territory between Late Antiquity and Early Middle Ages.

RESUMEN (Elbora)
El propósito del presente artículo es determinar la situación de la antigua ciudad vetona de Aebura y posterior sede episcopal de Elbora. Durante siglos el emplazamiento de esta ciudad se ha visto rodeado por una polémica que se viene arrastrando desde el siglo XVII entre defensores y detractores de la reducción de la misma a la ciudad portuguesa de Évora o a las españolas de Talavera de la Reina y Talavera la Vieja. A lo largo de la Edad Moderna la disputa se vio agravada por motivos religiosos al haber sido la ciudad cabeza de un obispado y lugar de nacimiento de varios mártires (San Mancio y San Vicente, Sabina y Cristeta).
En este trabajo se analizan las referencias de las fuentes antiguas y medievales a Aebura/Elbora y se discuten las modernas hipótesis de identificación con las ciudades de Évora o Talavera. Finalmente se postula su ubicación en el yacimiento toledano de Vascos (Navalmoralejo).
ABSTRACT (Elbora)
The purpose of this article is to determine the location of the Vetton city of Aebura and later bishopric of Elbora. For centuries the correct position of this city has been surrounded by controversy that has been dragging since the seventeenth century between supporters and detractors of reducing it to the Portuguese city of Evora or Spanish Talavera de la Reina and Talavera la Vieja. Throughout the Modern Age the dispute was aggravated by religious reasons, because it was the seat of a bishopric and birthplace of several martyrs (Saint Mancius and Saint Vicentius, Sabina and Christeta).
In this paper the references of the ancient and medieval sources Aebura/Elbora are analyzed and modern hypotheses of identification with the cities of Évora or Talavera are discussed. Finally we postulate its location in the archaeological site of Vascos (Navalmoralejo, Toledo).

RESUMEN (Vascos)
Durante siglos el sector toledano de la Marca Media fue uno de los principales escenarios de confrontación entre los diferentes poderes peninsulares: primero, debido a la actitud rebelde de la ciudad de Toledo ante el poder emiral y el asentamiento de población beréber en esta área. Más tarde, la expansión de los reinos de León y Castilla hasta el Sistema Central convirtió al valle medio del Tajo en un espacio de frontera entre el dominio cristiano y Al Andalus. Se trata de un territorio disputado, el ṯagr al-awsaṭ, sembrado de fortalezas de distinto signo (husun, qa’la, ribāṯ) donde era posible retirarse a hacer verdadera vida de ribāṯ.
El presente artículo aborda esta cuestión desde una perspectiva histórico-arqueológica a partir de los datos ofrecidos por las fuentes escritas, tanto árabes como cristianas, y las aportaciones de la investigación de diferentes yacimientos del territorio toledano. En el mismo se postula además la identificación de Vascos con el ribāṯ de Talavera en el que hicieron vida de frontera destacados personajes andalusíes de finales del siglo X.

ABSTRACT (Vascos)
For centuries the Toledo sector of Marca Media was one of the main scenarios of confrontation between the different peninsular powers: first, due to the rebellious attitude of the city of Toledo to power Emirs and settlement of Berber population in this area. Later, the expansion of the Kingdoms of Castile until the Central System converted to the Valley of the river Tagus in a border area between the Al Andalus and Christian domain. It is a territory disputed, named ṯagr al-awsaṭ, sown in different strengths (husun, qa’la, ribāṯ) where it was possible to withdraw to make real life of ribāṯ.
This article addresses this issue from a historic and archaeological perspective from the data offered by sources, both Arab and Christian, and the contributions of research of different sites of the Toledan territory. Therein also the identification of the unknown city of Vascos with the ribāṯ of Talavera in which prominent personalities late 10th century Andalusian made life of border it is postulated.

There is an old myth, still recounted in some of the historiography on Late Antiquity, according to which the Roman army was somewhat involved in the spread of Christianity, usually shortly after the conversion of Constantine. Proponents of that position generally rely on two points: 1- the testimony of the Church Fathers, who are constantly insisting on the receptivity of the soldiers to Christianity; 2- the fact that the Roman army promoted the spread of all kinds of oriental cults, which also implies Christianity.

By this logic, we should be able to observe a degree of Christianisation in the provinces of the Empire which would be proportional to their level of militarisation. The “limes” being theoretically the most militarised area in Late Antiquity, it should then be the most Christianised. Should we therefore see evidence of the military outposts as units of Christian propaganda around the Empire?
It is true that most of the episcopal sees of this part of the Roman world were founded in military camps. Compared to the importance of the militarisation of these territories, the episcopal network was, however, very modest even up to the middle/end of the 6th century, so that the contribution of the army to the spread of Christianity does not seem as obvious is sometimes assumed.

In order to propose elements of answers to that research question, presentations on all archaeological of Christianity on the border areas of the Roman Empire are welcome in this session. These papers can focus on new discoveries, as well as on the re-evaluation of material already studied, which dates, for most of it, from the 4th to 7th centuries AD.

This session is the second part of a first one on the same topic, organised in September 2019, at the 24. International Limes Congress (Belgrade/Viminacium, Serbia).

The present paper discusses the discoveries concerning the Christian basilica in the southern part of the acropolis of Istros, namely two superposed basilicas, the phases of the second one (6th century AD), street d to its north and its phases, its northeastern annex and its phases, as well as its architectural connection to the Late Roman defensive wall. We also make reference to the discoveries pre‑dating the Christian monuments, and we attempt to integrate the place of worship in the urban plan it was part of.

A seguito della pubblicazione di D. SERRA (coord.), 2021. D. SERRA, M.CECINI, F.M. SERRA, A.PODDA, El rescriptum del emperador Majencio sobre Lucilla de Cartago en vísperas del cisma donatista, in Vol. 38 (2021) - Antigüedad y Cristianismo, pp. 85-113. ISSN 0214-7165; ISSNe: 1989-6182. DOI: https://doi.org/10.6018/ayc.495471, si integra e corregge la monografia Vol. 8 (2021): Anejos de Antigüedad y Cristianismo: SERRA, D. (coord.) 2021: Diego SERRA; Fabio Manuel SERRA; Marco CECINI; Alessandro PODDA. Marcianus Gr. II, 145 (1238 F. 1R), con la seguente corrige. ISBN: 978-84-121868-6-4 DOI: https://doi.org/10.6018/ayc.