Political Public Relations

“Demokrasi” kavramının zaman içinde en fazla bütünleştiği ve çağrıştırdığı kavram
“seçim”dir. Elbette, dünyanın çoğu ülkesinde seçimler yapılmaktadır. Son on yıl zarfında
iktidarı değiştirmek veya test etmek amacıyla seçimlere gitmemiş olan ülkelerin sayısı on
dörttür. Bununla birlikte, yapılan her seçimin teknik olarak demokrasinin genel geçer
standartlarına uygun, serbest ve âdil seçimler olduklarını söylemek pek kolay değildir (Bishop
ve Hoeffler, 2014: 3).
Siyasal partilerin halkla ilişkiler politikaları bağlamında yürüttükleri siyasal iletişim
faaliyetlerinin en önemli parametrelerinin başında din olgusunun geldiği bilinmektedir. Zira
dinin bizzat kendi özgül ağırlığıyla kitlelerin siyasal tercihlerini biçimlendirme ve
yönlendirme gücüne sahip olduğu bilinmektedir (Basten ve Betz, 2011: 26).
Bu konu üzerinde yapılmış olan bütün araştırmalar, politikacıların dinî kutlama, etkinlik
ve ayinlere katıldıkları seçim dönemlerinde önceki seçim dönemlerine göre daha fazla
seçmenin oyunu aldıklarını göstermektedir. Medya içerikleri incelendiğinde, politikacıların
seçmen kitleden daha fazla destek alabilmek için dinî değerleri bir araç olarak kullandıklarını
gösteren haber ve analiz yazılarıyla sıkça karşılaşmak mümkündür. Dinî mekânlara yapılan
ziyaret ve etkinliklere katılımlarlar her zaman siyasal propandaya malzeme yapılıyor olmaları
bağlamında ele alınmasalar da, büyük bir bölümünün söz konusu politikacılarla ilgili olarak
olumsuz ve eleştirel bir tonda servis edildiği muhakkaktır. Politikacılar bütün bunları yalnızca
halkla ilişkiler ya da sosyal sorumluluk faaliyetleri bağlamında tasarlayıp yürütüyor ve
“dindar” veya “dine saygılı” imajlarını iktidar koltuklarına tahvil etmek gibi niyetler taşımıyor
olabilirler; ancak kitle iletişim araçlarında yapılacak basit bir taramada, politikacıların kutsal
olanla yaptıkları temasların, tıpkı viral reklamlarda olduğu gibi hem doğal hem de son derece
etkileyici birer siyasal propaganda unsuru olarak seçim dönemine hatırı sayılır bir iktidar
avantajı getirdiğine ilişkin çok sayıda negatif haber içeriğine rastlanabilmektedir (Iancu, 2009:
164). Bu çalışma, dinî inançların seçmen davranışında ne ölçüde etkili olduğunu açığa
çıkarmak amacıyla yapılmıştır.
Çalışmamın başlangıcından itibaren, engin akademik birikimi, bitmeyen enerjisi ve
hayranlık duyduğum eşsiz alçakgönüllüğü ile her adımda bana rehberlik ederek her türlü
desteği sağlamış olan Profesör Dr. Ahmet Kalender hocama minnettar olduğumu öncelikle
belirtmek isterim.
Aynı şekilde, çalışmamın başarıyla sonuçlanması için değerli görüşlerinden her fırsatta
yararlanmama izin verme lütfunda bulunmuş olan Doçent Dr. Kadir Canöz ve Doçent Dr.
Şükrü Balcı hocalarıma yürekten teşekkürlerimi bildiririm.
Bu vesileyle, anket çalışmama katılan herkese değerli katkılarından dolayı içtenlikle
şükranlarımı sunarım.

This article brings together and contextualises some ostensibly disparate ‘readings’ of political speeches from Australia and the United States, both good examples and not-so-good examples, to examine a characteristic that prevails in all public communication, and which is especially noticeable in politics.  That characteristic is the nexus between the poetic and the political in all public language.  In this case, it is grounded in a distinction between political speakers-as-performers and the advisors who script many of their performances for them.  The dynamics of this relationship are critical influences on the more publicly explicit relationship between speakers and their audiences.  Consequently, these dynamics are critical to our understanding of political discourse, and of public communication more broadly.

The advancement of information and communication technologies has ushered in a digital era of democracies, revolutionising politics, communication and electoral processes. This chapter examines how Ghana’s two main political parties—the New Patriotic Party and the National Democratic Congress—use social media. It explores “Facebooking” in political communication and engagements in Ghana—how political parties appropriated Facebook especially in their 2018 intra-party elections. Conclusions are drawn from findings and a discussion of data from Facebook and interviews. The political parties used Facebook in communication and intra-party elections. However, these parties minimally appropriated Facebook, as they employed it for disseminating public information rather than for interactive and mutually beneficial engagements via two-way symmetrical communication for support. Hence, the need for enlightened communication and political public relations for improved use of social media.

This article examines the state of political public relations in the European Union by specifically focusing on reputation management and relationship management. Its arguments are based on a theoretical review of the literature of political public relations, reputation and relationship management, and EU communication. The article suggests an in-depth examination of the nature of some of the EU’s major problems in political public relations, and contributes to a more nuanced understanding of the possibilities and limitations of applying reputation and relationship management constructs to a political context. The nature of the analysis is exploratory rather than definitive, and specific investigations are needed to thoroughly explore and better theorize political reputation and relationship management in various political contexts.

(Bobot pemenuhan Tanggung jawab sosial (SR) bagi institusi politik atau Political Social Responsibility (PSR) tidak dapat disamakan bobotnya dengan pemenuhan tanggung jawab sosial korporasi (CSR) karena bagi institusi politik pemenuhan PSR lebih merupakan suatu keharusan daripada suatu pilihan. Dunia memang memiliki standar internasional untuk tanggung jawab sosial institusi yaitu ISO 26000. Implementasi ISO
26000 untuk dunia politik tidaklah umum. Meski pun demikian, dari sisi komunikasi politik tetaplah dibutuhkan sebuah ruang bagi penciptaan kebersamaan dalam makna (the commonness in meaning) tentang tanggung jawab sosial partai politik dalam menjalankan perannya. Partai politik memiliki tanggung jawab sosial dalam perannya sebagai Agen
Sosial, Agen Pembaruan, Agen Pelayanan Publik, dan Agen Harapan Sosial. SR Parpol NasDem dari sisi reputation management memiliki goals komunikasi yaitu: a. Mengubah kelaziman lama politik mahar menjadi kelaziman baru politik tanpa mahar dalam proses pencalonan kandidat legislatif atau pun eksekutif, b. rekrutmen partai, c.pencoblosan saat pemilu/pilkada. Adapun dari sisi relationship management, NasDem belum menekankanfokusnya.  a. Oleh karenanya, reputasi yang dibangun NasDem melalui PTM belum sampai ke akar rumput. Namun, peran PTM dalam mengajak partai-partai lain meninggalkan kelaziman politik mahar dalam proses pencalonan kandidat legislatif maupun eksekutif mulai terlihat (setidaknya dalam pesiapan Pilkada 2020 sejumlah partai besar berkomitmen untuk menjalankan PTM dalam mengusung kandidat). Juga perolehan suaraNasDem pada pemilu 2019 cukup baik, bahkan terbaik dalam peningkatan suara dari Pemilu 2014 dibandingkan partai-partai lainnya. Namun, keberhasilan itu bukan semata terdorong oleh PTM saja melainkan oleh berbagai faktor lainnya, seperti Politik Tanpa Syarat dan efek ekor jas Jokowi, Platform Restorasi NasDem, vote getter, dan lain-lain. Selain itu, PTM sebagai strategi PR Politik dalam reputation management mampu berkekuatan acquisition dan retention walaupun NasDem sudah meluncurkan PTM sejak
2015).

"May the force be with you" were the Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi's parting words as he ended his 2014 address to a rapturous crowd of Indian Americans in New York's Madison square garden. Modi is the first PM to address the country through his own radio show, actively use social media, as well as technologies such as the 3D hologram. This article examines the ways in which Modi's celebritized politics is strategically constructed and performed, honing in on Modi's utilization of media, technology, and popular culture. It interrogates the processes such as the personalization of his political image through social media, the use of film stars to cultivate affect and allure by association, in constructing brand Modi.

This article reports findings of a project that examined people’s attitudes toward politicians who participate in political satire and comedy programs. It surveyed 489 participants on their attitudes about satire’s political function and the politicians who play along or satirize themselves on those programs. The politicians’ own communication skills were found to be important, but the key to their success was also related to factors such as the format of the performance, the type of humor used, the status of the satire program in broader political discourse, and the role of the satirist as either facilitator or combatant. It was found that satire is a complex practice that can endorse as it criticizes and create sympathy as it ridicules.

After France, Bulgaria became the second EU country to enact an open-ended ban on hydraulic fracturing in early 2012. This government action was a radical departure from an initially friendly, even enthusiastic stance on unconventional gas development. It resulted in months of unprecedented, broad political protest from environmental groups and local communities. The conflict was interpreted as one involving old questions about Bulgaria’s orientation toward Russia or the West. In neighbouring Romania, Bulgaria’s U-turn on shale gas energized a protest movement which had been relatively weak. In a turbulent election-year context, political leaders scrambled to deal with highly symbolic issues. A new government introduced a moratorium but ended it less than a year later. Another U-turn in public policy happened. Romania parted from Bulgaria’s example and set out to move forward on shale gas, aiding foreign investors. Massive protests against the policy and the investors surged, encircling the drilling operations. In both countries, public mistrust in institutions, environmental regulations and due process of law is a significant factor of political risk for energy companies.

Keywords: Bulgaria, Chevron, civil society, communication, energy, energy policy, environment, fracking, hydraulic fracturing, moratorium, Nabucco, natural gas, pipelines, political risk, protest, Gazprom, Romania, Russia, shale gas, South Stream, unconventional gas, USA

Abstrak Pemilu Legislatif pasca reformasi selalu diikuti oleh partai-partai politik baru. Partai NasDem menjadi satu-satunya partai politik baru yang lolos verifikasi dari Kemenkum HAM setelah diberlakukannya UU No.2 Tahun 2011 Tentang Perubahan Atas UU No.2 Tentang Partai Politik. Dari empat belas partai politik baru yang mendaftarkan diri, hanya Partai NasDem yang lolos. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui bagaimana strategi political marketing Partai NasDem sebagai partai politik baru dengan tujuan memenangkan Pemilu Legislatif 2014, khususnya bagaimana peran kepemilikan media dalam strategi tersebut. Penelitian kualitatif ini menggunakan kerangka konsep political marketing Lees-Marshment (2001) dan strategi kampanye partai politik Nursal (2004). Kesimpulan utama, Partai NasDem merupakan sales oriented party dan banyak menggunakan pull political marketing dalam menyampaikan pesan politik mereka. Melihat dari fakta di Indonesia bahwa partai politik masih sangatlah lekat dengan figur ketokohan untuk dapat mengangkat elektabilitasnya, maka dibahas pula pembelajaran dari fenomena Partai Demokrat yang dapat memenangkan pemilu pada keikutsertaannya yang kedua kali karena kekuatan figur tokoh SBY. Sehingga penelitian ini dapat melengkapi strategi political marketing Partai NasDem yang ada saat ini.

Research on relationship management in digital political public relations is scarce. Departing from a relationship management perspective, then, this study seeks to contribute to the field of political public relations by investigating whether political parties
take advantage of what digital media platforms offer in terms of long-term commitment and reciprocity utilizing the Swedish national election in 2010 as a case study. The results show that the political parties utilized social media outlets primarily during and just before the time of the election and that interaction between parties and constituents were scarce and shallow. All parties shared the same pattern of activity, although there were some differences in the frequencies of use. Additionally, although user commitment increased over time, there were relatively few users who chose to follow/friend the political parties, suggesting that the large majority of the voters could not easily be reached through these platforms. In essence, the results indicate that social media as a political public relations tool is, so far, dwarfed by more traditional and analogue approaches.

Mussolini's Fascists staged their "March on Rome" in 1922 and bluffed their way to power.

GERMAN / DEUTSCH Mit dem inszenierten „Marsch auf Rom“ tricksten sich Mussolinis Faschisten 1922 an die Macht.

KEYWORDS / SCHLAGWÖRTER
Ästhetisierung, Bewegung, Demokratie, Duce, fascismo, Faschismus, Film, Frankreich, Gewalt, Gewerkschaften, Großbritannien, Hitlerputsch, Italien, Journalismus, Marsch auf Rom, Medien, Mostra della Rivoluzione fascista, Mussolinismo, Nationalismus, Nationalsozialismus, Öffentliche Meinung, Personenkult, Presse, Propaganda, Propagandaministerium, Rechtsextremismus, Risorgimento, Ritual, Sozialismus, Straßenterror, Symbolik, Syndikalismus, Terrorismus, Vereinigtes Königreich, Volksempfänger, Zeitungen

ORGANISATIONEN: Fasci d’azione rivoluzionaria, fasci di combattimento, Faschistische Partei, Istituto Luce, Partito Nazionale Fascista, Schwarzhemden, Sozialistische Partei Italiens (PSI), Squadrismo, Squadristen, Squadristi

PERSONEN: Italo Balbo, Gustave Le Bon, Gabriele D’Annunzio, Cesare Maria De Vecchi, Emilio De Bono, Giuseppe Garibaldi, Adolf Hitler, Giacomo Matteotti, Benito Mussolini, Friedrich Nietzsche, Georges Sorel, Viktor Emanuel III (Vittori Emanuelle III)

PUBLIKATIONEN: Avanti, Il Popolo d’Italia
"

This article explores how political public relations activities support advocacy efforts and allow organizations to communicate and partner with other organizations and individuals to affect change. Our study examined the organizational relationships that engaged in political advocacy to defeat the 2012 Stop Online Piracy Act (SOPA). We argue that networked social capital provides a theoretical framework for broadening the study of relationships from a dyadic approach to one that encompasses the multitude of relationships necessary to bring about change. Structural hole theory was used to identify influential organizations based on their network position. Two methods including a hyperlink network analysis of organizational websites involved in the Internet Blackout and a semantic network analysis of the SOPA legislation media coverage revealed three findings: 1) diverse ties enhance political advocacy, 2) political public relations can enhance network positions of organizations, and 3) evidence shows that social media can be used strategically to capitalize on political activism.

ZUM BUCH: Der Sammelband mit dem Titel "Die Affäre Hunzinger - ein PR-Missverständnis" enthält 40 Beiträge von  Kommunikationsfachleuten, Journalisten und Schriftstellern. Herausgeber sind Rupert Ahrens, Präsident der Gesellschaft Public Relations Agenturen (GPRA), und Eberhard Knödler-Bunte vom PR-Kolleg Berlin. Die Affäre hatte unter anderem wenige Wochen vor der letzten Bundestagswahl zum Rücktritt des damaligen Bundesverteidigungsministers Rudolf Scharping geführt.
Die Affäre um Moritz Hunzinger hatte der gesamten PR-Branche einen schweren Imageschaden zugefügt. Der Deutsche Rat für Public Relations (DRPR) hatte Hunzinger daraufhin eine offizielle Rüge ausgesprochen. Die Affäre löste somit eine generelle Debatte über Aufgabe und Rolle von PR aus, die in den Augen der Herausgeber in weiten Teilen missverständlich war. "Durch die Affäre wurde der Öffentlichkeit ein Bild von Public Relations vermittelt, das vielen ihre Vorurteile über dieses Berufsbild zu bestätigen schien", so Rupert Ahrens. Die Beiträge in nun erschienenen Sammelband zeigen Zugänge zu Public Relations auf und erläutern die Handlungsspielräume von PR. Die Auswahl der Autoren ermöglicht dabei eine Sicht auf PR von innen und von außen. Das Buch enthält somit auch zahlreiche kritische Beiträge enthält. Die GPRA hat die Herausgeberschaft für diesen Band übernommen und kommt damit ihrer Verantwortung nach, "die Aufgaben und Funktionen einer leistungsfähigen PR in der Öffentlichkeit zu vermitteln." Somit geht es in dem Buch weniger um die Hunzinger-Affäre selbst. Ziel ist vielmehr ein kritischer Blick auf den Beruf des PR-Beraters sowie auf die Problematik einer uneinheitlichen Ausbildung. So spricht sich der im GPRA-Präsidium für Ausbildungsfragen zuständige Andreas Severin in seinem Beitrag für eine profunde PR-Ausbildung sowie ein umfassendes, über alle Berufsphasen gestaffeltes Aus- und Weiterbildungsangebot aus. Das beinhalte einheitliche Prüfungsstandards und einen verbesserten Wissenstransfer zwischen Hochschulen, Unternehmen und Agenturen, um so für eine  qualifizierte Professionalität des Personals" zu sorgen.

Research on relationship management in digital political public relations is scarce. Departing from arelationship management perspective, then, this study seeks to contribute to the field of political public relations by investigating whether political parties take advantage of what digital media platforms offer in terms of long-term commitment and reciprocity utilizing the Swedish national election in 2010 as a case study. The results show that the political parties utilized social media outlets primarily during and just before the time of the election and that interaction between parties and constituents were scarce and shallow. All parties shared the same pattern of activity, although there were some differences in the frequencies of use. Additionally, although user commitment increased over time, there were relatively few users who chose to follow/friend the political parties, suggesting that the large majority of the voters could not easily be reached through these platforms. I...

This article explores how political public relations activities support advocacy efforts and allow organizations to communicate and partner with other organizations and individuals to affect change. Our study examined the organizational relationships that engaged in political advocacy to defeat the 2012 Stop Online Piracy Act (SOPA). We argue that networked social capital provides a theoretical framework for broadening the study of relationships from a dyadic approach to one that encompasses the multitude of relationships necessary to bring about change. Structural hole theory was used to identify influential organizations based on their network position. Two methods including a hyperlink network analysis of organizational websites involved in the Internet Blackout and a semantic network analysis of the SOPA legislation media coverage revealed three findings: 1) diverse ties enhance political advocacy, 2) political public relations can enhance network positions of organizations, and...

Various studies have attempted to conceptualize and assess professionalization of political communication from different perspectives. This article examines the professionalization of central government communication in Germany, Spain, and the United Kingdom, applying a framework developed using indicators derived from the sociology of work and from the strategic planning and quality literature. Results show that there are clear indices of the development of formal rules governing the practice of policy- or information-related government communication, distinguishing it from more partisan, politicized communication. Although mechanisms are being introduced to improve the process of communication, practices are still far from being fully systematized. The analysis provides evidence that professionalization as indicated by the establishment of specialist education, of self-regulation, and of formal organization of communication processes can be found at varying speeds in the three cou...

"The Spanish Civil War (1936-39) was an international media and propaganda war. In the thick of it: German expatriate Willy Brandt.
GERMAN / DEUTSCH Der Spanische Bürgerkrieg (1936-39) war ein internationaler Medien- und Propagandakrieg. Mittendrin: der deutsche Exilant Willy Brandt.

KEYWORDS / SCHLAGWÖRTER
Auslandskorrespondent, Bürgerkrieg, Demokratie, Faschismus, Fotojournalismus, Gewalt, Journalismus, Kampagne, Katalonien, Kommunismus, Krieg, Marxismus, Medien, Nationalismus, Norwegen, Öffentliche Meinung, Presse, Propaganda, Propagandaministerium, Radio, Radio fantasma, Rechtsextremismus, Revolution, Rundfunk, Sozialismus, Spanien, Sport, Sowjetunion, Symbolik, Terrorismus, Volksfront, Wahlkampf, Zeitungen

ORGANISATIONEN: Arbeiterpartei der Marxistischen Einheit (POUM), CDU, CSU, Internationale Brigaden, Legion Condor, Olimpíada Popular, Norwegische Arbeiterpartei, POUM, Sozialistische Arbeiterpartei Deutschlands (SAP), SPD

PERSONEN: Willy Brandt, Antony Breevor, Herbert Frahm, Felix Franke, Francisco Franco, Gunnar Gaasland, Joseph Goebbels, Günter Grass, Ernest Hemingway, Adolf Hitler, Dolores Ibárruri, Benito Mussolini, Hans Namuth, George Orwell, Georg Reisner, Josef Stalin, Hugh Thomas

PUBLIKATIONEN: BBC, EAQ, Radio Moskau, Radio Nacional, Sozialistische Jugend

Eine Wahlkampagne ist ein kommunikativer Feldzug. Sie ist vorrangig eine Serie von Kommunikations-Ereignissen mit dem Ziel, eine psychologische Verbindung zwischen Kandidat und Wähler zu schaffen und den Wähler zu einer Entscheidung (Ja/Nein) und Handlung (Wählen gehen) zu motivieren.

ZUM BUCH: Amerikanisierung und Politmarketing sind die Schlagwörter, wenn man die Modernisierung der bundesdeutschen Wahlkämpfe betrachtet. Was ist eigentlich modern an dem modernen Wahlkampf?
In diesem Buch werden insbesondere Einblicke in die Techniken der modernen Wahlkampfgestaltung vorgestellt, wie z. B. Elemente des Projekt- und Kommunikationsmanagements, die Vermarktung der politische Aussage, der Personalisierung u. a.
Daneben werden heute aktuelle Wahlkampfmethoden der Antike, wahlsoziologische Überlegungen und zukünftige Entwicklungspotentiale aufgezeigt - insgesamt alles Aspekte des modernen Wahlkampfs.

When compared to corporate public relations, political public relations are still a new field of study, which nonetheless has a great development potential. This article presents a reflection on public relations in the political sphere, by remembering its conceptual grassroots and studying the challenges imposed on its practice by the new media. Grounded in the relationship management theory and in the ideal of symmetrical and dialogic communication, this article, presents possible paths for applied research in the field of political public relations.
Keywords Political public relations; relationship management; symmetrical communication; dialogue

Post-truth, fake news?  This was my initial attempt to theorize post-truth politics, as many call it now. Already pointing out the public problem of fake news as political strategy, I identity a historically profound epistemic and "fiduciary crisis" that constrains and encourages particular orientations and practices of contemporary political communication/participation. "First Published in "Southern REview: Communication, Culture, POlitics" 2006 and republished in Michael Ryan (ed) Cultural STudies: an Anthology" (Blackwell, 2007)
[this is the first version of the theory/concept; it has been significantly developed since then. For a recent development of it, see my article "public argument in the new media ecology,"  and "Regimes of Posttruth," among others, in my papers.]
Abstract:This paper examines several key transformations in mediated
American politics that both encourage the use of rumour as a
privileged communication strategy and promise its efficacy.
Changing institutional news values, communication technologies,
and political public relations (PR) strategies have
converged to produce a profoundly vexing relationship
between rumour and verification, which is exploited by
politicians with anti-deliberative aims of managing belief.
Further, the paper argues that these developments are usefully
viewed through Paul Virilio's theory of Pure War, in
which rumour can be seen as part of a larger propaganda
strategy to eliminate deliberative politics and manage a population
for the purposes of consumerism and war."

This article explores how political public relations activities support advocacy efforts and allow organizations to communicate and partner with other organizations and individuals to affect change. Our study examined the organizational relationships that engaged in political advocacy to defeat the 2012 Stop Online Piracy Act (SOPA). We argue that networked social capital provides a theoretical framework for broadening the study of relationships from a dyadic approach to one that encompasses the multitude of relationships necessary to bring about change. Structural hole theory was used to identify influential organizations based on their network position. Two methods including a hyperlink network analysis of organizational websites involved in the Internet Blackout and a semantic network analysis of the SOPA legislation media coverage revealed three findings: 1) diverse ties enhance political advocacy, 2) political public relations can enhance network positions of organizations, and...

(The weight of fulfilling of social responsibility (SR) for political institutions, or Political
Social Responsibility (PSR), cannot be compared to the weight of fulfilling of corporate
social responsibility (CSR). For political institutions the fulfillment of PSR is a necessity
rather than an option. The world has an international standard for social responsibility,
namely ISO 26000. Implementation of ISO 26000 for the political fields is not common.
Even so, in terms of political communication, we still need a space for the creation of
commonness in meaning (the commonness in meaning) about the social responsibility of
political parties in their roles as Social Agent, Renewal Agent, Public Service Agent, and
Social Hope Agent. SR of NasDem Political Party in terms of reputation management has
many communication’s goals, which are: a. Changing the old custom of gratification
(mahar) politics into the new custom of non gratification politics in the process of
nominating legislative or executive candidates, b. party recruitment, c. voting during
elections / local elections. As for relationship management, NasDem has not yet
emphasized its focus. Therefore, the reputation built through PTM has not yet reached
the grass roots. However, the role of PTM in persuading other political parties to abandon
the prevalence of gratification politics in the process of nominating legislative and
executive candidates began to be seen (At least in the preparation of the 2020 elections,
a number of major parties committed to implement PTM in nominating their candidates).
Also the performance of NasDem votes in the 2019 elections was quite good, even the
best in increasing votes from the 2014 election compared to other parties. However, the
success was not solely driven by PTM alone but by various other factors, such as Politics
Without Conditions and the effects of Jokowi's suit tail, NasDem Restoration Platform,
vote getters, and others. In addition, PTM as a Political PR strategy in reputation
management is able to empower recruitment in terms of acquisition and retention even
though NasDem has launched PTM since 2015)

The text aims to discuss how the agrarian policy advocated by the
sectors related to agricultural business in Santa Catarina, located in the state apparatus over the decades of 1950 and 1960, found means to enforce its guidelines and interests with the establishment of the military
dictatorship from 1964. The reduction of the agrarian question the issue of low labor productivity, without questioning the structure of land ownership, resulted in public policies associated with business interests in the sector.

Als im Winter 2000 die Wahlpartys des neuen US-Präsidenten und der Kongressabgeordneten vorüber waren, trieben Hunderte von Wahlkampfberatungsfirmen ihre letzten, Schwindel erregend hohen Rechnungen von Gewinnern und Verlierern ein. Ihre Chefs packten erschöpft die Koffer — die einen, um in der Karibik die Strapazen von sich abfallen zu lassen; die anderen, um mit Kollegen oder in Talkshows die erfolgreichsten Strategien, lukrativsten Verträge und schmutzigsten Tricks ihres Berufsstandes in der „political season“ 1999/2000 zu analysieren. Und nur das einzigartige juristische Tauziehen um die Auszählung der knappen Wahl überdeckte in der Nachlese die sonst stets große Debatte um die fortschreitende Professionalisierung der Wahlkämpfe, die das politische System nach einem Wort des kalifornischen Politologen Mark Petracca (1988) schon vor einem Jahrzehnt auf den Weg zur „Consultant Democracy“ gebracht hat.

ZUM BUCH: Unter dem Eindruck der Dynamik aktueller technologischer Innovationen im Übergang zur Mediengesellschaft geraten die herkömmlichen Strukturen und Prozesse der politischen Meinungs- und Willensbildung immer mehr unter Anpassungsdruck. Das gilt sowohl für die zentralen politischen Akteure wie Regierung und Verwaltung, Parteien und Verbände als auch für Presse und Rundfunk. Die räumliche, zeitliche und soziale Entgrenzung der medialen Kommunikationsströme, die wachsende Differenzierung herkömmlicher Rollenzuweisungen, neue Berufsbilder und eine verstärkte Internationalisierung, Expansion und Kommerzialisierung des Mediensystems tun ein Übriges, um die bisherige Balance zwischen Politik und Massenkommunikation gründlich zu verändern.

In contemporary society the word crisis has become one of those words-hype, which we are bombarded at every opportunity. We are talking about a crisis of marriage, midlife crisis, economic crisis and international levels. However, only in politics we are dealing with conscious creating crises, which are designed to build the image of party or politics. Player on the Polish political scene who has mastered to perfection recall i crisis management is the Prawo i Sprawiedliwość One of the most interesting examples of how the PiS can effectively build their own image through a crisis, actions were taken following the disclosure of "Beger tapes. " With the succession crisis caused and thus gradually distract the public from the initial crisis, the PiS was able to get out of this difficult situation virtually unscathed. At the same time, the analysis of actions to call a crisis and then manage it, should be helpful to better understand the present position of the party.

During the past years, many political communication scholars have been trying
to solve the “catch-all” term of professionalization of political communication.
Some of them just accepted the term and even created quantitative scales to
measure the degree of professionalization of political campaigns (Gibson &
Rommele 2009; Lisi 2013; Strömbäck 2009) and others developed more
general definitions that refer to different stages of political communication. The
term professionalization of political communication has become a paradigm to
explain wider and global processes of change in politics (Lisi, 2013).
Nevertheless this paradigm is limited and unclear to explain the emergence of
new occupations in political communication.
Most of the studies in this area analyse and measure a series of changes in the
communication sphere of political organisations through quantitative methods.
These changes are usually understood as improved or new communication
activities and techniques used by political organisations Consequently
professionalization occurs at the level of large political organisations that are
the ones that become “professionalised” (Negrine & Lilleker, 2007).
Nonetheless, the existing quantitative methodological approaches to the study
of professionalization of political communication disregard the role of emerging
occupations in the communication sphere of political organisations. For that
reason, this paper introduces a new qualitative method to study these
professionals from the perspective of the sociology of professions.
The sociology of professions refers to professionalization, in overall terms, as a
structural strategy to control a certain group of activities claimed to be exclusive
for a determined social group (Reed, 2013). In that sense, from a sociological
point of view the professionalization of political communication can be
understood as the process of emerging occupations rather than wider political
transformations. In that context, the role of political public relations as an occupation or profession becomes visible as a central figure in modern political
organisations and their communication practices.
The relevance of this group of professionals is key to the general understanding
of professionalization of political communication for two reasons. The first one is
because these professionals have been identified as one of the causes for the
professionalization of political communication (Mancini 1999; Negrine & Holtz-
Bacha 2007; Plasser 2000). Secondly, their main tasks and activities such as
opposition research, targeting and positioning or persuasion (Kiousis &
Stromback 2011) are considered the main traits of a professionalized political
party (Lisi 2013; Plasser 2001; Panebianco 1988).
To that point, this paper sets aside the existing quantitative approach to the
professionalization of political communication and approaches the phenomenon
through qualitative data obtained from in-depth interviews with political public
relations practitioners in Scotland and Catalonia regarding their professional
aspirations and identities.

El artículo analiza una red transnacional de artistas que involucró a El Café Teatro La Mama, uno de los principales teatros experimentales de Nueva York, y su filial bogotana, durante el período 1961-1972. Tres ejes permiten narrar el establecimiento, desarrollo y ruptura de esta red: el teatro como práctica cultural, la relación entre arte vanguardista y política, y la dimensión emocional del proceso. La principal conclusión de esta investigación es que hubo una prolífica correspondencia de ideas alrededor de algunos paradigmas
del teatro de vanguardia contemporáneo y, al mismo tiempo, una ambivalencia entre romanticismo artístico y valores políticos.

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The article analyzes a transnational network of artistas that involved El Café Teatro La Mama, one of the main experimental theaters of New York, and its Bogota subsidiary, from 1961 to 1972. Three main lines make it possible to narrate the establishment, development and rupture of said network: the theater as a cultural practice, the relation between avant-garde art and politics, and the emotional dimension of the process.
The main conclusion of this research is that there has been a prolific correspondence of ideas around some paradigms of contemporary vanguard theater but, at the same time, an ambivalence between artistic romanticism and political values.