Postcolonial, Subaltern, Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak

Aqualung gaze nothing spares. ANDY lived in New York during late 1970s and in their Jamaica he experienced the emotional cocktail of surveillance frenzy and racial/religious discrimination. Spying Glass. In Gayatri Spivak ‘s conception of the subaltern, what you see you don’t see. Trancey bass spurrs the outnumbered performance of a melancholic echo-drenched voice bursting through white walls of mythology. The Rude Boy imagery already a ragged translation of that silence into moving pictures, transient regalia wired to no avail project the dissonance further on downtown. No shame MASSIVE ATTACK ghost trains couldn’t compete with ANDY onboard.

In diesem Beitrag gehe ich auf die postkoloniale Theorie der indischen Literaturwissenschaftlerin Prof. Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak ein. Genauer gesagt analysiere ich ihren Beitrag „Can the subaltern speak“ von 1983. Hierin untersucht sie die Subalternen, also die „zerstreuten“, die „marginalisierten“, die „von minderen Rang“ und nicht zuletzt „die ausgebeuteten“, welche aufgrund von kolonialer und nationaler Geschichtsschreibung als politische Subjekte nicht wahrgenommen und somit auch nicht gehört werden. Und wer nicht gehört wird, kann sagen was er will, sprechen wird er nie. Dieser Vorgang kann im poststrukturalistischen Sinne Foucaults im Nexus von Wissen/Macht bzw. im Sinne der deutschen Kommunikationswissenschaftlerin Natasha A. Kelly als „Ent_Wahrnehmungsstrategie“ verstanden werden (Kelly, 2016).

Rokeya Sakhawat Hossain came from and wrote for a colonised, marginalised society. Hence, the question of the silenced subaltern voice and agency, and of subordinate experiences of non-Western writers is pertinent to the discussion of her work. She is a subaltern not only because of gender and colonialism, but also because of her ethnic, religious and other identities. She is subordinated as a writer of a colonised society and marginalised as a Muslim feminist scholar. Various factors that contributed to her subalternity were enmeshed together and became grounds for her marginal status among regional and global feminist writers. Based on this theoretical background, this article will discuss the term "subaltern" and examine factors that contributed to Rokeya's subalternity.

Este ensaio tem por objetivo analisar os poemas da escritora afro-brasileira Miriam Alves. Buscaremos retratar as complexas relações entre gênero, classe e etnia na  sociedade heterogênea brasileira dentro de um arcabouço teórico pós-colonial e feminista. Para esse fim lançaremos mão, sobretudo, das teorias pós-coloniais de Frantz Fanon e Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak. Propõe-se divulgar o poder da resistência cultural que poderia ajudar a construir um novo paradigma num processo de recuperação do trauma por meio de uma reconstrução da memória. Além disso, busca-se verificar a presença de uma identidade cultural estabelecida por meio de auto-reafirmação em relação aos enquadramentos sócio-históricos. Através disto proporemos uma conscientização nos discursos acadêmicos e no discurso literário e poético.

As was the case with many newly independent African nations, Somalia was beset by a language problem whose complexity had begun well before independence and the unification of British Somaliland and Italian Somaliland in 1960. With three languages (English, Arabic, and Italian) used as media of communication in government offices and in schools, various Somali administrations struggled to contain the impasse but found no tangible solution. Barely three years after Mohamed Siad Barre seized power in October 1969, he had his military regime introduce the Somali orthography in the Latin alphabet. Based on this milestone, Siad Barre's military rule is highly commended for taking a remarkable step forward in what came to be known as the Somalization project. However, officials of the government and Somali scholarship failed to

This paper is a study or the analysis of dalit marginalization, discrimination, isolation and humiliation from common tradition of life especially the tragic condition of dalit women in Indian society. Dalit literature is about the sufferings of 'oppressed class". Dalit fiction and its literary movement are based on the common ground of social oppression. It is a study of marginal and colonized. Dalit literature is a form of post-colonial literature. The form of dalit literature covers a wide range of literary genres. It is a literature of whole community but of an individual. Many writers, thinkers, social reformers and political figures gave their contribution in the dalit literary movement like B.R. Ambedkar, M.K. Gandhi, Rettaimalai Srinivasan etc.

Somalia is generally thought of as a homogenous society, with a common Arabic ancestry, a shared culture of nomadism and one Somali mother tongue. This study challenges this myth. Using the Jareer/Bantu as a case study, the book shows how the Negroid physical features of this ethnic group has become the basis for ethnic marginalization, stigma, social exclusion and apartheid in Somalia. The book is another contribution to the recent deconstruction of the perceived Somali homogeneity and self-same assertions. It argues that the Somalis, just like most societies, employ multiple levels of social and ethnic distinctions, one of which is the Jareer versus Jileec divide. Dr. Eno successfully portrays another Somalia, in which a mythical homogeneity masks the oppression and social exclusion suffered by some ethnic groups in the country

Nirmala, an Indian novel by Munshi Premchand has its roots anchored in the capitalist society where the proletariats undergo profound suffering. The present research in Nirmala explains the prevalent exploitation upon working class people and examines the then Indian society, especially attacking the epoch long norm that the lower class people are the objects to be used. It studies the system of marriage regarded as a barter system in the dominant capitalist mode of society and the tendency of giving priority to surplus value. The tendency of people being indifferent to human values have been put under assault by bringing forth the degeneration of the working class families as an outcome of such tendency.

This is my under-graduation monography on the emergence of Queer Studies in Brasil. It is an extended version which encompasses an essay on the emergence of the dual conception of sex and sexualities between 17th and 20th centuries CE. This monograph has been acclaimed as the “most complete survey of Queer Studies in Brazil” (Denilson Lopes. “In Search of a New Invisibility”. In: Carvalho, V. M., Gavioli, N. (ed.). Literature and Ethics in Contemporary Brazil. (London: Routledge, 2017.) p. 167).

The subaltern has frequently been understood as a figure of exclusion ever since it was first highlighted by the early Subaltern Studies collective's creative reading of Antonio Gramsci's carceral writings. In this article, I argue that a contextualist and diachronic study of the development of the notion of subaltern classes throughout Gramsci's full Prison Notebooks reveals new resources for " refiguring " the subaltern. I propose three alternative figures to comprehend specific dimensions of Gramsci's theorizations: the " irrepressible subaltern " , the " hegemonic subaltern " , and the " citizen-subaltern ". Far from being exhausted by the eclipse of the conditions it was initially called upon to theorize in Subaltern Studies, such a refigured notion of the subaltern has the potential to cast light both on the contradictory development of political modernity and on contemporary political processes.

The 2013 publication of Vivek Chibber’s book Postcolonial Theory and the Specter of Capital has reignited debates over the relative merits and demerits of Marxism and postcolonialism. This article reviews the debate and raises some critical questions about Chibber’s engagement with questions pertaining to universalism and capitalist development. Focusing on Chibber’s critique of Dipesh Chakrabarty’s Provincializing Europe, the article contends that whereas Chibber is right in arguing for a concept of universal history, the approach he offers towards this end pushes in the direction of Eurocentrism. As an alternative, the article proposes the possibility of crafting passages from Marxism to postcolonialism in order to move beyond Eurocentrism in the historical-sociological study of capitalist development.

Although scholars of Somali Studies have engaged themselves in examining the Somali society from several perspectives, colonial and early Somali writers mainly observed the Somali people as homogenous, egalitarian and nomadic pastoral. Themes on multi-ethnicity, multiculturalism, and linguistic diversity were ignored as topics that sully the myth of the selfsame ideology colorfully embroidered in the official historiography. The notion also deluded pioneering Somali scholars from critically studying their people and analyzing colonial writing; at least not beyond the western scholars' knowledge boundary. Accordingly, the Horn of Africa was exemplified as a unique African nation where citizens enjoy equality and share an all-in-one identity: culturally, ethnically, historically, and linguistically. Contrary to that notion, though, the everyday social situation makes the primordial ideology of selfsameness unsustainable. To establish the evidence, this essay discusses about how the Bantu Jareer agrarian community, a section among the different groups of subalterns in the country, views its environment and social space within the boundary of deeply offensive segregation by an extremely suppressive Somali society.

In this article it is an attempt to analyses the origin and history subaltern studies series and makes a conceptual framework to analyze what is subaltern means? And how does subaltern can speak or can’t speak. Apparently it is the powerful orthodoxy versus oppressed in relation to history or story writings which mostly were previously of elites and Britisher and the authentic credibility to oppressed who actually helped were denied.

esearch on Russian foreign policy has until recently been dominated by conventional descriptive studies based on politicized and moralizing either pro-Russian or anti-Russian narratives. Some constructivist researchers have tried to produce more reflective studies grounded in modern theories of international relations. Much has been written about Russia’s uneasy relations with Europe both in Russia and the West. However, there has been a noticeable lack of intellectual effort to apply postcolonial analysis to this problem. The book by Viacheslav Morozov is an interesting attempt to bridge international relations with postcolonial theory in Russian studies.

Chapter 1 of the book makes a case for the application of postcolonial theory to gain a deeper understanding of the tensions and contradictions of Russia’s international standing. Specifically, it advances the thesis of Russia as a “subaltern empire.”1 The concept of subaltern is borrowed from postcolonial theory and refers, according to Morozov, to an oppressed nation deprived of subjectivity and ability to articulate its own narrative. By combining the two concepts, “subaltern” and “empire,” the book argues that the country is simultaneously part of both the global imperial core and the Western periphery. This mixed experience has resulted in a unique state of Russian identity, which Morozov defines as “hybrid subjectivity,” another term borrowed from postcolonial studies.

Hybrid subjectivity, according to Morozov’s interpretation of postcolonial studies, is a situation when the colonized subject is able to mimic the discourse of the colonizer, thus subverting it and making colonial domination a profoundly ambiguous phenomenon. To illustrate this condition, Morozov uses the example of the group of Hindus, who study the Gospel but refuse to accept that it was introduced to them by Europeans. Similarly to Indians, who accept the universality of Christian values, but refuse to acknowledge their origin in the European culture, Russia, [End Page 463] even when it opposes the West, nevertheless frames its own demands in the “Western” language (Pp. 23–24). Drawing on this frame of analysis, the chapter concludes that the added value of the postcolonial perspective is its ability to explain uneasiness in Russian–European relations and to demonstrate that the only subject on the horizon of Russian politics is the West itself (Pp. 6, 157–164).

Chapter 2 of the book provides a critical overview of several strands of the reflectivist international relations literature (postcolonial, constructivist, and critical revisions of the English school). In particular, the book argues that a variety of constructivist scholars, especially those who explicitly pursue the task of theorizing Russian schools of international relations, eventually end up analyzing their own identity rather than the ontology, epistemology, and methodology of the field. Furthermore, the book argues that even though separate constructivist studies identified similar patterns of the discursive landscape in Russia, China, Iran, and Japan, most of them still pursue a case-focused approach, which does not allow generalizations about the nature of identity, discourse, and othering mechanisms. Postcolonial theory, according to Morozov, allows a comparative perspective and can account for this pattern (P. 44).

Another limitation of the constructivist school, namely, its in-ability to take into account material factors, is addressed in chapter 3. In describing Russia’s economic dependency on the West, Morozov combines approaches by Alexander Etkind, Boris Kagarlitsky, and Vsevolod Sergeev. He concludes that external economic rationale (demand for fur, hemp flax, timber, grain, and currently gas imported by Russia to Europe) reveal the interrupted pattern of the country’s uneven and combined development as a semiperiphery of the capitalist core over the past several centuries (P. 89). The persistence of this extractive economy model leads to identification between the security apparatus and the state per se. The preponderance of a centralized and militarized state with its grip over the economy, as well as the persistence of resource-oriented economic development has constituted the two main distinctive features of Russia up to today (P. 94). The colonization of vast Eurasian space by Russian elites strengthened this pattern and eventually led...

This text, published in the 30th anniversary edition of Qui Parle, consists of a response to the question "Who Speaks" osed by the editors to many authors who published in Qui Parle over the years including Bacchetta. In it she reflects upon QTPOC in Paris by transforming the question into "who is not being heard" and how that not being heard is unfolding, and the statement "speaking (here-now). As it reflects on subaltern speech, it  distinguishes this particular not-being-heard from Spivak's very insightful not-speakingness (in "Can the Subaltern Speak?"), among other things.

comunicazione di Ferdinando Dubla al seminario La scoperta di Gramsci , 30 aprile 2021, Università di Macerata, Dipartimento di Scienze della formazione - Dipartimento Studi umanistici
paragrafi e temi trattati: Lo sguardo doppio - Per un collettivo di ricerca Subaltern Studies Italia - SUBALTERN STUDIES COLLETTIVE - I margini della storia, Gramsci e i Subaltern Studies - Subaltern Studies e ragione postcoloniale decostruzionista (G.C.Spivak) - IL SUD dei SUBALTERNI - RIPLASMAZIONE, REINTEGRAZIONE e RISCATTO: Marx e Gramsci ne "La fine del mondo" di Ernesto de Martino - Il robusto filo che riconnette Marx, Gramsci e de Martino - Interpretazioni dell'apocalisse: le tre edizioni de LA FINE DEL MONDO di Ernesto de Martino - extract da Fabiana Gambardella in Scienza & Filosofia nr.8/2012

Doppio sguardo è quello di ANTONIO GRAMSCI ed ERNESTO DE MARTINO, necessario per il riscatto delle classi subalterne, l’uno attraverso la scienza politica e la filosofia della prassi, l’altro attraverso la ricerca sul campo e l’antropologia filosofica, l’uno e l’altro impegnati in uno sforzo di interpretazione, sviluppano categorie ermeneutiche che attraversano l’essere-umano in tutte le sue dimensioni, implicitamente alla ricerca di quell’”uomo onnilaterale” di Marx, in cui convivono razionalità e irrazionalità, sentimento e ragione, e si intrecciano natura, storia e cultura.

Este libro es la traducción al español de la célebre introducción a la edición en inglés (1976) de: De la grammatologie (1967) de Jacques Derrida; algunos años después de la traducción al español, en el año 1972. La autora nacida en 1942 en Calcuta, India, impulsa con su traducción la recepción de las obras de Jacques Derrida en los Estados Unidos, obras cuyo debate y acogida marcarían algunas líneas de la academia en Norteamérica: estudios culturales, postcoloniales y de género. Más allá de una simple introducción, Gayatri delinea elementos de su propio pensamiento, en particular, el cruce “entre” materialismo y deconstrucción; igualmente, la problematización del sujeto como dominador, es una constante que la autora explora en torno a la deconstrucción.

In the Age of Information, humanitarian aid campaigns targeted at donors are carefully planned and executed. Competing with the burgeoning figures of other agencies for limited donor money, Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) – our case study – has employed photos of vulnerable populations as pivotal items in their attempt to convey narratives of urgency and disempowerment. This campaign format is not new. In this paper, we flip the coin from humanitarians to vulnerable populations, approaching the impact of such images as disempowerment devices. The voices of those portrayed cannot be heard, even in digital times. After the Internet revolution, it is said, unprecedented access to information fostered a “do it yourself” culture. However, as we argue here, access to the World Wide Web, as well as the capacity to define your own image,are notreadily available to those silenced, silently portrayed in humanitarian campaigns. We proceed by analyzing current approaches to the possibilities of Internet as communication, in order to map where humanitarian campaigns fit in the overall picture. In this sense, we pose the question: are we witnessing the prologues to a politics of silencing?

The article attempts to analyze Dr. Indira Goswamis novel 'Pages Stained with Blood', which brings the horrendous sight of religious marginality to notice. The Sikhs residing in Delhi were victimized, burnt alive, looted, stabbed, beheaded and raped. Anyone wearing a turban or holding a kirpan were mercilessly killed be it men, women or children. It also touches on the other forms of marginality like unemployment, prostitution, economic poverty etc. The narrator assumes the role of the protagonist running through the blood stained streets, sheltering the attacked victims and attending their first aid. Her own apartment is filled with blood as she gives refuge to the victims. The novel alarms the reader of the consequences of disunity giving a recalcitrant call for unity, love and wellbeing for our neighbors and friends. It also forges the readers to think on the sensitive issues of our social institutions ethically rather than falling as a victim in their grip.

Resumo: Este artigo apresenta uma arqueografia da emergência dos Estudos Queer no Brasil entre os anos de 1990 e 2000. A partir de uma revisão bibliográfica pretende-se refletir e problematizar as condições de aparecimento dos estudos Queer, seu desenvolvimento e seus desdobramentos. Analisado como um encontro rizomático dos Estudos Culturais, do pós-estruturalismo francês e do feminismo de terceira onda, uma perspectiva queer parece ter circulado pelo meio acadêmico brasileiro antes mesmo do trabalho inaugural de Guacira Lopes Louro. Trata-se, portanto, de um levantamento historiográfico da configuração desse campo de estudos no Brasil. Dessa forma o artigo não pretende lançar definições e certezas, mas propor o debate. Abstract: This paper presents a arqueography the emergence of Queer Studies in Brazil between 1990 and 2000. From a literature review, is intended to reflect and discuss the conditions for the appearance of Queer studies, its development and its consequences. Analyzed as a rhizomatic meeting of Cultural Studies, the French post-structuralism and feminism third wave of a queer perspective seems to have circulated by the Brazilian academic community even before the inaugural Guacira Lopes Louro work's. It is, therefore, a historiographical survey of the setting of this field of study in Brazil. Thus, the article does not intend to launch definitions and certainties, but proposing the debate.

When Subaltern Studies emerged in the 1970’s it was a critical moment in Indian Independence History as it was and as it had been perceived or propagated through nationalist historiography, India had been through a state of emergency and political tyranny. We can then safely subsume that disillusionment took place within the Indian people about whether or not they had received the political freedom that they had imagined independence would bring. This was also a critical moment in the way scholars began to think about India and its independence, the Subaltern Studies Group ushered in a wave of intellectualism which was concerned with the everyday life of everyday people in India and more specifically the lower caste and the peasants, arguing that there is in fact a peasant consciousness.

In this text, I will try to convince you of the vanity of critique. The
argument is simple: there is no world without war, and neoliberal capitalism is a weaponized economy. This is a version of the larger
argument that claims resistance is futile. You will be commodified. The first section will theorize ‘technology’ as consisting in the integration of a
series of ‘tests,’ which is nothing but ‘nature in disguise.’ The second section provides a theory of ‘weaponization’ as the purposeful utilization
of ‘failure’ qua ‘destruction.’ It will be shown how ‘weaponization’ is living within technology. Consequentially, there is no technology without arms. We will argue for the metaphysical inevitability of war. The third and last section will show how, along these lines, neoliberal capitalism, understood on a global scale, is a weapon in the sense defined. Consequentially, we are at war—globally and tacitly. And as
it stands, no force can stop it. It will be much more convenient to acquiesce to defeat than to waste time and energy in critique and
resistance. Welcome to the future of compliance.