Presencia Inca En El Noroeste De La Argentina

The chronology of the Inca conquest of Northwest Argentina has been questioned in
recent years since the obtaining of new radiocarbon dates. In the Quebrada de Humahuaca is
suggested that the Inca occupation started within the time span ranging from 1410 to 1430
AD. From new radiocarbon dates obtained at Juella archaeological site, within a context that
brings us to the Regional Developments Period (1250-1450 AD), we meditate about how this
process of conquest could have been. A process that involved the complete emptying of the
settlement and the partial abandonment of others. Also will present the spatial changes
imposed by the Incas in the region, which included the remodeling of local villages, the
construction of a new production landscape and the relocation of populations.

"The Inka Empire adopted several means to create, demonstrate and legitimize the power in its conquests over a vast territory. This paper focuses on one of those means: the production and
restructuring of socially constructed space. We believe that through this process of domination, the Inka Empire imposed its ideology and its worldview over the conquered societies. Although we do not ignore or reject the explanations usually given to this process, this position evaluates the Inka expansionism as a process guided not only by economic or logistic motivations. Therefore, we believe that ideology and the use of space are both key components when analyzing any social process, and in this specific case: the Inka domination in Northwest Argentina, particularly in the area of the Quebrada de Humahuaca. In subsequent lines we aim to explore some aspects of the relationship between ideology and space as theoretical concepts with the social production of space in the Tawantinsuyu, the Inka conquest of Humahuaca and the specific case of La Huerta archaeological site."

"The opening and closing of spaces has been extensively documented at an ethnographic level in the Andes. At the archaeological level however, we have numerous examples of the first type and not many testimonies of abandon of a particular enclosure or settlement. In Juella, Quebrada de Humahuaca, Jujuy, we have a unique context that includes the closure of a door, a burial of an unborn in the occupation floor, and the intentional burial of some objects. In the context of an occupation restricted to the Regional Developments Period, we consider that the material found and analyzed here is related to rituals and ceremonies of the closure and symbolic death of this space. From radiocarbon dates obtained from this particular event and its relationship to the overall site context, we believe that this event not only had to do with the abandonment of the structure, but is closely related to the site as a whole, and to the time of the Inca conquest of the region as well.
Las ceremonias de apertura y cierre de espacios han sido ampliamente documentados a nivel etnográfico en el mundo andino. A nivel arqueológico sin embargo, contamos con numerosos ejemplos del primer tipo y no tantos que testimonien el abandono de un determinado recinto o asentamiento. En trabajos realizados en Juella, Quebrada de Humahuaca, Jujuy, nos encontramos ante un singular contexto que incluye el tapiado de una puerta, la inhumación sobre el piso de ocupación de un nonato y el entierro intencional de algunos objetos. Consideramos, en el marco de una ocupación restringida al Período de Desarrollos Regionales, que la materialidad hallada, y aquí analizada, se encuentra relacionada con rituales y ceremonias ligadas al cierre y a la muerte simbólica de este espacio. A partir de la obtención de diversos fechados radiocarbónicos, que incluyen uno de este evento particular, y su relación con el contexto general del sitio, pensamos que este acontecimiento no solo tuvo que ver con el abandono del recinto, sino que se encuentra íntimamente ligado con el del sitio en su totalidad, al tiempo que este último se relaciona con la conquista inkaica de la región."

In this paper we present the first attempts to record both bone and culturally, from a tomb of
Inka times on the site La Huerta, Quebrada de Humahuaca (Jujuy, Argentina). To contextualize
bioarchaeological remains recovered from this feature, also characterize the architecture of the
tomb and the materials that made up the accompaniment of the dead. These are plentiful and
varied, being mostly metals, wood, faunal remains, plant remains and pottery typically Inka.

It was believed for a long time that the first Old World crops were introduced to the northwest of Argentina in a.d. 1550 during the foundation of Barco, and that the indigenous people incorporated them into their subsistence almost passively. However, since wheat, barley, and peach have been recovered from El Shincal, an Inka (Inca) administrative centre, new questions have arisen about who first brought these crops to the study region, as well as about where they were grown for the first time and which routes they followed after that. This paper will try to solve these questions during a period ranging from the 16th to the 18th century. This time span, although arbitrary, is consistent with the major damage to the original social structure caused by the Spaniards to the local indigenous populations. Our approach includes the comparison of ethnohistorical with archaeobotanical evidence. It is concluded that the first Old World crops were brought from Chile to Santiago del Estero by Spanish soldiers in a.d. 1556, and to Londres in a.d. 1558. These crops were taken up by local indigenous people during the period of the encomenderos and used to carry out a pachamanca ceremony at El Shincal during a Diaguita rebellion.

""The building and resignification of space was a conquest
strategy of the Inca Empire deployed throughout its territory.
This paper aims to examine the problem by considering the
archaeological site of La Huerta (quebrada of Humahuaca,
Jujuy, Argentina) We seek to understand how imperial power
imposed its spatiality on conquered population, by re-building
and re-signifying the socially-built landscape, and how the
ideological representation of this spatiality, both produced and
reproduced the empire’s power relationships of domination.
For this purpose, we humanize the landscape by thinking
about it with people, analyzing how its inhabitants would
have behaved in that tridimensional space, experiencing
and perceiveing it.""