Principate

В настоящей статье был рассмотрен статус и деятельность преторианской гвардии от убийства Домициана в 96 г. и до возвращения Траяна в Рим в 98 г. Префекты претория участвовали в заговоре против Домициана. Мятеж преторианцев осенью 97 г. был связан со стремлением отомстить за убитого принцепса. Новый префект Касперий Элиан не выступал против Нервы по заданию Траяна. В результате, преторианская гвардия не стала политическим актором как в 68–69 гг.

The paper concerns the status and activities of the Praetorian guard from the murders of Domitian in 96 and until Trajan’s returned to Rome in 98. The praefectus praetorio participated in the conspiracy against Domitian. The praetorians mutiny in the fall of 97 was associated with the desire to avenge of the murdered princeps. The new praefectus Casperius Aelianus did not oppose Nerva on the instructions of Trajan. Consequently, the Praetorian guard had not been the political actor like in 68-69.

La fondazione storica delle scuole di diritto all’inizio del 1. secolo a.C. fu valutata e descritta soltanto a distanza di tempo. L’articolo spiega come le denominazioni di “Cassiani” e “Sabiniani”, date alla scuola sabiniana, non siano né intercambiabili a piacimento, né rivelino diverse opinioni sull’identità di uno storico fondatore. I nomi, di volta in volta preferiti in momenti diversi, fanno piuttosto dedurre che, guardando in retrospettiva lo sviluppo della scuola sabiniana, dapprima Cassio e successivamente (a causa di diversi criteri e di mutate circostanze) Sabino fu visto come il giurista che aveva dato il maggiore contributo alla caratterizzazione della tradizione e alla sua fissazione in una scuola.

ÖZET: Herodianos’un “Marcus Aurelius Devri’nden Sonra İmparatorluk Tarihi” adlı yapıtı, Roma İmparatoru Marcus Aurelius’un ölümünden (MS 180) III. Gordianus’un tahta geçtiği (MS 238) zaman aralığındaki gelişmeleri kapsamakta olup sadece olayların kronolojik bir anlatısı olmasının ötesinde, bir tarihsel ve siyasal düşünceyi de içermektedir. Bu yapıtın eleştirel bir değerlendirmesi, büyük bir tarihsel krizin yaşandığı ve bize görece daha az antik metnin ulaşabildiği MS 3. yy’ın siyasal düşüncesinin de bir kesitini sunmaktadır.
Herodianos’un düşüncesi, tarihsel krizin iki dinamiğinin “meşrûtî monarşi” ve “tiranlık” arasındaki karşıtlıkta yatmaktadır; zira, Herodianos’un “tiranlık” olarak adlandırdığı yönetim tarzı, MS 3. yy bağlamında Rostovtzeff’in tanımladığı şekliyle “askerî monarşi” anlayışına tekabül etmektedir. Herodianos’ta tarihsel olgular, bu karşıtlık temelinde açıklanmaktadır. Herodianos’un düşüncesinde, bir kurum olarak Senatus’un merkezî bir yeri bulunmaktadır. Bu çalışmada, Herodianos’un yapıtında Senatus’un tarihsel rolü ele alındığı gibi, bu kurumun Herodianos’un siyasal düşüncesindeki merkezî konumu, metnin içindeki söylevlerin de analiziyle birlikte, Antikçağ siyasal düşüncesi bağlamında ele alınmaktadır.

Anahtar Kelimeler: Herodianos, Tarihyazımı, Principatus, Askerî Monarşi, Senatus.

ABSTRACT: Herodian’s work that is titled as “History of the Empire from the Death of Marcus” covers the period from Marcus Aurelius’ death (180 AD) to the Gordian III’s accession to the throne (238 AD), and beyond being a chronological narrative of the events, this work also includes a certain historical and political thought. A critical enquiry of this work may present a component of the political thought of 3rd century AD, which was an age of historical crisis. In Herodian’s thought, the dynamics of the historical crisis lies on the contrast between senatorial monarchy and tyranny. The historical facts are explained on the basis of this contrast. Likewise, the regime that was defined as tyranny by Herodian, in the context of the 3rd century AD, corresponds to Mommsen’s and Rostovtzeff ’s conception of “the military monarchy”. Senatus has also a central position as an institution in this narrative. In this study, Senatus’ historical role within the work of Herodian, as well as its central position, will be discussed by an analysis of the speeches that are contained in this work, on the context of ancient political thought.

Keywords: Herodian, Historiography, Principate, Military Monarchy, Senate.

ABSZTRAKT: Heródián "A birodalom története Marcus halálától" című műve a Marcus Aurelius halálától (i.sz. 180) III. Gordianus trónra lépése (i.sz. 238) közötti időszakot öleli fel, és az események kronológiai elbeszélésén túlmenően ez a mű bizonyos történelmi és politikai gondolatokat is tartalmaz. A mű kritikai vizsgálata a Kr. u. 3. század politikai gondolkodásának egy összetevőjét mutathatja be, amely a történelmi válság kora volt. Heródián gondolkodásában a történelmi válság dinamikája a szenátori monarchia és a zsarnokság közötti ellentétben rejlik. A történelmi tényeket ennek az ellentétnek az alapján magyarázza. Hasonlóképpen, a Heródián által zsarnokságként meghatározott rendszer a Kr. u. 3. század kontextusában megfelel Mommsen és Rostovtzeff "katonai monarchia" felfogásának. A senatus mint intézmény szintén központi helyet foglal el ebben a narratívában. Ebben a tanulmányban a Senatusnak a Heródiás művében betöltött történeti szerepét, valamint központi pozícióját a műben szereplő beszédek elemzésével tárgyaljuk az ókori politikai gondolkodás kontextusában.

Kulcsszavak: Heródián, történetírás, principátus, katonai monarchia, szenátus.

АБСТРАКТ: Труд Геродиана "История империи со смерти Марка" охватывает период от смерти Марка Аврелия (180 г. н.э.) до восшествия на престол Гордиана III (238 г. н.э.) и, помимо хронологического изложения событий, содержит определенную историко-политическую мысль. Критическое исследование этого произведения может представить компонент политической мысли III века н. э., который был эпохой исторического кризиса. По мысли Иродиана, динамика исторического кризиса заключается в противопоставлении сенаторской монархии и тирании. На основе этого противопоставления объясняются исторические факты. Подобным образом, режим, который Геродиан определял как тиранию, в контексте III века н. э. соответствует концепции "военной монархии" Моммзена и Ростовцева. Сенат также занимает центральное место как институт в этом повествовании. В данном исследовании историческая роль сената в произведении Геродиана, а также его центральное положение будут рассмотрены на основе анализа речей, которые содержатся в этом произведении, в контексте античной политической мысли.

Ключевые слова: Геродиан, историография, принципат, военная монархия, сенат.

Το άρθρο αυτό στοχεύει στο να αναδείξει την πολιτειακή φυσιογνωμία της ρωμαϊκής res publica, όπως αυτή σκιαγραφείται στις σωζόμενες κικερώνειες δημηγορίες (contiones), από τη μια, και τα αίτια που ο Κικέρων αναγνωρίζει ως θεμελιώδη για την πτώση της, από την άλλη. Αφιερώνεται στη μνήμη του αξεπέραστου καθηγητή Fergus Millar, του οποίου το έργο και η σκέψη επηρέασαν αποφασιστικά και τη δική μας προσέγγιση στο θέμα.

1. El pueblo del derecho        128
2. La teoría de «deslegificación» de Mantovani        132
2.1.    Legum multitudo        132
2.2.    David y Goliat        134
2.3.    Precisión del término «interpolación»        135
2.4.    Inevitabilidad de la deslegificación como explicación del fenómeno observado        137
2.5.    Hoc unicum et solum observari        138
3. La ilusión óptica de la romanística        139
3.1.    O nomen dulce libertatis! O ius eximium nostrae civitatis!        140
3.2.    La determinación social de la romanística actual        141
4. El pueblo de las leyes        148
5. La crítica de B. Forschner y D. Haubner        148
5.1.    Gayo y Digesto        149
5.2.    Los Digesta de Juliano        151
5.3.    ¿«Interpolacionismo radical»?        156
5.4.    «Questioni di metodo»        157
5.5.    Conclusión: Sine ira et studio        160

The aim of this paper is an analysis of different aspects of judicial trials in imperial Rome
with a close relationship both to religion and to politics which include charges of fortune-telling
and sorcery. All the aspects will be dealt considering supposed changes that
occurred during the transition from the Principate to the Dominate. Magic and vaticination
were often connected to politics and seen as a threat to the Emperor and the state. The
selected sources prove that the Principate did not considerably differ from the Dominate
as to the trials of this sort: Ammianus Marcellinus himself is the witness that honorati were
tortured only in exceptional cases and, on the other hand, the use of judicial torture against
highborn citizens is attested already for the Principate.

Nesse artigo, tempos por objetivo analisar a maneira pela qual o poder imperial era representado em Roma, ou seja, os seus aspectos simbólicos.  Para tanto, recorremos a fontes textuais, iconográficas e numismáticas com a finalidade de estabelecer algumas características do discurso de poder veiculado pelos imperadores romanos entre o Principado e o Dominato, atentando para as transformações que a transição do paganismo para o cristianismo opera na imagem imperial.  Desse modo, nos foi possível concluir que a forma como os imperadores eram representados é a chave para se entender, em nível macro, a configuração das relações de poder no Império Romano.

O principal objetivo do presente trabalho é analisar a carreira política de Plínio, o Jovem (61/62 d.C. – 111 d.C). Para tanto, concebemos a existência de uma complementaridade entre o cursus honorum desse senador e a sua carreira jurídica.Nosso estudo parte da compreensão da atuação do Senado na organização políticoadministrativa
e judicial durante os governos dos imperadores Domiciano (81-96
d.C.), Nerva (96-98 d.C.) e Trajano (98-117 d.C.). Tal abordagem se justifica, visto que, mesmo após a sua entrada no Senado em 90 d.C., este senador, permanece atuando tanto no Tribunal do Centúnviros como na Corte Senatorial. No que tange a carreira jurídica de Plínio, centramos nosso estudo nas defesas e acusações perante o Tribunal dos Centúnviros e na Corte Senatorial. Partindo da interpretação dos
processos sediados nas cortes de justiça mencionadas, objetivamos apresentar um contexto de compartilhamento do poder entre o Senado e o Imperador. Para tanto, utilizamos como documentação as epístolas de Plínio que fazem referência a sua carreira política, assim como o seu discurso Panegírico a Trajano.

No que tange à Antiguidade, verificamos que os discursos dos escritores latinos  e gregos, geralmente, representavam os feitos do princeps Augusto, em Roma, como um
exemplum de “uir bonus” (bom cidadão). Entretanto, devido à diversidade textual sobre
Otávio Augusto, tivemos de estabelecer uma seleção documental. Sendo assim, elencamos Marco Túlio Cícero e Veleio Patérculo para problematizar as evidências que expressam os ataques, as tensões e as defesas na cultura literária sobre a masculinidade do jovem Augusto,  complementando-as com os escritos posteriores de Suetônio. Desse modo, analisaremos  a ênfase discursiva sobre a sexualidade e a moralidade como elementos intrínsecos às relações de poder e a potencialidade para o governo de Roma, no século I AEC.

Belvedere Meridionale 31. évf. 1. sz. (2019), pp. 100–128.

Around one hundred inscriptions were recovered outside Pannonia mentioning people originating from Savaria. It is quite an abundant source group considsering there are currently 247 inscriptions that were recovered on Savarian territory. The presence of Savarians is attested earliest in the twin legions, the legio I Adiutrix and the legio II Adiutrix. These two legions recruited mainly from cities founded by Emperor Claudius and were transferred in Flavian times to Germania and Britannia respectively. Soldiers who were subsequently transferred to the cohors XIII urbana (and plausibly to the cohors X urbana) as a grant, likely merited their awards in these provinces. After the 1st century AD no Pannonian recruits are known in the cohortes urbanae. In the Flavian era, possibly from AD 71 onwards, Savarian citizens enlisted to the legio XV Apollinaris stationed at that time in Carnuntum. The unit was led east in AD 113 with the last group of Savarian conscripts. At the end of the 1st century AD several Savarians lived in Rome, who served in the newly established ranks of the equites singulares Augusti. By Emperor Hadrian's reign the latest several Savarians are attested amongst the officers of the cohortes praetoriae. From the second half of the 2nd century AD we find a handful of Savarians amongst legionary centurions and equestrian military officers as well. Part of the Savarian recruits certainly enlisted in the legiones Adiutrices during the course of the 2nd century AD. It was most likely a result of the campaigns of these legions that Savarians are attested in Africa and from the ascension of Emperor Septimius Severus, in Rome. In the Severus era numerous Savarians are attested in the ranks of the cohortes praetoriae and the legio II Parthica, yet their numbers decline amongst the equites singulares. The Savarians who are the subject of this study are mostly descendants of the veterans who established Savaria, themselves being soldiers as well. The majority of civilians leaving Pannonia where following their recruited family member.

The article discusses the issue of possible changes of the concept of maiestas of the Roman state under the Principate, with respect to the new constitutional element, the emperor. It focuses on the problem of protection of the person of the emperor and his relatives. It is undisputable that he was protected by the law as a holder of magisterial powers (or when he held a magistracy); it is, however, not, if the protection concerned also his non-official actions (personal offences) and if this led to a "redefining" of the crime by the law. In the article, the author argues that a serious revision of the law of treason in the direction of specific protection of the princeps would have been considered strongly monarchical and not consistent with Augustus’ policy, and that it was unnecessary, too. The extant cases indicate that it is difficult to say if anything like a personal offence to the emperor ever existed, since the private and the public intersected in his person. “Good” and “bad” emperors alike tended to try cases where words were not far from deeds and since there were no rules as to who can become an emperor (and there were many who could stand out with a claim), it depended on specific political situation and sensibility of the ruler and his supporters what will be interpreted as a threat to the state and its main representative. As to the imperial family, we can say that close relationship to the emperor did not suffice for the protection under the law of maiestas at least until the end of the 1st century (after that, relevant testimonies of narrative sources are scant). The members of imperial family were under the protection of the law in the same way the emperor was: they had to take on magistracies or the honours and/or rights could be bestowed upon them by the senate (people; usually by the intervention of the emperor).

E. V. Ilyushechkina.
Metus septentrionalis as a topos in the political context of Ancient Rome
This paper is a part of my larger current project on the topos metus septentrionalis (“fear/ terror of the north”), which I intend to examine from diverse points of view in the context of the geo-political situation in ancient Rome during the transitional period from the Republic to the Empire. Starting from the analysis of Roman historic-geographical conceptions about the northern territories beyond the Alps I will reconstruct a cumulative image of the ancient North, which was used as an instrument of propaganda at different times and by diverse layers of the political elite from the 1st century BCE to the 2nd century CE. The first clash with these huge, wild and uncontrolled forces generated a decades-long fear in Rome of this unknown geo-ethnographic space (metus septentrionalis), which later took on a rhetorical shape and was differently used depending on the artistic talents of the ancient authors and on the political conjuncture of the moment – ranging from historically received clichés and stereotypical ideas to rhetorically formed “images” about the opposition “own/alien”. Rhetorical figures and literary stock phrases connected with the theme of the European North reflect in a certain degree changes within the social-political elite, and were used by Roman rulers as an instrument to legitimize their actions concerning the neighboring northern territories and tribes. The intention of my project is to analyze and to find argumentatively supported answers to the following questions: whether geographically connoted “northern” passages in ancient sources were used as an instrument of ideology, propaganda or the legitimization of power; to what extent these rhetorical passages were a response to actual political tendencies and momentary requirements of elite in certain periods in the history of Rome; and how much real influence did the literary stereotypes and clichés about the ancient North have on the relevant political discourses. In addition it is important to follow a gradual transformation of the topos metus septentrionalis, which served to consolidate the social-political layers of Roman society against the external enemy during the Republic, and which then developed a compensatory function as the Empire became stronger and enlarged its geographical control, reducing the matter to curiosities (curiositas) and descriptions of strange habits and tempers of the northern tribes as well as miraculous (mirabilia) characteristics of the northern nature.
Keywords: image of the ancient North, political rhetoric, Roman republic, Principate, metus septentrionalis

In this paper, the image of immense cruelty of emperors and their officials under the Dominate, presented with lots of details by Ammianus Marcellinus, will be discussed as an aspect of the emperors’ attitude towards the law in political charges evolving from the
Principate to the Dominate. Using the example of judicial torture which should have been excluded in criminal trials of free citizens until the late Principate, and of trials mostly concerning political magic that supplied one of the most questionable sort of charges during the Dominate, the paper endeavors to demonstrate that atrocities formed part of the criminal investigation already under the Principate while death was not the only punishment for crimes associated with politics under the Dominate, even though the law recommended it.

O objetivo do presente artigo é analisar a carreira política de Plínio, o Jovem, a partir das suas relações interpessoais enquanto articuladoras das funções administrativas e jurídicas desempenhadas por esse senador romano do período do Principado. Também propomos uma
reflexão acerca das motivações, detectadas nas epístolas plinianas, que determinavam a atuação de um advocatus em processos judiciais. Outro aspecto por nós abordado é a relação das atividades jurídicas com o desenvolvimento do cursus honorum de Plínio, o Jovem. Desse
modo, partindo da interpretação da carreira política pliniana, discorremos sobre a relação entre âmbito administrativo e jurídico durante o Principado romano. Tal abordagem nos permite compreender a constituição da carreira política senatorial do período que, em nossa perspectiva, ultrapassa os limites das magistraturas que compunham o cursus honorum, abarcando também as atividades jurídicas.

If one analyzes the establishment of the Principate with the categories of transitive and intransitive power developed by modern political science, it can be seen that after the destruction of the Republic the individual army leaders were in transitive power relations with each other, but no longer acted as part of a common, even symbolically present space of action (which corresponds to intransitive power). Only Octavian attempted to restore it after Actium, in order to embed his position, which was perceived as illegitimate, in a recognized social order. For this he had to renounce a part of his unlimited transitive power. By recognizing and accepting that intransitive power limits at the transitive level the authority of any actor, no matter how important, he ensured an essential condition for the success of the Principate.

The paper deals with the methodological issue of research into legality and its limits in the Roman Principate. In general, it reflects on what the position of the emperor towards the laws was, how far his powers, legally bestowed upon him, reached, and how the emperor's role in the state was perceived by himself and by the other citizens. Specifically, using a combination of juristic and narrative sources the paper traces the change of a citizen into an enemy of the state, its consequences and legality, and the conduct of the emperor and the senate in such cases.

O presente artigo tem como objetivo analisar os vestígios existentes na documentação epistolar de autoria de Plínio, o Jovem, acerca das funções político-administrativas do Senado Romano durante o período do Principado. Nossa análise visa contribuir para os debates acerca do papel dos senadores em um contexto de centralização do poder nas
mãos do princeps. Assim sendo, nossa perspectiva vai ao encontro da historiografia que concebe a existência de um complexo jogo político. Nesse sentido, acreditamos que o Senado Romano se fortaleceu como instituição juridicamente definida e participante da esfera político-administrativa do Império durante o Principado.

Resumo: Ao entrarmos em contato com as poesias provenientes do vasto mundo antigo, podemos perceber o seu valor pedagógico associado à sua capacidade de difundir e de reforçar valores sociais, morais, poéticos e políticos. Por meio dos processos de aemulatio e de imitatio, os escritores puderam reivindicar suas autoridades através da mescla entre imitações e inovações, as quais deveriam ser sempre realizadas com aporte referencial na tradição de seus predecessores. Ao analisarmos os poemas elegíacos de dois poetas considerados latinos, Catulo e Ovídio (I a.C./I d.C.), buscamos compreender de que forma a ars poetica romana está presente nesses registros. Tais poetas, ao terem vi venciado o momento fronteiriço entre finais da res publica e início do Principado de Augusto, nos legaram aspectos importantes acerca da imitatio dos predecessores. A nosso ver, a imitação criativa realizada por eles dialogava não somente com a tradição poética de seus antecessores, mas também com a tradição ...

en kamp om Principatets ideologiske fundament af Christopher Vassaux Noe Commodus var det tragiske klimaks på antoninernes aera; en tosset kejser-den direkte modsaetning til sin fader, den stoiske Marcus Aurelius. Dette synspunkt kommer i høj grad fra en tradition, hvor man har ladet Cassius Dios og Herodians ekstremt kritiske holdning til Commodus vaere styrende. Herfra kommer fortaellingen om Commodus som en skør og brutal kejser uden fornuft, der var ligeglad med statsledelse og i stedet legede gladiator i arenaen. 1 I denne artikel vil jeg problematisere denne fremstilling, ikke for at rehabilitere Commodus som sådan, men for at saette hans styre ind i en poli-tisk og ideologisk kontekst, der kan nuancere billedet af ham og hans regeringstid. Konkret handler artiklen om at saette Commodus' styre ind i Septimius Severus' selvis-cenesaettelsesprogram, hvilket tjener til at få en dybere forståelse af de ideologiske spaendinger, der var i tiden. Angiveligt var Commodus udskaeldt af både eliten og folket, som vi kan laese hos Cassius Dio, 2 men i et eller andet omfang blev han stadig idealiseret af den første severiske kejser: "Han chokerede os saerligt ved at kalde sig selv søn af Marcus og bror til Commodus og ved at tildele Commodus heroisk haeder-ham, som han tidligere havde overfuset. I en tale, han holdt for Senatet, hvori han hyldede Sullas, Marius' og Augustus' strenghed og brutalitet som den sikre vej og anklagede Pompejus' og Caesars' mildhed for at resultere i deres egen un-dergang, leverede han en slags forsvarstale for Commodus og angreb Sena-tet for at vanaere ham på urimelig baggrund set i lyset af at flertallet af dets medlemmer levede mere forkasteligt. " (Cass.

The aim of this paper is to discuss the political and military aspects of the Year of the Four Emperors, i.e. the period of civil war in Rome which began with the death of emperor Nero in June 68, and ended with Vespasian's ascend to undivided power towards the end of 69. In Part Two, the author discusses the events which took place between the death of the Emperor Galba in January 69 and the final victory of Vespa-sian's party in December 69. Key words the Year of the Four Emperors, civil war, Roman Empire 1 Pierwsza część naszych rozważań o "roku czterech cesarzy" ukazała się w poprzednim tomie Studia Europaea Gnesnensia.

The present study, within a broad perspective, deals with the Roman legions involved in the military operations in the Anatolia between 1st century B.C. and 2nd century A.D.
The Roman legions who first set foot on the Anatolian lands to join the Battle of Magnesia against the Seleucid King Antiochus III (the great) in 190 B.C. Since then, they actively took part in all military operations in the region. Along with the existence of the permanent armies in the eastern provinces of the Empire since the Augustan age and with the establishment of permanent garrisons in the provinces of Syria, Armenia and Cappadocia during the Flavian period, the Anatolia has been a home to several Roman legions. Four of the legions mentioned were deployed permanently while the other legions were sent back to the provinces they came from following the end of their term of office. Concurrently, several auxilia were transported to the region to assist the legions in the military operations in Anatolia. The majority of the auxilia were responsible for the provision of the local security and for the control of the strategic transit and trade routes. These units helped much to the construction activities such as roads, bridges and garrisons.
A great number of the legionaries serving in the above mentioned Roman legions and auxilia were chosen among Asia Minor origin people. It is evident from the significant number of the epigraphic data obtained from Asia Minor, dated to the 2nd and 3rd centuries A.D. and apparently belonging to the soldiers in Roman legions and officers at the commanding level that people from almost all Asia Minor cities joined the Roman legions. Approximately 4% of the Roman army during the Principate was made up of these legionaries of Asia Minor origin.

The project of an ideal monarchy that Dio Cassius put into the mouth of Maecenas is considered by modern scholars to be the political programme of the senatorial aristocracy of the early third century A. D., who were ready, to give up claims to political power in exchange for maintenance and consolidation of the privileged position of honour and safety of the Senate and the senatorial estate.
The article notes that Dio's project presumed a weakening or liquidation of such instruments of absolute power as the equites administration, imperial landowning, and the cult of the emperor, and also isolation of the emperors from their main social support, the municipal aristocracy. At the same time, realisation of Dio's proposals would have considerably strengthened the influence and power of the senatorial administration and of the Senate. In those conditions the ruler of the ideal monarchy, possessing unlimited powers, would be able to exercise his power only under strict control of the powerful senatorial oligarchy.
Dio thus while declaring the aim of his programme to be the good of the emperor and of the whole state, was in fact striving to fully ensure real power for the Senate and the Senators. His programme was not evidence of rejection of claims to political power by the senatorial aristocracy of the Severan period, but is evidence of a desive to camouflage these claims so as to facilitate their realisation in the conditions of Alexander Severus' government.

"Umrę, patrząc z tęsknotą na niedostrzegalne szczyty siedmiu wzgórz, które człowiek zamienił w Wieczne Mia-sto, skąd przez kraje podbite, z rąk do rąk – niepiśmiennych iść będzie i nie dojdzie pismo Augusta z łaską " , śpiewał Jacek Kaczmarski w nostalgicznym utworze zatytułowanym " Starość Owidiusza ". Nic nie wskazuje jed-nak, by pismo, które zechciał opiewać polski bard, wyszło kiedykolwiek z kancelarii cesarskiej. Zaniedbanie to nadrobili jednak u schyłku 2017 roku członkowie Rady Miasta Rzymu.

This three-day workshop explored one of the most complex, historic and momentous of all western cultural transformations: the Christianization of the Roman principate in the fourth century AD. It did so, however, through the kaleidoscopic lens of one of antiquity’s most fascinating (and most maligned) artists: Publilius Optatianus Porfyrius. ‘Optatian’ is hardly a household name among classicists, literary critics and cultural historians. But as the workshop explored, Optatian’s picture-poems uniquely figure the cultural dynamics of this period. To have any hope of understanding Optatian’s highly lettered artefacts, a whole range of critical perspectives was required. The Morphomata-workshop consequently stimulated a new sort of interdisciplinary dialogue, bringing together historical, literary, philosophical, art historical and theological viewpoints to assess Optatian’s poetics.

Program

Wednesday 1st July

13:30-14:15
Dietrich Boschung (Cologne): Greetings
Michael Squire (London): Introduction. Morphogrammata: The Lettered Art of Optatian

14:15-15:15
Johannes Wienand (Düsseldorf): Publilius Optatianus Porfyrius: Die eigenartige Karriere eines Verfassers "hirnverbrannter Versspielereien"

15:45-16:45
Jan Kwapisz (Warsaw): Optatian Porfyry and the Order of Court Riddlers

16:45-17:45
Anna-Lena Körfer (Gießen): Lector ludens: Spiel und Rätsel in Optatians Panegyrik

18:00-19:00
Ulrich Ernst (Wuppertal): Versus intexti: Optatianus Porfyrius und seine Wirkung auf die mittelalterliche und frühneuzeitliche Gitterdichtung.

Thursday 2nd July

9:15-10:15
Irmgard Männlein-Robert (Tübingen): Morphogrammata - Klangbilder? Überlegungen zu Poetik und Medialität bei Optatian

10:15-11:15
Meike Rühl (Osnabrück): Vielschichtige Palimpseste: Optatians Gedichte als Medium kollektiven und individuellen Erinnerns

11:45-12:45
Marie-Odile Bruhat (Lille): Le traitement de l'espace dans la poésie d'Optatianus Porfyrius

14:00-15:00
Martin Bažil (Prag/Rostock): Textus (in)textus: Der Textbegriff bei Optatianus

15:00-16:00
Aaron Pelttari (Edinburgh): A Lexicographical Approach to the Poetry of Optatianus Porfyrius

16:30-17:30
Thomas Habinek (University of Southern California): Optatian Porphyry: Explorations in Ontology?

Friday 3rd July

9:30-10:30
Petra Schierl (Basel)/Cédric Scheidegger Lämmle (Basel): Herrscherbild und Deutungsmuster: Optatian und die Strukturen des Panegyrischen

10:30-11:30
Sophie Lunn-Rockliffe (London): Caelestia signa: Optatian’s Use of Christian Signs

12:00-13:00
Jesús Hernández Lobato (Salamanca): Rethinking Optatian from Contemporary Art: Keys to an Intersystemic Dialogue

14:15-15:30
Michael Squire (London) / Johannes Wienand (Düsseldorf): Round-table discussion

A principal intenção desse artigo é analisar os relatos de Plínio, o Jovem, acerca das suas atuações enquanto advocatus no Tribunal dos Centúnviros. Nosso objetivo é investigar as aplicações da legislação testamentária do período levando em consideração o contexto político-admistrativo e os personagens envolvidos. Tal abordagem é possível em razão dos indícios existentes em nossa documentação, que permitem a sua interpretação, bem como dos indivíduos envolvidos e da efetividade dessa legislação na sociedade do período. Plínio, o Jovem, desenvolveu uma carreira política caracterizada por uma intensa atividade judicial. Além de exercer diversas magistraturas que compunham o cursus honorum senatorial, esse senador atuou em diversos casos na qualidade de advocatus no Tribunal dos Centúnviros e na Corte Senatorial. Plínio descreveu especificadamente três casos nos quais atuou perante o Tribunal dos Centúnviros: defesa de Arrionilla, Junius Pastor e Attia Viriola. Desse modo, o presente artigo visa analisar a descrição desses processos mencionados objetivando entender a organização, disposição e efetividade da legislação testamentária e, consequentemente, do Tribunal dos Centúnviros