Residential segregation

The objective of this research was to determine the effect of residential racial segregation on all-cause and cardiovascular disease mortality in New York City. A cross-sectional study of residents in New York City was conducted linking mortality records from 1988 through 1994, to the 1990 United States Census data stratified by zipcode. All-cause and cardiovascular disease mortality rates for non-Hispanic blacks and whites were estimated by zipcode. Zipcodes were aggregated according to the degree of residential segregation (predominantly (> or = 75%) white and black areas) and mortality rates were compared. Multiple regression analysis was used to associate population characteristics with mortality. In New York City, although overall mortality rates of blacks exceed whites, these rates varied substantially by locality according to the pattern of racial segregation. Whites living in the higher (mainly white) socioeconomic areas had lower mortality rates than whites living in predominantly black areas (1473.7 vs 1934.1 for males, and 909.9 vs 1414.7 for females for all-cause mortality). This was true for all age groups. By contrast, elderly blacks living in black areas, despite their less favorable socioeconomic status, had lower mortality rates for all-cause, total cardiovascular disease, and coronary heart disease, than did those living in white areas, even after adjusting for available socioeconomic variables. Racial segregation in residence is independently associated with mortality. Within racially segregated areas, members of the dominant group, for all age, among whites and elderly blacks, enjoy outcomes superior both to members of the minority racial group of their community, and to members of the same race residing in other areas, where they are in the minority, independent of socio-economic status.

L'articolo presenta il caso-studio realizzato al Quarticciolo, quartiere ERP situato nella periferia est di Roma. In primis si inquadra il contesto di studio e si esamina la composizione sociale degli abitanti e le tipologie di condizione abitativa. In seguito si analizzano le pratiche di accesso informale agli alloggi popolari e le istanze che muovono il "Comitato di quartiere Quarticciolo". Obiettivo della ricerca è comprendere le motivazioni e i significati politici assunti dalle pratiche dal basso nei quartieri in cui il disinvestimento delle amministrazioni pubbliche è alto. Le informazioni sono state raccolte attraverso fonti secondarie e metodi qualitativi, come interviste semi-strutturate e osservazione partecipante.

The squatting of popular housing spaces in Rome. The case study of Quarticciolo: genesis and meanings of a phenomenal collective Abstract The article presents a research on the informal access to public housing and on the instances of the "Quarticciolo neighbourhood committee", in the eastern suburban area Quarticciolo that is a popular housing district. The study examines the context and it analyses the social composition of the inhabitants and the different types of housing conditions. The research objective is to understand the political meanings and motivations assumed by bottom-up practices in neighbourhoods where the public administration's disengagement is high. The data have been collected through secondary sources and qualitative methods.

Few studies attempt to demonstrate whether and how systemic
racial inequality might form on the web. I use racial formation
theory to conceptualize how race is represented, and
systematically reproduced on the web, and how both may reveal
forms of racial inequality. Using an original dataset and network
graph, I document the architecture of web traffic, and the actual
traffic patterns among and between race-based websites. Results
demonstrate that web producers create hyperlink networks that
steer audiences to websites without respect to racial or nonracial
content. However, user navigation reflects a racially segregated
traffic pattern; users navigate to racialized versus nonracialized
websites (and vice versa) more than what would be expected by
chance. These results, along with disparities in website traffic
rankings, provide evidence of, and demonstrates how a racebased
hierarchy might systematically emerge on the web in ways
that exemplify disparate forms of value, influence and power that
exist within the web environment.

Abstract – This article draws from  eldwork conducted in 2004-2008 in San Felice and Milano 2, using among other methods ethnographic observation and 34 in-depth interviews. It analyzes how discrimination- based segregation takes place in the refounded neighborhoods of Milan’s metropolis, and the relation of their inhabitants to spatial justice. The  rst section of the article shows in particular how the refusal of diversity by the residents was based on xenophobic, Islamophobic and Romaphobic prejudices and obsidional representations (more or less strong depending of the period). The second section focuses on the effects – over the sense of justice of the inhabitants – of a national public sphere where urban segregation is never addressed or even framed as a problem.

Résumé – À partir d’une enquête de terrain, combinant notamment observation participante et 34 entretiens approfondis, réalisée entre 2004 et 2008 dans les quartiers de San Felice et Milano 2, cet article analyse les ressorts de la ségrégation discriminante et le rapport à la justice spatiale dans les espaces refondés de la métropole milanaise. La première partie montre notamment comment le refus de la mixité s’appuyait chez les habitants de ces quartiers sur des préjugés et des sentiments obsidionaux xénophobes, islamophobes et tsiganophobes (plus ou moins prononcés selon la période considérée). La seconde partie s’intéresse quant à elle aux effets, sur le sens du juste des habitants, d’un espace public national dans lequel la ségrégation urbaine n’est pas une question débattue.

This paper is a part of the State of Black Baltimore 2015 book published by the Greater Baltimore Urban League.  It examines the impact of racial segregation, disinvestment, development, and serial forced displacement on Black Baltimore neighborhoods.  Organizing and policy solutions are offered to help address the damage caused by racist policies.

You can buy the entire book at this link: http://www.eventbrite.com/e/state-of-black-baltimore-book-tickets-205415403

This article argues that the residential sorting process which confers advantages on those who can choose their residential environments may also deny such advantages to others. The policy question therefore is the degree to which residing in neighbourhoods with relatively high levels of deprivation lowers people’s prospects of social mobility.

The Danish government has produced a public document to announce that deviations from societal values were tolerated no more. They denounced the presence of "alternative values" areas (called "parallel societies"), located mostly in areas where low or no income residents live in social/public housing (officially called "ghetto areas" or ghettoområde). Through the means of agent-based computational simulation, this paper is a first attempt to asses (a) whether it is likely for these "alternative values" areas to appear on a map, and (b) if low income or economic inactivity is a driver for their formation. Results suggest ways in which a sustainable governmental policy on "ghetto areas" shall not start from assuming divergence where there is none.

DISCLAIMER: A different version of this paper is under review, but JoS does not blind authors and this is why we believe it is fine to upload it here.

How did Baltimore become so segregated? In Not in My Neighborhood, Antero Pietila argues that a history of discriminatory real estate practices is to blame. Pietila, a longtime journalist for the Baltimore Sun, traces both individual and government actions that institutionalized residential segregation in Baltimore from the early 1900s to the present. Based on archival research and interviews with real estate agents, developers, and residents, the author provides a detailed account of redlining, restrictive covenants, and related tools used to exclude African Americans from white neighborhoods.

This research aims to cast scholarly light on the burgeoning Somali community in Nashville, Tennessee, by examining the residential patterns of Somali refugees. Using a mixed-methods approach that includes in-depth interviews, focus groups, and volunteer agencies, this study reveals that Somali refugees face particular barriers that directly influence the residential processes of Nashville’s Somali refugee community. Some of these barriers are rooted in the Somali community’s interpretation of Islam forbidding the provision or acceptance of loans with interest (ribā) from banks and other lenders, leading many Somalis to feel they are unable to participate in common Western banking practices. These types of barriers can limit both homeownership and entrepreneurial endeavors. Such complex cultural factors shaping Somali refugee resettlement challenge the deterministic model of spatial assimilation theory and underscore the need for more nuanced, group-specific research to understand the residential patterns and spatial outcomes of new refugee and immigrant communities in metropolitan areas in the U.S. South. The findings from this study are of value to local policymakers and community-based organizations interested in crafting legislation and establishing services that help Somali refugees better adapt to their host society.

La política de hábitat relacionada con la vivienda social en Bogotá durante el periodo 2012- 2015 se vinculó con la iniciativa de la Administración Distrital de enfrentar la segregación en la ciudad; sin embargo, pese a los grandes cambios que experimentó la gestión de la política, no se lograron cumplir las expectativas trazadas por el gobierno distrital. A partir del análisis del modelo de gobernanza que se desarrolla en la política, se observa la intervención de los diferentes actores públicos (orden nacional y subnacional) y privados (ciudadanía, beneficiarios, constructoras, sector financiero) en el proceso de dirección de las políticas de vivienda social que contribuye a la configuración de un orden urbano segregado.

Ausgehend von der These, dass nur Städte mit einer heterogenen Bevölkerungsstruktur auch tatsächlich einen urbanen Charakter haben, wird untersucht, wie heterogen die Stadt Zürich ist. Anhand verschiedener Heterogenitäts- und Segregationsindizes wird sowohl die sozialstrukturelle Heterogenität der gesamten Stadt analysiert, als auch diejenige der Stadtkreise und –quartiere. Mit einer Cluster- und einer Regressionsanalyse wird anschliessend geklärt, ob es Gruppen von Quartieren mit einer ähnlichen Entwicklung der Heterogenität gibt und welche Faktoren für den Heterogenitätsverlauf ausschlaggebend sind. Im Untersuchungszeitraum von 2005 bis 2015 zeigt sich, dass Zürich und die einzelnen Stadtteile bezüglich Nationalität, Bildung und Einkommen eine insgesamt relativ durchmischte Bevölkerung aufweisen und – mit einigen Ausnahmen – heterogener geworden sind. Entsprechend ist auch die residentielle Segregation nur schwach ausgeprägt und hat leicht abgenommen.

Cílem textu je naznačit šíři záběru, kterou lze za pomoci konceptu sociální exkluze zaujmout ve vztahu k problému transformujících se sociálních nerovností v soudobých společnostech. V textu krátce představujeme genealogii konceptu a následně se věnujeme konkrétním formám, kterých sociální exkluze může nabývat v městském prostoru.

Urban development in North-Western Region of India comprising Punjab, Haryana, Himachal Pradesh, Jammu and Kashmir and Chandigarh is at cross roads. The Region is facing many crucial and new urban challenges in post liberalization era. The scale of emerging challenges, such as housing, slums, poverty, infrastructure and services, transportation, parking, environmental pollution, is unprecedented. Slums, with multiple deprivations, are growing rapidly even in the hilly states like Himachal Pradesh and Jammu and Kashmir due to migration of the poor population. Urban development seems to be neglected in urban policy planning over successive planning eras.


The onset of liberal regimes in promoting development of real estate markets, beginning of low interest home loans, lack of strong regulation of sale and purchase of land and housing seem to have made them the commodity for speculation. Housing problem seem to acquire serious dimension in the wake of rapid urbanization, commodification of land and housing, distortion in land market and weakening of public sector housing provision. The social segregation and marginalization of urban poor continue to be major challenges. The town planning is poor and local governance is weak to cope with haphazard urbanization and emerging urban problems in the region. The deficiencies in infrastructure and services are visible and people’s perception about the same is very poor. The social and environmental fabric of cities in the region is under stress.



Based on compilation of extensive data on various aspects of urban development in North-Western India, the book is an attempt to contribute to the existing debate on emerging trends, concerns and strategies in urban development in India. With the discussion on the city and state level case studies from the region, the volume tries to explore how state and city governments in North-Western India have been dealing with the emerging urban issues and challenges and what sort of local policies are emerging to deal with the growing crucial urban problems. The volume provides good source of relevant data/ information to planners, local and state level policy makers and students of urban studies.

El casco antiguo en la ciudad contemporánea es un lugar que contiene objetiva y subjetivamente una representatividad local y al mismo tiempo es un lugar global inmerso en una red de ciudades históricas de
interés turístico. La visión monumentalista que predomina en estos territorios ha producido un objeto de
culto y deseo, que aun rehabilitándose continuamente sigue siendo un lugar problemático para vivir. El
casco antiguo convertido en un producto global donde las funciones urbanas se simplifican cada vez más,
provoca la expulsión de sus residentes con necesidad de arraigo, menoscabando la función primigenia de
la ciudad. En este contexto se afirma que el casco antiguo de las metrópolis contemporáneas es un “lugar
nuevo” que amerita una reflexión sobre su sentido, representatividad y perspectivas de futuro.
La tesis realiza una síntesis histórica desde el Renacimiento hasta la actualidad que explica de donde proviene la idea de un casco antiguo en la ciudad y cómo la necesidad de conservar, propia de la cultura occidental ha trascendido en teorías y lineamientos urbanos. Una reflexión sobre las ideas proyectuales en
cuanto a la residencia y vivienda en los entornos de casco antiguo, desde la Modernidad hasta la actualidad
permiten identificar la estrategia emergente para recuperar el equilibrio funcional. La revisión trasluce que
el constante reto de la cultura urbana por adecuar la residencia a parámetros de funcionalidad, confort y
eficiencia enfrentada con la visión conservacionista, ha resultado en el planteamiento de nuevas aproximaciones para conservar el casco antiguo propiciando y recuperando el uso residencial, es decir manteniéndolo habitado.
Entender las ideas, aproximaciones y formas para regresar a la función primigenia de la ciudad en los entornos de casco antiguo requiere el acercamiento a la escala del fragmento y el proyecto urbano, desde esta
perspectiva se observan los centros históricos de Quito, Lisboa y Barcelona, de contextos muy diferentes, y
que sin embargo, han sufrido procesos de degradación física y pérdida de población que empezaron a ser
enfrentados en la década de los 80 reconociendo la necesidad de recuperar el uso residencial. La síntesis
de las estrategias y formas de actuación en cuanto a residencia y vivienda en los cascos antiguos de estas
ciudades evidencia que su conservación, recuperación e inserción, ha evolucionado aceptando la transformación. En la contemporaneidad se proyecta con actuaciones de diversa escala que modifican la lógica
funcional y tipológica de los edificios y tejidos antiguos.
Entender lo que significa Habitar en el Casco Antiguo Contemporáneo implica realizar varias lecturas,
abstraer los fenómenos, circunstancias y nociones de lo habitado de estos entornos complejos desde una
perspectiva tolerante y abierta. A partir de esta abstracciones se realiza una doble lectura de Ciutat Vella:
una que utiliza una metodología abierta que deshaciendo la rigidez del marco teórico identifica, mapifica
y describe lo habitado, y otra que evidencia las zonas y puntos de tensión urbanística en relación con las
normativas que contienen preceptos conservacionistas acentuados. Se evidencia que aun cuando persisten
tensiones urbanísticas importantes y que el sentido mercantil que ha adquirido este fragmento suplanta y
desplaza lo residencial a formas restrictivas y selectivas, las actuaciones realizadas en Ciutat Vella han contribuido a mantenerla habitada. Estas lecturas distinguen los aspectos emergentes y los retos a afrontar de
cara al futuro de Ciutat Vella -y de otros entornos urbanos de carácter antiguo- como lugares plenamente
urbanos, complejos, diversos y sostenibles.
Finalmente se presenta una reflexión sobre el sentido y significado del Casco Antiguo en la ciudad contemporánea, sus atributos tangibles e intangibles como referentes del futuro de una Conservación Renovadora
y Sostenible en la que usos, relaciones y habitantes tienen tanto o mayor valor que la materialidad.

LIVING IN THE HISTORIC CENTER
Residential use as a contemporary mode of preservation

The Historic Center in the contemporary city is a place that objectively and subjectively contains a local
representation and at the same time it is a global place immersed in a tourist network of historic cities.
The “monumentalist” vision that predominates in these territories has produced an object of worship and
desire, which, although it is continuously rehabilitated, remains a problematic place to live. The historic
center, which has become a global product where urban functions are increasingly simplified, provokes
the expulsion of its residents, undermining the primal function of the city. In this context, it is affirmed
that the old part of the contemporary metropolis is a “new place” that deserves a discussion of its sense,
representation and future.
The thesis makes a historical synthesis from the Renaissance to the present that explains where the idea of
an historic city comes from and how the need to preserve, typical of the Western culture has transcended
in urban theories and guidelines. A reflection about the project ideas in terms of residence and housing
in the old center surroundings, from Modernity to the present, allows identifying the emerging strategy
to recover the functional equilibrium. The review reveals that the constant challenge of urban culture to
adapt the residence to parameters of functionality, comfort and efficiency faced with the preservacionist
vision, has resulted in new approaches to preserve the historic center propitiating and recovering residential use.
Understanding the ideas, approaches and ways to return to the primal function of the city, requires a review of the fragment and the urban project´s scale. From this perspective, we observe the historic centers
of Quito, Lisbon and Barcelona, that have processes of physical degradation and population loss that began to be faced in the 80s, recognizing the need to recover residential use. The synthesis of the strategies
and forms of development in this cities, in terms of residence and housing, show that the preservation,
recovery and insertion has evolved accepting the transformation. In the contemporaneity it is projected
with performances of diverse scale that modify the functional and typological logic of the old buildings
and fabrics.
Understanding what is meant to live in the contemporary old city center involves making several readings, abstract the phenomena, circumstances and notions of the inhabited part of these complex environments with a tolerant and open perspective. These abstractions allow to make a double reading of
Ciutat Vella: one that uses an open methodology that undoes the rigidity of the theoretical framework ,
identifies, maps and describes the inhabited space, and the second, that evidences the zones and points
of urban tensions in relation to the current urban regulations that contain accentuated preservationist
precepts. It is evident that the actions in Ciutat Vella have contributed to keeping it inhabited, however
important urban tensions persist, and in the new mercantile sense that this fragment has acquired the
residential use has become into dangerously restrictive and selective forms. These readings distinguish
the emergent aspects and future challenges of Ciutat Vella and other ancient urban environments, such as
fully urban, complex, diverse and sustainable places.
Finally, a synthesis is presented, which reflects on the sense and representation of the contemporary historic center. Tangible and intangible attributes as referents of the future of a Renewable and Sustainable
Preservation in which uses, relations and inhabitants have as much or greater value than materiality.

The practice of socio-cultural, social exclusion and residential segregation brings a heterogeneous identity to cities in the multidimensional and complex structure of urban culture. This heterogeneous appearance of the cities, which contains ethnic, religious
convergence, cultural and denominational uniformities, are surrounded by homogeneous network of relationships, which also manifest themselves in the form of spatial relationships in urban areas called ghettos.

Until the 1980s, the concept of ghetto was rather an outcome of ethnic, religious, denominational, and cultural discrimination; however, with the 1980s, ghetto term has also been used for parts of the cities, which have deprived infrastructures, lack of social facilities and socio-economically poor groups. With the 2000s, closed-societies/ gated communities, which are spatial parts of consumer culture, have come to be known as
modern or rich ghettos. After 2010 along with the wars especially in Middle East, ghettos who emigrated to secure their lives in other lands caught the attention.

Hence, after the 1980s ghetto with the using outside of its real meaning has begun to lose its characteristic to be an instrument of ethnic, religious, denominational or cultural discrimination and become to be a classificatory exclusionary instrument.

Within the scope of this study, the process of ghettoization has been selected from Turkey. The way in which the concept will be argued in five case studies and three different periods: 1940-1960 (Jewish Ghetto of Balat); 1960-1980 (Roman Ghetto of Sulukule and Denominational Ghetto of Gazi Neighborhood); and post-1980 (‘Gated Communities of Mavişehir Neighborhood and Post-War Ghetto of Önder Neighborhood) (see in Appendix.1). Variety of examples on ghettos through Turkey will be evaluated on the keywords, which form the basis of the ghetto term, and these cases carry the ghetto characteristic or not will be researched.

Studying the spatial exclusion of Dalits is distinct from looking at caste as an axis of spatial organization in the city. The “urban” is not just a location for mapping the social geography, but a mode that engenders spatial inequality. This article probes the spatial strategies of urban planning, between the 1920s and 1970s, which produced exclusionary spaces and masked the dynamics of caste within its techno-managerial rationality. It refocuses the lens of scholarship on Bombay from the urban periphery moving beyond the three popular sites of Bombay’s historiography: the factory, the neighborhoods of mill district, and the Island City. Exploring the politics of urban expansion, it illustrates how the planning regime reproduced hegemonic caste-class relations, which relegated Dalit migrants to the city’s fringes, on low-quality lands, and in segregated neighborhoods. Based on life histories, this article shows how Dalits created spaces for living, linked inextricably to their labor, and contests the abstract notions of space like “slum” that identify and mark people and their spaces. It also explores the affective relations nurtured and solidarities forged in the Dalit neighborhood on the terrain of urban politics, which recognizes Dalit actors and their struggles for redistribution and dignity.

Like other West European countries, the Netherlands are facing a growing uneasiness about its changing demographics. It is within this context that animated discussions concerning immigrant neighbourhoods dominate. The general opinion is that living in such neighbourhoods hinders the 'integration' of immigrants into Dutch society. This book contributes to the academic and policy debate by not only examining the effects

Les nations européennes sont singulières à plus d’un titre. Leurs migrants ont des origines le plus souvent distinctes, diverses avec une fréquente fraction issue des anciennes colonies. Les proportions de chacune de ces diverses origines dans la population nationale sont parfois très éloignées, de 4 % en Finlande à plus de 14 % en Suède en 2010. La perception variable des étrangers est parfois inattendue pour qui ne connaît pas l’histoire nationale du pays d’accueil. La qualité des rapports des natifs et des politiques concernant les migrants est variable surtout avec l’immigration postcoloniale et dépend partiellement des contentieux historiques plus ou moins bien réglés. Les flux migratoires ne s’exercent pas avec la même intensité et varient de façon importante d’un pays à l’autre, multipliant dans la décennie 2000-2010 par plus de 2,5 fois le stock de migrants en Espagne à un peu plus d’un pourcent en Allemagne. Dans certaines nations, la formation des stocks de migrants est récente, voire en voie de constitution, alors que dans d’autres la présence substantielle d’immigrés est déjà ancienne. Les processus à l’œuvre dans la concentration résidentielle des migrants sont complexes et leurs impacts respectifs sur la concentration spatiale peu évidents à mettre au jour. De surcroît, les situations économiques de ces pays se démarquent les unes des autres à l’instar de la qualité de leur État social. Il suffit pour s’en convaincre de penser à la situation de l’Allemagne, de la Suède, de l’Angleterre, de l’Espagne ou de la France. Toutefois, les convergences des observations tirées de l’examen de la ségrégation en Europe permettent de s’affranchir des spécificités nationales et dévoiler les phénomènes généralisables et constitutifs d’un modèle ségrégatif européen. Par effet boomerang, les constats dressés par les chercheurs des autres pays d’Europe de l’Ouest conduisent à réinterroger les constats hexagonaux sur la ségrégation française et surtout à éclairer les processus comme les représentations la concernant. Pour ces raisons, ce livre s’appuie sur une méta-analyse poussée des phénomènes ségrégatifs européens.
Cet ouvrage s’appuie également sur de nombreuses exploitations statistiques. La multiplication des approches méthodologiques permet d’enrichir et de consolider les constats, de disposer d’appuis robustes pour l’interprétation et d’affiner la compréhension des phénomènes de concentration des populations immigrées. Dans le chapitre 1, les modifications de composition de l’immigration dans cette période sont retracées. En 40 ans, l’immigration a progressé dans l’ensemble des pays d’Europe de l’Ouest. Les migrants constituent dans la plupart de ces pays un dixième, voire plus de leur population. En outre, la nature de l’immigration s’est transformée en passant d’européenne à non-européenne. De façon contrintuitive, ces mutations se sont accompagnées par la réduction de l’intensité de sa concentration malgré une présence migrante majoritairement urbaine. La ségrégation est observée précisément au niveau des quartiers pour chaque origine (i) nationale, puis (ii) géoculturelle et enfin (iii) pour les immigrés non-européens (chapitre 2). L’évolution de l’ampleur de la ségrégation est estimée de deux façons distinctes montrant qu’au cours de la période la concentration s’est davantage effectuée dans les quartiers de 30 à 40 % d’immigrés mais que la grande majorité des migrants réside dans des quartiers bien moins concentrés. Ce phénomène est à rapprocher de la progression des proportions de migrants plus importants que l’accroissement de la population du pays (chapitre 3). Il faut s’arrêter un temps afin de réduire les contradictions qui sembleraient se faire jour à l’exposé des résultats précédents et examiner les idées reçues sur l’état de la ségrégation en France. Actuellement, la ségrégation résidentielle française n’est pas mono-ethnique. Elle n’est ni « arabe », ni noire africaine, ni asiatique bien que ces immigrés non-européens soient plus concentrés. L’examen des huit plus grandes agglomérations françaises dévoile des tendances temporelles parfois divergentes de concentration de migrants. Ainsi, certaines erreurs d’appréciations de la ségrégation française sont facilement compréhensibles lorsqu’elles sont déduites d’un seul examen local ou même régional pour peu que celui-ci se démarque de la tendance nationale (chapitre 4). Tous ces phénomènes résidentiels sont par essence dynamiques. Les immigrés sont parfois accueillis par leur réseau relationnel. Cet accueil provisoire implique une recherche d’un logement autonome. La mise en couple et les autres événements de la vie demandent l’installation dans un logement plus confortable. En progressant socialement dans le pays d’accueil, ils progressent également dans leur carrière résidentielle à mesure de leur ancienneté sur le territoire national (Chapitre 5). Les statistiques dévoilent que la très grande majorité d’entre eux vit des situations résidentielles ordinaires et ils se sont incorporés résidentiellement dans le corps social français. Au final, la ségrégation des immigrés ne correspond pas à une polarisation ethnique. Il n’existe pas un séparatisme entre Français natifs et immigrés, ou même un pôle spatial où logeraient les immigrés aisés et un autre pôle opposé où résideraient les immigrés pauvres. L’étude montre avec évidence que le mode du continuum s’impose en France avec des quartiers où la présence immigrée est de l’ordre de moins de 1 % à un maximum exceptionnel d’environ 55 % (Chapitre 6). Ces constats rigoureusement chiffrés invitent à s’interroger sur 3 points essentiels. Premièrement, les conséquences doivent être tirées en termes de politiques publiques. La rénovation urbaine doit-elle être la seule réponse apportée par les pouvoirs publics afin d’incorporer harmonieusement ses migrants ? En démarrant leur carrière résidentielle, les primo migrants entretiennent le niveau ségrégatif et souvent dans les quartiers les plus défavorisés. Cette rotation des anciens remplacés par de nouveaux implique pour une incorporation aisée  une aide à l’installation des nouveaux arrivés dont les flux n’ont pas de raison de se tarirent et une aide des communes « sas » qui supportent principalement les efforts à fournir. Deuxièmement, on observe une « panique morale » et ses épouvantails (ou ses « diables folkloriques » pour conserver les images de Stanley Cohen) qui sont brandis tour à tour : l’auto-ségrégation des migrants, leur communautarisme, la ségrégation toujours plus intense au point où les ghettos se seraient formés, la loi islamique régnant dans les cités, l’intégration impossible entre cultures non-miscibles, etc. Ces affirmations ne s’appuient sur aucune recherche scientifique rigoureuse signalant ainsi des engagements idéologiques teintés de xénophobie. Raciser la concentration spatiale de populations pauvres ou modestes au détriment de la vision des inégalités sociales qui s’imposerait logiquement révèle la faiblesse des analyses. L’aller et retour explicatif de la ségrégation des migrants entre question sociale et question ethno-raciale montre la difficulté à sortir d’un modèle d’opposition binaire. Or, chacune de ces deux grilles analytiques de la ségrégation européenne échoue à expliquer cette concentration résidentielle des immigrés non-européens. Englober dans une explication unique un phénomène multidimensionnel conduit à appréhender une partie d’un tout (Conclusion).

In the decade leading up to the housing crisis, black and Latino borrowers disproportionately received high-cost, high-risk mortgage loans—a lending disparity well documented by prior studies nationwide.  Here we analyze qualitative data gathered from actors in the lending industry to identify the social structure under which this mortgage discrimination took place during the 1990s and 2000s. Our data consist of 220 depositions, declarations, and related exhibits submitted by borrowers, loan originators, and investment bank employees in recent fair lending cases.  Our analyses reveal the specific mechanisms through which: 1) investors encouraged the origination of high-cost, high-risk loans and 2) loan originators placed black and Latino borrowers into higher-cost, higher-risk loans than similarly situated white borrowers.  Profit and compensation structures encouraged the origination of high-cost, high-risk loans; the segmentation of actors vertically provided more powerful actors with an illusion of distance from problematic lending practices; and the segmentation of loan originators into separate prime and subprime markets facilitated disparities in loan cost by race.  Institutional cultures within entities at various levels of the industry stifled criticism of both unethical and unsafe lending practices and the pressure for higher-profits led at least some originators and their supervisors to intentionally target black and Latino borrowers for high-cost loans and exploit intermediaries within local social networks, such as community or religious leaders, to gain the trust of potential borrowers.

This paper argues that postwar Minneapolis Jews relocated to suburbs such as St. Louis Park in part as a response to the continuing movement of blacks forced by a segregated housing market into the Jewish enclave of North Minneapolis. Jewish leaders, conscious of their community’s prewar experience with antisemitism, responded by adopting a liberal view on housing issues. This view emphasized the role of individuals over institutions in the creation of segregation and aided leaders as they facilitated their population’s acceptance into the suburbs and downplayed charges of Jewish racism and exploitation. The liberalism of Jewish leaders clashed with North Minneapolis blacks’ experience of the ghettoization, or “racial transition, resegregation, and economic decline,'' resulting from the interrelated phenomena of housing discrimination, panic selling, and urban renewal, and the growing gap between these viewpoints led to a repeated series of conflicts between blacks and Jews during the late 1960s. Postwar liberalism incentivized both groups to view conflicts around residential segregation through a culturalist lense and eventually forced them to regard each other as the chief threats to each other's status and security. Because of this, leaders of these groups did not examine the structural factors that shaped the housing market both groups operated in.

"TERRITORIALITY AND ETHNICITY IN MANCHURIA: THE EXAMPLE OF THE CITY OF MUKDEN UNDER JAPANESE OCUPATION

During the first half of the twentieth century the former territory of Manchuria in Northeast China became one of the greatest settlement areas of the world and the most important foreign destination for the Japanese. This article discusses the impacts of colonialism and its associated migration, especially with regard to the multiethnic society created in Mukden (Shenyang). The focus is on the residential segregation of the Japanese population in the South Manchuria Railway Zone (1920-36) and in the Greater Mukden (1935-42). We measured the level of segregation between the Japanese population and other ethnic groups through the index of dissimilarity (I. D.). The results show that while residential segregation decreased with time in the Greater Mukden, levels of segregation of the Japanese population in the South Manchuria Railway Zone remained stable before and after the creation of Manchukuo. This indicates that the imperialist utopia of Manchukuo did not influence the Mantetsu segregationist policies in the Japanese enclaves; and that empire building and the corporate strategy of Mantetsu responded to different logics.

Key words: Territoriality, Ethnicity, Imperialism, Dissimilarity Index, Mukden (Shenyang), Manchuria.

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In this paper, I frame immigrant “illegality” as a local-scale technique of neoliberal governmentality. Drawing on recent work of anthropologists, I present illegality as a racialized, spatialized social condition which operates as governmentality by marginalizing and criminalizing immigrants, loosening the US border and forcing it into local spaces, and impacting immigrants’ everyday lives and mobility. The paper then draws on a case study of Leadville, Colorado, to illustrate the utility of this framework. In Leadville, we see how through illegality neoliberalism seeps through scales. Illegality disciplines immigrant labor in service of the neoliberal order, turns all residents into surveillers of immigrants’ subordinate sociospatial
position, and masks contradictions within neoliberalism that arise particularly at the local scale. I argue that conceptualizing illegality as a governmentality technique provides a powerful tool
for understanding changing state spatiality, especially ways in which neoliberalism is diffused and embedded into local economic, political, and social processes.

What are the end results of Stop and Frisk policies across the United States? This research sheds light on a possible hypothesis looking at one city in particular, New York, where the end result of this policy could be a form of police containment that results in segregation. Indeed, this research strongly suggests through the use of GIS analysis that there are currently 10 out of 77 police precincts in New York City that are being segregated by the police, where people's Right to City has been trampled upon.

Cet article s’appuie sur une enquête de terrain réalisée dans trois nouveaux quartiers de Courbevoie et Levallois-Perret (Hauts de-Seine), situés à proximité du centre d’affaires de La Défense, et au sein desquels les résidents cadres et ingénieurs d’entreprise sont fortement surreprésentés. Il s’agit d’espaces issus du processus de refondation (new-build gentrification) qui contribue régulièrement à l’élargissement de l’axe historique des beaux quartiers. On analyse successivement les ressorts et motivations des choix résidentiels de leurs habitants, la faible sociabilité locale liée à un entre-soi particulier, et enfin le rôle central joué par le marquage de frontières symboliques socioéconomiques (internes aux classes supérieures) dans les dynamiques d’agrégation. Cette dernière apparaît par ailleurs comme suivant une logique largement distincte de celle dont relève l’évitement des classes populaires (altérisées et stigmatisées).

This article is based on fieldwork conducted in three new neighborhoods of Courbevoie and Levallois-Perret (Hauts-de-Seine, west of Paris), which are located near the business district of La Défense, and where corporate professionals and managers are overrepresented among the residents. These areas have been transformed by the process of new-build gentrification that regularly contributes to enlarging the historic western axis of Paris’ upper-class neighborhoods. The paper analyzes successively the causes and motivations of the inhabitants’ residential choices, the weak local sociability associated with this specific type of urban self-segregation, and the key role played by the drawing of socioeconomic symbolic boundaries among the uppermiddle classes. Indeed, homophilic aggregation in the refounded neighborhoods follows a logic largely different and autonomous from the (complementary) one – based on radical alterization and stigmatization – that motivates the avoidance of the working class.

The aim of this research is to analyze the patterns of residential segregation and its relationship with the construction of economic housing in the twelve largest metropolitan areas of Mexico in the period 2000-2010. This research contributes to the Latin American studies of residential segregation. Through the construction of global and local indicators of twelve metropolitan areas in Mexico. Through the construction of global and local indicators of twelve metropolitan areas in Mexico. For the analysis of residential segregation the concepts of the Social Division of Space and urban fragmentation were taken, in which Emilio Duhau, Martha Schteingart, Axel Borsdorf and Michael Janoschka are among its main exponents. The methodology consisted in the construction of the socioeconomic level index, this index has the advantage of identifying the high income population, the self-segregation patterns, and allows the identification of local patterns in the subunits of the urban space, and spatial analysis methods such as the global Moran I index, the Local Spatial Association Indicators and autoregressive spatial regression models were used. For the temporal comparison, the Moran I index bivariate was used, which allowed the comparison of the indexes of the years 2000 and 2010. The results obtained with spatial analysis allowed to observe the increase of residential segregation, and its location in the metropolitan space. The bivariate analysis allowed to identify groups of high and low income, as well as areas of non-significant segregation. The spatial regression analysis confirmed that the residential location of the high levels in the socioeconomic level index is not associated with the construction of economic housing.

The main objective of this thesis is to analyze and interpret the processes of social division in the Athenian Metropolitan Region (A.M.R.): which are the factors and conditions for the emergence and development of the processes of social divisions,in the Athenian area? Moreover, how the school system contributes to the reproduction and maintenance of social inequality? First, we focus on the “heirloom” of urban planning, the migration processes and their role in the development of segregating mechanisms. This first part is based on an extensive literature research review and analysis of the A.M.R. urban dynamics, from 1832 to 2010, both from a social and political point of view. In a second part, this thesis analyzes the mechanism of urban segregation in Athens by observing the socio-economic changes, the residential strategies and the social inequalities. Economic development and contemporary business networks are taken into account and new poles and spatial development patterns are identified. The analysis of social division in the Athenian urban space according to occupational categories and housing strategies, highlights the role of economic sectors, household types and ethnic segregation in the distribution of population within the A.M.R. Finally, this thesis copes with school segregation, leaning on the educational status, the type of education and occupational status of parents, to assess whether the school system helps to reproduce and maintain social inequality. Ultimately, this thesis highpoints the relationship between academic achievement and social context, giving the opportunity to identify and differentiate the Athenian neighborhoods according to their socio-professional, educational and schooling characteristics.

Urbanizaciones de lujo y segregación residencial de las clases altas en Somosaguas, Pozuelo de Alarcón (Madrid) resumen Pozuelo de Alarcón es el municipio de mayor renta per cápita de la Comunidad de Madrid y está entre los más elevados a escala nacional, dado que gran parte de su superficie la ocupan urbanizaciones de lujo. Estudiamos aquí el desarrollo urbano de Somosaguas, una de las áreas pioneras en la segregación residencial de las clases altas, iniciada en los años cincuenta del siglo xx, y que ha culminado en el siglo xxi con la creación de una de las urbanizaciones más lujosas y segregadas de Europa, conocida como La Finca. résumé Lotissements de luxe et ségrégation résidentielle des classes supé-rieures dans Somosaguas, Pozuelo de Alarcón (Madrid).-Pozuelo de Alarcón est la commune avec le plus haut revenu par habitant de la Communauté de Madrid et se situe au sommet du classement national, car une grande partie de son territoire est occupée par des logements de luxe. Ce travail étude le développement urbain de Somosaguas, une des aires pionnières dans la ségrégation résiden-tielle des classes aisées, qui a commencé dans les années cinquante du xx e siècle et a culminé dans le xxi e siècle, avec la création de l'un des plus luxueux et ségrégués lotissements en Europe, connue sous le nom de La Finca. abstract Wealthy residential areas and residential segregation of affluence in Somosaguas, Pozuelo de Alarcón (Madrid).-Pozuelo de Alarcón is the richest municipality of Madrid and occupies the first positions in the national ranking in per capita income, since the majority of their urban space is occupied by wealthy residential areas. This paper presents the urban development of Somosaguas, one of the pioneer areas in the upper-class residential segregation, which started in the middle of xx th and has finished in xxi th , with the construction of one of the most luxurious and segregated residential areas of Europe, known as La Finca.

In this paper, I examine the local expression of a global phenomenon: gated communities in Montevideo, Uruguay. Focusing on the residents’ perspective, I investigate microlevel processes of class segregation. I analyze residential and class trajectories, motivations for moving, and consequences of the move. I rely on interviews with residents, developers, architects, and real-estate agents; advertisements; and ethnographic field notes. A major finding is that gated communities do not always increase social and residential segregation. In Montevideo, families in these neighborhoods were already segregated from lower classes. Residents experienced changes in family and community life, but those changes rarely corresponded to changes in their class segregation. This challenges the central focus of the literature on gated communities: a presumed effect on increased class segregation regardless of the context. Another major finding is that residents moved to new neighborhoods to secure class reproduction and gain control over their immediate environment, something that they saw the open city was threatening. Surprisingly, these motivations are very similar to those reported in studies of gentrification. Rather than calling for yet another stretching of the meaning of gentrification, based on these similarities I argue that comparative urban research would profit from a more acute focus on underlying social processes rather than on manifest physical forms.

Through the example of Naples, this work studies the importance of kinship in the upper class urban locations and mobilities. Though many studies have stressed the importance of family residential proximity in Southern Europe, urban patterns of this residential cultural model are still unexplored, as well as its impacts on urban housing market, architecture and socio-spatial organization at a local scale. While Naples has been conventionally described as a symbol of low segregated Mediterranean cities, it's demonstrated that kin relationships played an important part in the making of a "social zoning" in the city. The research is based on Census data, National Surveys on kinship, select schools members' lists and semi-structured interviews with Naples upper class families. In section 1, quantitative data is used to map high status residential areas in the city and to compare Naples socio-spatial organization with that of other Mediterranean Cities. Drawing on interviews, the following sections shape the geographical career of 50 kinship groups in the city from late 19th century to the present. They show the role of family aggregation strategies in the making of upper class areas and their present spatial "inertia" in the City. They also map Families' Residential morphology, holiday destinations, and sociability places in the city. It is found that patterns of familial proximity within Naples’ upper classes (“quasi-cohabitation”  and groupings across neighbouring streets) reflect southern European cultural models. But they also show strong specific traits, such as large familial concentrations reproduced in the same inner-city districts over more than three generations. Other than the “familial” mechanisms of the property market, the heavy spatial concentration of families is also explained by their hereditary hold on the city and their position within a cycle of urban integration. The last section invertigates the relationship between family proximity in the city and large scale (national or international) mobilities. In Neapolitan upper classes, high family proximity in the city is closely associated with – and reproduced through - intense international work circulation