Santeria

The Jamaican government reconsidering the Obeah Act in the summer of 2019 highlighted the legacy of prejudice and criminalization of Africana religious systems and practices left by colonization across ethno-linguistic borders and the broader Black Atlantic. It also highlighted how some traditions such as Béninois Vodun, Candomblé, Santería, and oriṣa worship in parts of Nigeria have successfully managed to combat state policing and prejudice to gain official recognition and legal protection. However, this article analyzes the way even the legal and conceptual success of Africana religions in the modern world places them in a Catch-22. Drawing attention to the fundamental differences between modern conceptions and assumptions of what constitutes “religion,” the article traces the history of how modern political and legal structures either exclude and oppress Africana traditions or exert subtle pressure on them to conform to conceptions of “religion” that are more intelligible and ac...

Ebook available via JSTOR: https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctv16kkxh9
Print copy available from your favourite bookseller: https://bookshop.org/books/santeria-vodou-and-resistance-in-caribbean-literature-daughters-of-the-spirits/9781781887028

(The attached file includes the introduction to the book.)

African-derived religious traditions like Santería and Vodou have long been a site of political, cultural and social resistance in the Caribbean. Through his focus on the body as the juncture between the physical and spiritual planes, Humphrey’s analysis of a number of Caribbean novels and plays foregrounds the complex nature of women’s negotiation of religious, social and political life as participants in these marginalized religious communities. Examining works from authors such as Cuban playwright Eugenio Hernández Espinosa (1936-), Haitian novelists Kettly Mars (1958-) and Marie Chauvet (1916-1973), and Cuban-Puerto Rican writer Mayra Montero (1952-), he demonstrates the manner in which the worldviews offered by Santería and Vodou permit the divisions within and between concepts such as gender, sexuality, womanhood, space and nation to be transcended. As a result, not only do these narratives resist and subvert hegemonic and patriarchal discourses, but also provide a means through which the voice of the marginalized can be heard.

Abstract

The article discusses the cult of spiritual dolls which is an integral part of Cuban spiritism. It describes ceremonies of making a Mama Francisca doll, explains its place in the spiritual pantheon, and its connection to religious and magical traditions of Palo and Ocha. Drawing on my own field research and an array of ethnographic data, I argue that spiritual dolls play an important part in preserving the ethnic-cultural memory in the context of ethnic and religious diversity in Cuba. I further examine
connections between spiritual and magical practices of peoples from Central Africa and Afro-Сubans. The tradition of espiritismo cruzado itself may be seen as the bridge between different religious traditions existing in the island.

Аннотация.

Статья посвящена такому важному элементу кубинского спиритизма, как культ
спиритических кукол. В ней приводится церемония, в ходе которой создается кукла Мама Франсиска, объясняется ее место в спиритическом пантеоне, ее связь с религиозно-магическими традициями оча и пало. На основании полевых исследований и этнографических данных делается вывод о значении спиритических кукол для сохранения этнокультурной памяти в условиях этнического и религиозного разнообразия Кубы. Также прослеживаются связи в духовно-магических практиках народов Центральной Африки и афро-кубинцев. Сама же рассматриваемая традиция спиритизм крусадо предстает мостом между бытующими на острове религиозными направлениями.

La Deidad Yoruba llamada ÈŞÙ - ELÉGBÁRA en el Antiguo Egipto, y como fue adorado como la Deidad "BES", esta enseñanza esta basada en lo que dijo la Deidad Orisha Elegua / Elegbara en una ceremonia, revelando sobre como el era adorado por los Egipcios como BES.

In her 2015 novel La mucama de Omicunlé [in English: Tentacle, translated by Achy Obejas (2018)], Rita Indiana combines science fiction and African-derived religious practices of the Caribbean in a narrative that traverses boundaries in time, class, and identity politics within the context of environmental disaster. This essay examines the use of the sea as a space of unity and division, death and regeneration, and analyses the multiple sexual, gender, and religious identities that the protagonist embodies. In so doing, it details the complex cultural and religious tapestry that Indiana weaves throughout her novel, a framework that centres on the multivalent nature of the many bodies—of water and people alike—that both join and divide the islands of the Caribbean.

En su novela publicada en 2015, La mucama de Omicunlé [en inglés: Tentacle, traducida por Achy Obejas (2018)], Rita Indiana une la ciencia ficción con las prácticas religiosas afrocaribeñas para escribir una narrativa, localizada en el contexto de un desastre medioambiental, que atraviesa las fronteras dentro de las nociones del tiempo, de las clases sociales y de las políticas identitarias. Este ensayo examina el uso del mar como espacio de unidad y división, de la muerte y la regeneración, y analiza las múltiples identidades sexuales, culturales y de género que encarna el protagonista. Así, detalla la rica complejidad del manto que teje Indiana en su novela con hilos de varias culturas y religiones, que juntos forman un marco narrativo que se centra en la polivalencia de los diversos cuerpos—tanto de agua como de personas—que conectan y separan las islas del Caribe.

In the Americas, Ifá-Orisha religion is a syncretic practice that survived forced removal from the African continent, the enslavement of its followers, and subsequent centuries of subjugation and marginalization. Today, social and institutional oppressions continue to limit the degree to which Ifá-Orisha religious practice holds legitimacy as an independent and viable epistemology. The healing practices of this tradition deserve critical scholarly attention alongside other non-Western healing systems such as Ayurveda, Reiki, and Yoga, which have over time gained widespread Western and academic acclaim. As scholar-practitioners, we contend that there remains a significant disconnect between the numbers of Ifá-Orisha practitioners worldwide and its representation in American academia. The ethnographic interview data presented in the “Sacred Healing and Wholeness” symposium place Ifá-Orisha within a framework to understand how this practice helps people in their daily lives. This project is an exploratory exercise with the aim of guiding future empirical investigation into the healing interventions of Ifá-Orisha divination. Our reasons for wishing to participate in the symposium were broadly based in our belief of the Lukumi (the Yoruba people of Cuba) proverb “one tree does not a forest make,” and we could not pass on the opportunity to share with like-minded scholars of the same or related cultures and spiritual paths.

Descripcion de la Creacion desde la Energia Universal, la Matriz del Universo, llamada OLODUMARE por los Yoruba. Basado en la Enseñanza canalizada de Baba Oduduwa y uno de sus Espiritus Emisarios, Tata "G". Describe la Jerarquia de poderes espirituales que surgieron de la Energia Universal Neutral.

As the tradition of Ifa divination has gained increasing popularity and membership around the world, the previously male-dominated composition of its priesthood has become challenged. This paper traces the origins of women who have sought the highest levels of Ifa initiation—primarily in Cuba and the US—engages the various arguments, concerns, and appeals to authority of the numerous players. Much of the debate hinges around ritual practice associated with the mysterious oriṣa Odu, and consequently the paper addresses the relevant mythology and rituals associated with her in an Ifa context. It also places the male-oriented nature of Ifa within the larger context of Yoruba gender norms, contrasting Yoruba notions of gender with modern values of gender equality. Thus, it seeks to explain why male Ifa priests from West Africa have been eager and willing to initiate women. In addition, the paper demonstrates that—contrary to many popular claims—several women have become Ifa diviners in West Africa, but that the important ways that gender is understood in a variety of different contexts, its ramifications for initiation rituals, and the rapidly growing number of female initiates in diaspora, will likely change the dynamics of the tradition going forward.

This are teachings from the Spirit Tata G, Spiritual Emissary of Baba Oduduwa abou OLOSI (Owner of the Left Side) that refers to what later was called SAMAEL in Kabbalah, LUCIFER, the Fallen Angel and how he was created by God (Olófin Órun) and how the Demons work, and about the Rite of Exorcism in different Traditions.

Santurismo (Santeria + Turismo) refers to the popular formula of Afro-Cuban religions and tourism and initially served the Cuban government in the 1960s to promote Santeria as a folkloric product of Cuban identity through staged performances in touristic surroundings. Gradually, it became a coping strategy by Cuban people to deal with political and economic hardship during the Special Period in the 1990s which led to the emergence of Diplo-Santeria by so-called jinetero-santeros. While the continuous process of commodification of Cuban Santeria is marked by local social, economic and political influences, it also relates to current tendencies in comparable religious and spiritual phenomena at a global level. Afro-Cuban religions have worked their way up from a stigmatized and persecuted religious system to a widely valorized religion in the spiritual and touristic sphere. Over time, Santeria has proved to serve as a weapon for resistance and struggle, which is still ongoing in Cuban society today.

Published in Almatourism - Journal of Tourism, Culture and Territorial Development in 2018.

Статья посвящена феномену чуда на Кубе. Прослеживая историко-культурные особенности развития Кубы, автор развивает идею о транскультурации чуда и анализирует, как афрогенные традиции, такие как сантерия, пало монте и другие, обогатились европейско-христианскими и индейскими элементами, приспособив их к своим космологиям и своим магическим практикам. Особое внимание уделяется роли духов-трикстеров, в особенности Эшу, а также колдовству, связанному с опасными, демоническими силами. Статья основана на полевых материалах, собранных автором на Кубе в 2013 и 2019 гг. с помощью неформальных интервью и включенного наблюдения.

The article is devoted to the phenomenon of a miracle in Cuba. The author traces the historical and cultural features of the development of Cuba and develops an idea of the transculturation of the miracle. He analyzes how Afro-genic traditions such as Santeria, Palo Monte and others were enriched with European-Christian and Indian elements, adapting them to their cosmologies and magical practices. Special attention is paid to the role of the trickster spirits, especially Eshu, as well as witchcraft with the help of dangerous, demonic forces. The article is based on the field material collected by the author in Cuba in 2013 and 2019 through informal interviews and participant observation.

Conocido en Ọ̀yọ́-Nigeria como Aganjú Ṣọlá o simplemente por Angajú y que en América su nombre cuenta con ciertas variaciones en las religiones de matriz africana de Cuba y Brasil, donde se le puede identificar como Agayú, Aggayú, Aggayú Solá, Argayu, Algayu, Algallu o Argallu dentro de la Regla de Ocha o Santería cubana, y como Angaju, Angajú o incluso como Xangô Angajú (este último lo explicaré líneas abajo). Son muchas las teorías, narraciones, mitos e historias que se han tejido y desarrollado alrededor de esta misteriosa entidad yoruba. Y es que uso el término "misteriosa" por todas estas conjeturas y teorías que se han generado a su alrededor, sobre si es o no un Oricha, o si es un ser divinizado por su pueblo, o si es el mismísimo Changó, o, incluso, de aquellos que afirman que no es realmente una entidad yoruba, sino un Vodún del pueblo fon que fue adoptado y resignificado por sus vecinos. Al final esta discusión podría ser tan larga y ancha como se quiera, sin embargo, lo que busco a través de este texto no es exponer una verdad absoluta sobre Aggayú Solá (el cual nombraré bajo el término de la Regla de Ocha o Santería cubana, que es el sistema de creencias en el cual estoy iniciado, mientras exponga información general sobre él y utilizaré la terminología de cada tradición conforme la esté abordando), sino poder traer una recopilación de narrativas a las que he accedido a lo largo del tiempo con personas que

This article examines the necklaces used in the Afro-Cuban Rule of Orisha, more commonly known as Santeria. This religion, created by African slaves brought to Cuba starting in the 16th century, combines aspects of Yoruba orisha worship and Spanish Catholicism. It allowed African religious beliefs and practices to survive despite the imposition of Catholic doctrine. One of the outcomes of this amalgamation is the practice of associating individual orishas (deities) with certain Catholic saints. Each orisha is represented by specific necklaces that incorporate particular bead forms, colors, and numbers.

La santería cubana y el espiritismo que se practican en Bogotá se abren paso entre un sinnúmero de ofertas religiosas y terapéuticas que compiten entre sí, pero las cuales, en muchos casos, resultan complementarias. El escenario religioso capitalino se muestra increíblemente dinámico y la regla de ocha no es la excepción. La santería, tanto en Cuba como en Bogotá, rebasa el concepto de religión occidental y lo hace aparecer insuficiente para mostrar el enorme grado de complejidad de las religiones afrocubanas. Igualmente, el espiritismo va de la mano de estas prácticas afrocubanas, a las cuales se integra y complementa de modo que deja ver la extraordinaria plasticidad de las religiones afro en general. Las prácticas rituales de uno y otro sistema se acercan o se alejan de sus raíces, de acuerdo con las lógicas que derivan de sus practicantes mismos. El surgimiento de estos sistemas religiosos en Bogotá advierten a su vez un reavivamiento de las religiones de corte afro en Colombia, pero también en el resto de América Latina.   

Palabras Claves: Santería cubana, espiritismo, culto a los muertos, prácticas rituales, itinerarios ceremoniales.

Narrativas sobre el cuerpo en el trance y la posesión: una mirada desde la santería cubana y el espiritismo en Bogotá proporciona un acercamiento a los fenómenos de trance-posesión dentro de la santería cubana y el espiritismo que son practicados en Bogotá. La discusión de estos fenómenos se realiza a partir de un interés, por parte del autor, en las narrativas que los sujetos elaboran sobre sus cuerpos, así como de la experiencia etnográfica misma en escenarios rituales. Estas dos prácticas religiosas se articulan con otras de origen afroamericano, las cuales forman parte de la gran oferta religiosa-terapéutica que existe en la capital. Así, el libro esboza, para el caso bogotano, el contexto de la santería y el espiritismo, sus principales ceremonias, los sistemas de adivinación-interpretación y los itinerarios religioso-terapéuticos de sus participantes. Esto último apunta a señalar el vínculo entre religión y medicina, y cómo, dentro de estos otros sistemas de referencia, surgen distintas “tecnologías terapéuticas” para afrontar el malestar en el mundo contemporáneo.

PALABRAS CLAVES

Trance-posesión, santería, espiritismo, narrativas, cuerpo.

Before we discuss The Dead and Ancestors (egun and egungun) we need to discuss the Orishas and basic differences between Nigerian IFA and The Diaspora based traditions of IFA. In Nigerian IFA they make a major distinction between an Irunmole and an Orisha (orisa) and most importantly they insist anyone can become an orisa. Example: Wande Abimbola, Chief Fama and Baba Adigun Olosun can all become orisa, as could you through noble deeds. In Cuban Lucumi to use one of the large diaspora based IFA traditions, there is less definition between the Irunmole (those who came first) and the Orisha. All Orishas are immortal in Lucumi, all have a relationship with at least Olofin (Olofi), and all have at least some powers (usually connected with Nature). However, the biggest difference in Lucumi (in my opinion) is you or I or Chief Fama, Baba Olosun or Dr. Abimbola CANNOT BECOME AN ORISHA.

Baba Oduduwa gave this teaching through his Elegun (Medium) about the difference between Olódùmarè and Olófin Òrun. Olodumare is the Universal Neutral Energy, but is GOD in Unconscious manifestation, and OLÓFIN is a Conscious Manifestation of GOD - The Creator, Olófin is the one who Created the Universe as we know it.

O que acontece quando nomos e axé se ocupam um do outro? É disso que esta tese se ocupa. Situando-se no campo da antropologia do direito, ela explora e busca amplificar desterritorializações que os modos do Atlântico negro (um nomos-kalunga ou okúnico) fazem funcionar dentro do nomos da terra ou, noutras palavras, a refração dos santos (orixás, voduns, inquices, caboclos, exus, pombagiras, malandros, encantados, eguns) nos corpos (e no corpus) do direito. O direito virado no santo não é rigorosamente um outro direito, mas a explicitação da sua multiplicidade, a irrupção das suas versões simultâneas, o realce dos seus devires-menores, seus enredos. Esses são devires posse-possessão, devires assento-assentamento, devires ebó-despacho, devires aluvaiá-alvará, devires exu-advogado, devires Pelintra-contrato, devires amalá-acórdão, devires jaqueira-patrimônio, devires atinsá-escritura, devires egun-de cujus, devires gestores-zeladores, devires Ifá-IPHAN. No mundo normativo do axé, o devir é, antes de tudo, um dever, uma obrigação-de-santo, porque o candomblé é (também) agenciamento de conexões e alianças. Por sua vez, o enredo é uma relação de diferenças irredutíveis, um dispositivo de engajamento, narração e participação. “Ter enredos com” é “comer junto” e, por isso, meu texto deles se alimenta. O enredo é nele fio condutor (no sentido elétrico, inclusive) de tramas não sobre os segredos da feitura de santo, mas sobre os da feitura do direito. Como a relação afro-indígena, o parentesco entre práticas burocráticas e agências do candomblé é contra-filiativo, é da ordem da magia ou do xamanismo. Contaminando imaginações, os enredos de nomos e axé precipitam linhas de fuga à teologia política e sacodem a metafísica branca. Quando Seu Tranca-Ruas redige um contrato ou ganha um habeas corpus, quando Azonsú protagoniza um tombamento, quando Oyá interrompe um despejo, quando Xangô roda no STF, não estão em pauta apenas conflitos jurídicos ou “culturais”, mas guerras ontológicas. Tratam-se de torções e ressonâncias espectrais que dão notícia daquilo que assombra o estilo jurídico de pensamento, fazendo falar a propriedade, a família, o sujeito e a nação como os fe(i)tiches que são, entes que nos ultrapassam ligeiramente. Milongas, diriam os(as) angoleiros(as). A milonga não é mistura, ela é uma contra-mestiçagem: um gesto encruzilhado de co-constituição e co-existência, como num corpo iniciado estão assentados juntos pessoa, espíritos e orixá. Esse direito co-habitado pela cosmopolítica afro-brasileira, a (in)corpora ou é irradiado por ela precisamente através da equivocidade dos termos e não na sua transparência. Médium de transporte que é, o melhor que uma teoria etnográfica pode almejar é a dar passagem entre os mundos, despossuindo-os reciprocamente. Antes de tradução, portanto, transe. Mais do que pluralismos ou sincretismos, multiversalismos ou perspectivismos jurídicos: heranças e composições heterogêneas. Virar o direito no santo é suspender suas aparições maiúsculas para lavrá-lo na pedrinha mais miúda, que é também a que mais alumeia.

This article examines the ways in which Afro-Caribbean superheroes engage with questions of identity, movement and belonging as they embody diverse and culturally hybrid populations within the North American imaginary. First engaging with scholarship regarding the writing of race and marginalized cultures in US comics to situate the Santerians, Brother Voodoo/Doctor Voodoo and Groot within the larger comic book oeuvre, it turns to explore how these Marvel characters incorporate the myths and spiritual powers of Cuban/Puerto Rican Santería and Haitian Vodou into the metropolitan narratives in which they are depicted. As corporeal representations of these religions within the cultural landscapes of New York City and New Orleans, these transnational superheroes have each been physically and/or culturally displaced to the margins but see their hybrid identities valorized to greater or lesser degrees within the cultural framework of the metropolis. However, in spite of these characters having challenged stereotypical and hegemonic representations of racial and ethnic alterity, they are still subject to a clear hierarchy between the metropolis and the periphery. This is most clearly communicated through the restrictions and processes of othering that the Santerians and Brother Voodoo/Doctor Voodoo suffer, in comparison to the success and global mobility enjoyed by those more established characters alongside which they appear. As such, although the writing of these characters is both culturally sensitive and has permitted the development of new knowledges within the comic metropolis, at the same time these superheroes remain subordinate to their white, metropolitan counterparts and see themselves marginalized within the very narrative that has sought to celebrate their transnational and hybrid identities.