Steven Lukes

Guía, especialmente diseñada para un curso introductorio de Ética en nivel universitario, con diversas cuestiones, a resolver por el alumno, que le ayudarán a captar la riqueza de referencias que contiene la novela "El viaje del profesor Caritat, o las desventuras de la razón" de Steven Lukes.

As in any legal system, power plays an essential role in canon law, in two respects. The power of law indicates the central signifcance of law in building and shaping society. As the law of power, it puts forward rules that create authority and assign competences within a community governed by law. The authority (power) thus created, however, needs legitimation if it is to be respected in the community. This in turn takes place in the modern era frst and foremost through law: power counts as legitimate when it is limited by law. The fact that this rule of law has been undermined in the Church is currently putting canon law under pressure and raising questions about its legitimacy.

In this paper I analyse the situation of power in the South African poultry industry, and conclude that the bulk of moral responsibility for the abusive treatment and mass murder of chickens within the South African broiler industry, is held by the executives and major shareholders of the largest poultry producing companies, and not the consumer.

While Christianity has existed in Iran/Persia since the fourth century, if not earlier, at the middle of the twentieth century almost all Iranian Christians belonged to an ethnic minority, especially the Assyrians and the Armenians. Ethnic Iranians were almost all Muslims, and then mostly Shi’a Muslims. Since the Revolution of 1979 hundreds of thousands of ethnic Iranians have left Islam for evangelical Christianity, both within and outside of Iran. This paper seeks to explore the multifaceted factors – political, economic and technological – that have helped to create an environment wherein increasing numbers of ethnic Iranians have apostatized from Islam and become evangelical Christians. A concluding section outlines Steven Lukes’ theory of power and analyzes the growth of Iranian Christianity in the light of his theory.

W niniejszym tekście podjęto próbę, zestawienia głównych założeń teoretycznych realizmu neoklasycznego i trójwymiarowej teorii władzy. W punktach stycznych, gdzie zbliżone pojęcia, mogłyby wzajemnie się wykluczać, wykazano, że są one albo względem siebie odpowiednie wprost, albo odpowiedniość można osiągnąć poprzez warunkowe zawężenie. Wspomniane pary pojęć to: system międzynarodowy – sytuacja działania, państwo – podmiot władzy, interes narodowy – rzeczywiste interesy podmiotu, polityka zagraniczna – preferencje podmiotu. W przypadku zaś pary pojęć potęga państwa – władza, pomimo ich intuicyjnego skojarzenia należy uznać, że są one rodzajowo różne. Nie tworzą przy tym jednak sprzeczności.

This paper reconstructs the major argument of Discipline and Punish, emphasizing the notion of disciplinary power as a production of subjectivity. It reconstructs some of the richness and detail of Foucault’s study of the history of the prison. This reconstruction forms the backdrop to a discussion of Steven Lukes’ critique of Foucault’s notion of power. Although the paper is generally sympathetic towards some of Lukes’ points of critique, Foucault’s conceptualization of disciplinary power and its formative impact on subjectivity remains vitally important for contemporary aesthetics. The Foucauldian notion of power as subjectivation raises the questions of resistance, autonomy, and effective self-cultivation.

Frazer and Hutchings would have us believe that Hannah Arendt considers herself and Frantz Fanon to be at odds about the meanings and uses of power and violence. In this paper I examine Arendt's and Fanon's conceptions of power and violence on a molecular level to show that they do indeed agree on all levels. To do this, I separate the paper into two parts. In the first part, I ground the definition of power by linking it to the natural definition of power used in physics. To show that this is a viable task, I then test it against widely respected conceptions of power as outlined by Steven Lukes and Michel Foucault. Using Foucault, I examine power on a molecular level to ascertain the relationship between violence and power. In the second part, with a clearer understanding of power and violence, I examine both Arendt's and Fanon's conceptions of them showing that, on a molecular level, their meanings and uses are the same, and that their differences are purely cosmetic.

Since the 1960’s there has been a marked increase in the number of known conversions from Islam to Christianity. This thesis asks whether certain of these ex-Muslim Christians engage in the process of theology-making and, if so, it asks what these theologies claim to know about God and humans’ relation to God.
Utilizing the dialectic of contextuality-contextualization of Shoki Coe, and the sociology of theological knowledge of Robert Schreiter, the thesis seeks to answer these questions by the use of two case studies and an examination of some of the texts written by ex-Muslim Christians. Lewis Rambo’s theory of religious conversion and Steven Lukes’ theory of power will be used to clarify the changing dynamics of power which have helped to foster modern contexts wherein an unprecedented number of Muslims are both exposed to the Christian message and, if they choose to do so, able to appropriate it through religious conversion.
The two case studies are of a Christian community which founded a Muslim-background church in the Arabophone world and some Iranian Christian congregations in the USA and UK Diaspora.
Aspects of the contexts of these believers are investigated in some detail, including motives for religious conversion, numbers and locations of the converts, how apostates may be treated by Muslims, changes in migration and communications, and the Christian concept of religious conversion.  The concept of inculturation which helps to describe the meeting of a specific community with the Christian message will aid in analyzing the communities and individuals being studied.
The final chapter brings together the various threads which have been raised throughout the thesis and argues that ex-Muslim Christians are engaged in theology-making, that areas of interest to them include theology of the church, salvation and baptism, and that the dominant metaphor in these theologies is a conceptualization of love and power that sees the two divine traits as inseparable from each other; they represent a knowledge about who God is and what he is like, which, in their understanding, is irreconcilable with their former religion, Islam.

In the literature, there have been two essentially contrasting views of power: one of power as domination, largely characterized as power over, and the other of power as empowerment, frequently theorized as power to. To date, the four (Lukes and Foucault) dimensions of power have been considered forms of domination. In this article it is argued that the processes of four-dimensional power also constitute the process of normatively desirable power, as emancipation. Key is the realization that structured power over has the potential to be positive sum, rather than zero-sum; furthermore, that the exclusions of two-dimensional
power also constitute the conditions of possibility for justice. The fact that normatively desirable power and domination are constituted through the same processes is not chance: the effectiveness of power as domination is parasitic upon power as emancipation.

Understanding 'participation' is tied strongly to understanding power and its practical application. The text briefly examines three views on power by Byung-Chul Han, Steven Lukes and Pierre Bourdieu, in order to apply some of their thinking to Community Psychology (CP), which appears to share some shortcomings in understanding power with the programme evaluation field (which is the main topic of my PhD thesis).
Both in the fields' understanding and use of power and its mechanisms, structures and impacts is rather imprecise and narrow, as it is much based on the idea that power is about one actor (= ego) being able to make another actor (= alter) act as 'ego' wishes (this springs from Max Weber’s concept of power).

A simple, jargon-free introduction to the concept of needs in politics and political philosophy, with particular reference to South African conditions and examples. This chapter outlines the nature, generation and politics of needs, and their central importance in political philosophy, especially as regards questions of democracy, power, equality, justice, legitimacy, rights, political obligation and progressive political change.

Il discorso su potere e diritto presuppone due chiarifcazioni. Occorre determinare il signifcato di potere e di diritto, e stabilire un legame fra potere e diritto, il che è complicato dal fato che nelle scienze sociali “potere” è un termine molto controverso; il sociologo Steven Lukes parla di un «conceto essenzialmente contestato». Dato però che il discorso sul diritto richiede che si scelga uno dei concetti di potere che sono stati elaborati, per studiare il collegamento fra potere e diritto propendo per il concetto di “potere” sviluppato da Niklas Luhmann: questo autore, infatti, ha non solo utilizzato concezioni di potere e di diritto legate l’una all’altra, ma ha anche mostrato l’esistenza di un tale legame fra di esse.

People give meaning to "places" therefore "experiencing places" can transform values and beliefs. While this is most obvious in the case of religious or historical sites, this paper will argue that such experiences may occur in other settings. Drawing on Lukes' three-dimensional view of power this paper argues that Davos has been an important site in shaping the perceptions and beliefs which ultimately produce a context for political action for its members. Each winter the World Economic Forum (WEF), an exclusive club for the global business elite, gathers at Davos Switzerland. During the weeklong annual meeting the WEF leadership strives to create a place with a unique atmosphere-"the spirit of Davos". Over the years this event has proven important in influencing the broader political agenda but, while one might expect such a forum to promote strictly business centric goals this is not the case. Instead the WEF has ensured that a multitude of issues are presented to its attentive membership and it has influenced attitudes with respect to issues as diverse as global health and debt cancellation. In this way Davos has become an important "place" a site of innovative, informal and yet powerful transnational political processes.

Como en cualquier sistema legal, el poder juega un papel esencial en el derecho canónico de dos maneras. El poder del derecho apunta al significado central constructivo-social del derecho. Las normas se presentan como el derecho de poder que genera autoridad y asigna competencias dentro de una comunidad legal. El poder (total) generado de esta manera ciertamente requiere legitimación si quiere ser reconocido en la comunidad legal. A su vez, esto se logra principalmente a través del derecho: el poder es legítimo si está limitado por el derecho. El hecho de que este Estado de derecho no exista en la Iglesia actualmente cuestiona la legitimidad del derecho canónico.

Narendra Modi's social media presence, especially on Twitter with 50.7 million followers (September 2019) is among the most extensive following for any politician in the world. Twitter has helped Modi to directly reach a significant constituency of listeners, and use it as a channel to talk to the mainstream media. The very appearance of using social media effectively is in itself valuable in reshaping his public image as a technology-savvy leader, aligned with the aspirations of a new Indian modernity today for Narendra Modi. The aim of this study is to highlight the importance of how Twitter has emerged out to be a direct influence on political transformation under the aegis of Narendra Modi. To narrow down the research, a case study has been studied on the #MainBhiChowkidar Campaign introduced by Modi for the same. The design of this study qualitative and the data is collected from various articles, journals, newspapers and blogs ranging from the year 2013 to 2019. The inferences drawn from this research would strengthen our understanding on how Twitter has contributed to build a powerful online brand for Narendra Modi allowing him to emerge as a techno-savvy global leader who speaks directly to his electorate.

Platform work can be understood as a particularly acute instance of the individualization of economic risk. Responding to the broader trends of labour commodification and decline of the standard employment relationship, psychological contract theory emerged as a way to conceptualize fairness in individualized work arrangements. In this paper, we draw out the critical potential of psychological contract theory by mobilizing Lukes' theory of power. We apply this lens to 12 semi-structured interviews with platform-mediated food delivery couriers, supplemented by both online and offline participant observation, to identify ways in which platform firms use decision-making power, nondecision-making and ideological power to encourage the acceptance of platform work as fair: through the unilateral modification of exchange terms, through the nondecisions of communication and technology design, and through the ideological power of neoliberalism and tribalism. In so doing, we also identify coping strategies deployed by couriers in response to violations by platform firms of perceived exchange terms, variously resistant to and reinforcing of these forms of platform power. In this way, we uncover mechanisms by which firms present risk individualization as a fair exchange of worker security for worker autonomy, as well as more and less effective ways workers can resist this framing.

Steven Lukes, Robert Dahl, and Michel Foucault each have their own ideas about how power should be conceptualized and analyzed. Each theorist makes the claim that their form is the most analytically comprehensive. The purpose of this thesis is to adjudicate which aspects about power analysis proposed by each theorist is most useful or innovative, apply it to a case study on the use of psychiatry in the Soviet Union as a political tool, and look at how each separate form unpacks the case. I conclude that each theorist is looking at a different aspect of power relationships, and that psychiatry holds an insidious power through knowledge of the individual.