Terms of Kinship

In order to meet their needs and perceptions, the children's early words have their origin Mama and Papa are acquired by German-born preschool children, who are commuting between Iraq and Germany. The study will be primarly contrastive in nature and focuses mainly on the characteristics of these parental terms in two different language communities. Furthermore, light will also have to be shed on this less researched and discussed issue by touching upon the learning challenges and difficulties of the kinship terms in Iraqi-Arabic and how could they be overcome. The data come from the author's daily observation of his German-born children, a four-years-old daughter, and a boy, who is three years old. In order to supplement and enrich the study, I conducted interviews with parents and their children that I personally know.

This paper presents the incestuous relationships as defined in the Holy Quran; they are regarded as the most sensitive aspects in the regulation of family structure and they are important in the people’s righteous life. This study aims to link the social and religious concept of incest taboo with the functional-linguistic views by employing Halliday’s Systemic Functional Linguistics (SFL) theory (1985). It is an attempt to understand whether incestuous relations are determined by cultural, social or religious constraints. The data analysed in this study include a typical Quranic text selected purposefully from the Holy Quran for its functional and linguistic features. It was concluded that the analysis of the Quranic text is not a matter of displaying the linguistic form, but to arrange certain familial and marriage relations and to differentiate between incestuous relatives and non-incestuous ones and thus defining proper marriages. Moreover, the Authorized Participant Almighty Allah who has the power over the other participants who can be Muslims and non-Muslims as expressed in this Quranic text has imposed regulations and rules on them. The identification of the incestuous relations is based on the analysis of three situational dimensions: field, tenor and mode.

[in:] Вестник Нижегородского университета им. Н.И. Лобачевского, 2021, №4, с. 43 - 52.
Отношения Рюриковичей, которые мы знаем по летописным текстам, прежде всего -  их представления о старшинстве, часто рассматриваются в рамках вассально-ленных отношений (последнее время - без самого названия, просто "иерархических отношений", о которых все по умолчанию знают). Мне кажется важным поставить вопрос о том, действительно ли было в этих отношениях что-то, выходящее за рамки собственно семейных отношений?
Я использовала термин "русские князья" в названии в рамках сложившейся историографии, подразумевая летописный термин. Сейчас, после февраля 2022 он, разумеется,  представляется полностью неуместным.

Автор определил систему терминов родства ижоры как совмещающую черты бифуркативно-линейных (при наименовании мужских сиблингов породителей) и линейных (при наименовании женских) типов СТР. Обнаружение у прибалто-финнов ранее бытовавшего скользящего счета поколений может свидетельствовать о его исконности для уральских СТР. Автором выявлен также целый пласт уральской лексики среди терминов свойства 0 и -1 поколений и уникальные для прибалто-финских СТР явления: обозначения альтеров из разных подсистем (родства и свойства) и из разных поколений одним термином.

The system of political succession in pre-Mongol Russia was that every prince, a descendant of Vladimir the Great in the male line, possessed the right to power, the right to land. The amount of power privileges during prince’s life was determined by rules of genealogical seniority, and only to a certain extent, by the personal qualities of the member of the dynasty himself. The combination of these factors made it possible to move up or down the hierarchical ladder. Under these conditions, some parameters of dynastic life are very substantial, not directly connected with either the position that member of the clan occupied in a “staircase” system by birth or his individual qualities. Since the time of Yaroslav’s the Wise heirs there was a peculiar discrimination against young princes who lost their fathers during the life of their grandfathers, and sometimes simply relatively early orphaned. On the other hand, adult Rurikids, who lost their sons or were childless, were appreciably infringed upon their dynastic rights. Although the right to rule of such Rurikid was not disputed, he virtually loses the ability to hold senior most prestigious thrones. Over time, the Rurikids started to produce special protective means aiming to protect the members of the clan from this kind of dynastic inferiority.
Структура власти на Руси в домонгольское время, а точнее, в XI — первой половине XIII в., была такова, что каждый княжич, потомок Владимира Свя-того по мужской линии, по праву рождения располагал и правом на власть, правом на землю. Объем этих властных привилегий на протяжении его жизни в каждый конкретный момент определялся принципами родового старшинства и, лишь до известной степени, личными качествами самого князя. Сочетание этих факторов давало возможность тому или иному Рюриковичу продвигать-ся по иерархической лестнице или, напротив, препятствовало этому продвиже-нию. В этих условиях весьма значимыми оказываются некоторые параметры династической жизни, не связанные напрямую ни с тем местом, которое князь получал в генеалогической системе Рюриковичей по рождению, ни с его инди-видуальными качествами. Со времен наследников Ярослава Мудрого своеоб-разной дискриминации подвергаются молодые князья, лишившиеся отцов при жизни деда, а иногда и попросту относительно рано осиротевшие. С другой стороны, взрослый князь, утративший сыновей или никогда их не имевший, также оказывается ущемлен в своем династическом статусе, и хотя его право на власть не оспаривается как таковое, он практически теряет возможность за-нимать какой-либо из старших, наиболее престижных княжеских столов в рус-ской земле. Со временем династия вырабатывает особые защитные механиз-мы, призванные предохранять членов династии от перспективы подобного рода ущербности. * В данной научной работе использованы результаты проекта «Общее и особенное в динами-ке культурного и политического развития на Востоке и Западе Европы в X–XVII вв.», выполнен-ного в рамках Программы фундаментальных исследований НИУ ВШЭ в 2016 году.

Удэгейцы-один из самых малочисленных народов России. Южные группы удэгейцев (иманская и бикинская), испытали на себе значительное влияние со стороны китайского языка и только затем попали в сферу влияния русского языка. В первой половине ХХ века носители южных диалектов удэгейского языка находились в ситуации языкового сдвига в сторону китайского языка. Жившие на самом юге территории группы удэгейцев быстро утратили свой этнический язык и многие элементы этнической культуры. Представляется, что значительная часть языковых черт, отличающих южные диалекты удэгейского языка от северных, обязаны своим появлением влиянию китайского языка. Данная работа является попыткой ответить на два кардинальных вопроса: 1) когда начался языковой сдвиг у разных территориальных групп удэгейцев, чем был этот сдвиг вызван и как именно он происходил; 2) в чем проявилось влияние китайского языка на южные диалекты удэгейского.

Cultural knowledge is an important component of intercultural communicative competence which is fundamental for the second language acquisition. It is essential for the development of sociocultural, pragmatic, and communicative competences of second language learners. Cultural values of any community pilot how people interact with one another. To put it differently, they form understanding of politeness which being a universal phenomenon differs across cultures and shape communicative styles. The present study analyzes three Middle Eastern cultures (Persian, Syrian and Jordanian) and seeks to demonstrate how Muslim values and notions of politeness construct the norms of interpersonal interactions. The paper is limited to the speech act of address in the settings of family, acquaintances and strangers. The data for the study were collected from two questionnaires, serial television drama, YouTube social experiments as well as ethnographic observations. They were examined drawing on (...

“Jenny, you must do as I tell you. After all, I’m your sister…”
“And I’m yours.”
“Quite right, but I’m older than you—and besides, it’s what Dad told us to do.”
—Arkady Gaidar, Timur and His Squad
Olga and Jenny’s dispute on priority and equality is framed against two other conflicts. One is the incomplete match of language and reality: ‘sister’ is a symmetric relation in the kinship term system but less so according to social tradition. The other is the contest between pragmatics, which Olga relies on, and semantics, which Jenny appeals to. The elder sister’s failure to adapt her argument to the situation almost costs her the sought domination.
So how does this dialogue translate to languages where kin terms reflect relative age?

This paper describes a group of kin terms in Landuma (a Mel language spoken in northwestern Guinea) which have a non-standard phonological structure: they begin with the consonant cluster NC. It is shown that the anomalous properties of these nouns can be explained via their origin: all of them are borrowed from Mande. In Western Mande languages, nouns for elder kin are also anomalous in that they are often unable to adjoin a definite or referential article. It has been suggested previously that this anomaly could be explained by the presence of an archaic nasal prefix, a grammatical marker of elder kin. At the same time, such a nasal prefix is not attested in any modern Mande language. Two hypotheses can be advanced on the origin of the initial nasal element in the anomalous Landuma nouns. According to the first, this element goes back to a nasal prefix reconstructed for nouns referring to elder kin in Mande. If so, the Landuma data can be regarded as an argument for the relatively recent disappearance of this prefix in Mande (i.e., subsequent to the start of close contact between speakers of Proto-Landuma and speakers of Proto-Manding and Proto-Susu). Alternatively, the nasal element can be regarded as a reinterpreted Mande 1SG pronoun ń which, in its possessive function, appears frequently with kin terms. It cannot be excluded that both sources may have been relevant.

Like all human understanding, science depends on language. But science does not understand language, as not even linguists agree on its definition. This theoretical disagreement propagates across social and natural disciplines. We can overcome it by examining a fundamental feature of language: kin terms

Cultural knowledge is an important component of intercultural communicative competence which is fundamental for the second language acquisition. It is essential for the development of sociocultural, pragmatic, and communicative competences of second language learners. Cultural values of any community pilot how people interact with one another. To put it differently, they form understanding of politeness which being a universal phenomenon differs across cultures and shape communicative styles. The present study analyzes three Middle Eastern cultures (Persian, Syrian and Jordanian) and seeks to demonstrate how Muslim values and notions of politeness construct the norms of interpersonal interactions. The paper is limited to the speech act of address in the settings of family, acquaintances and strangers. The data for the study were collected from two questionnaires, serial television drama, YouTube social experiments as well as ethnographic observations. They were examined drawing on (im)politeness theory, speech act theory, discourse analysis, research on identity construction and cultural studies. The paper highlights some communicative specificities of the three Middle Eastern lingua-cultures concerning address forms and their usage and shows how they are predetermined by culture and cultural values. Our findings confirm the fact that communicative styles in collectivistic Muslim cultures are status-oriented, the individuals of these cultures demonstrate a remarkable vertical distance and highly regard status and age. Our results manifest that the principals of identity primarily emerging from Muslims" holy book "Quran" are the basis of politeness norms in Persian, Syrian and Jordanian communicative cultures and indicate that linguistic politeness in these cultural contexts are strongly established on showing respect in addressing older people. The findings of the research may help foster intercultural communications if employed in second language teaching classes and may have significant implications in translation studies and practice.

This paper addresses the semantic field of kinship terms in Central Kurdish (CK henceforth). The study uses data of Basic (blood) relations and Non-basic (marriage) relations. It tries to test whether CK kinship terms can be explained through the use of semantic features. It also tries to find out what kind of features are employed to compare and contrast different dimensions of kinship terms. Kinship terms in other varieties of Kurdish such as Kalhori and Hawrami have been studied. However, to the best of our knowledge, no study has looked into the kinship terms in the Central dialect of Kurdish. Moreover, no study has combined and compared both basic and non-basic kinship terms. This study found that kinship terms in CK lend themselves to componential analysis in a clear way. That is, semantic features can explain the relation between both basic and non-basic kinship terms. The semantic features that are employed for depicting basic kinship terms are Generation, Sex, Lineality and Direction of Kinship. The same four features are used for non-basic kinship terms with another feature known as New Marriage. Another finding of the study is that basic kinship terms, in contrast to non-basic kinship terms, can be used as terms of address.

Why do we call our parents mother and father? Why do we call ourselves these general words as parents? These personal questions have not sufficiently drawn the attention of linguists and psychologists, yet any account of language and human cognition must be able to provide a good answer. Indeed, our minds have evolved and develop in a social setting that is primarily governed by norms of kinship. This article demonstrates how those norms encapsulate the relationship between language and reality, individual and society. It suggests that the use of kin terms is characterised by a linguistic conflation of address and reference that corresponds to a cognitive conflation of social and natural concepts. This analysis rests on a biological view of language, morality and human sociality. From this grounded perspective, I integrate findings across the behavioural sciences. I argue that myth has a basis in child-directed speech, and that child-directed speech is a means of socialisation, not so much a means to help children learn to speak or relate to others. I also discuss the theoretical issues that result from this lack of metalinguistic awareness, issues that go back to the beginnings of philosophy. Because nature is prior to nurture, and the concepts of parents and kin appear first in life, understanding the nature of these concepts elucidates central problems, from the origin of societies to the current questioning of gender and parenting roles.

This study examines the relationship between kinship terms and aspects of pragmatics in English and Arabic. It attempts to depart the concept of kinship from its biogenetic and sociological meanings to its linguistic and pragmatic meanings. This is because kinship terms are one of the linguistic and functional perspectives that should be studied in terms of everyday usage by which pragmatics is concerned with. Generally, different pragmatic studies have investigated the nature and aspects of pragmatics such as speech acts, felicity conditions, politeness, discourse structure, and deixis. Thus, it is essential to study the meanings of these pragmatic aspects within situational contexts and how they are expressed by the speaker and interpreted by the hearer in these contexts. The researchers attempt to combine between the social aspects of language related to kinship and the pragmalinguistic ones. This is because pragmatics is not only a linguistic field of study that focuses on the structural aspects of language, but also a social and pedagogical way of analysing and understanding language-in-use. Thus, some recent studies, such as Zeitlyn (2005) and Agha (2007) attempted to relate linguistic aspects, particularly pragmatics with the meanings of kin terms due to their importance in everyday language. Data comprises a selection of everyday usage of these terms in both American English culture and Iraqi Arabic culture. Based on Levinson’s (1983; 2004), Brown and Levinson’s (1987), Austin’s (1962), and Searle’s (1969; 1979) views, the researchers focus on the aspects of pragmatics that are highly relevant to kin terms by examining deixis, politeness, performativity, and speech acts.

This article reports on a study that focuses on the different kinship terms collected in several places in northwestern Morocco, using elicitation and interviews conducted between March 2014 and June 2015 with several dozens of informants aged between 8 and 80. The analysed data include terms from the urban contexts of the city of Tetouan, but most of them were gathered in rural locations: the small village of Bni Ḥlu (Fahs-Anjra province) and different places throughout the coastal and inland regions of Ghomara (Chefchaouen province). The corpus consists of terms of address, terms of reference and some hypocoristic and affective terms.

Ortak aile bağlarına sahip bireyleri tanımlamada ve onlara hitap etmede evrensel bir olgu olan akrabalık kategorisi, toplumlara ve kültürlere özgü antropolojik farklılıkların da işaretlendiği terminolojik bir sistemdir. Çalışmada ele alınan "kuzen" kavramı ve bu kavramın akrabalık terminolojisinde adlandırılışı, bireyin kendi kuşağından akrabalarının ve alt kuşaktan aile üyelerinin Türk akrabalık sistemindeki konumuyla doğrudan ilişkilidir. Geleneksel Türk akrabalık sisteminde anne ve baba tarafından kuzenler esasen ayrı ayrı işaretlenmektedir. Bununla birlikte babasoylu aile yapısı nedeniyle baba tarafından kuzenler, yaşlarına ve cinsiyetlerine göre kardeşler, yeğenler ve torunlarla leksik olarak eşitlenebilmektedir. Bu genel eğilim, bazı Türk dillerinde çeşitli nedenlerle değişikliğe uğramıştır. Bu çalışmada geleneksel Türk akrabalık sisteminin (GTAS) "kuzen" kavramı özelinde sergilediği görüntü değerlendirilmiş, kavramın Türk dillerindeki terimleşme süreci karşılaştırmalı olarak ele alınmıştır. Anahtar kelimeler: Akrabalık, aile, kuzen terminolojisi, yeğen, torun, Türk dilleri The 'Cousin' Terminology in the Turkic Languages

Abstract: The category of kinship, a universal phenomenon in identifying and addressing individuals with common family ties, is a terminological system in which anthropological differences specific to societies and cultures are also marked. The lexicalization of the concept of 'cousin', studied in this work, is directly related to the position of the relatives vis-à-vis one's generation and descending generations in the Turkic system of kinship. The conventional Turkic system of kinship originally uses distinct terms for cousins from the paternal and maternal lines. Nevertheless, paternal cousins may be equated with siblings, nephews/nieces and grandchildren according to gender and age due to the patrilinearity. In some Turkic languages, this general tendency has changed due to various factors. The purpose of this study is to examine the conventional Turkic system of kinship based on the concept of 'cousin' and to comparatively examine its lexicalization process in the Turkic languages.

Kinship terms are words used to identify relationships between individuals in a family and to address these individuals in a speech community, such as, father, mother, brother and daughter. These names act independently in syntax and morphology in some languages. This independence is not frequently found in other areas of these languages. This article focuses on kinship terms in Caspian languages (i.e., Gilaki, Taleshi and Tati). Rashti dialect has been selected from Gilaki language, Parasari dialect has been sleeted from Taleshi language and Deravi dialect has been selected from Tati language. The data analysis of this research shows that in these dialects the nominative and non-nominative cases of kinship terms are different from the same cases of other words in these dialects. These terms have their exclusive forms for the nominative and non-nominative cases. In terms of morphology there are also specific rules for these terms; for example, in kinship terms of Gilaki language we can see five-part compound names; this phenomenon not only is rare in other Iranian languages, but also in other compound names in Gilaki.