UNSCR 1325

State policies and programs in the Philippines have paved the way for more women to participate in the peace and security sector, particularly in the military, in recent years. These policies are incorporated in the larger gender and development (GAD) policy of the government. This article assesses whether the GAD policies and programs actually translate to the retention of female military personnel in the Philippine Navy, one of the three branches of service of the Armed Forces of the Philippines. It measures the satisfaction of female military personnel on policies on women empowerment and protection against sexual violence, together with job satisfaction and organizational commitment, and evaluates whether these factors have an effect in their decision to stay or leave the military profession. The revised gendered model shows that the most significant factor affecting the intention of female soldiers of the Philippine Navy to stay is organizational commitment while job satisfaction has more direct and significant positive effect on organizational commitment, with satisfaction on women empowerment and participation having a direct positive effect on both organizational commitment and job satisfaction. The female soldiers' experience of sexual harassment in the organization lowers their level of satisfaction on the organization's programs on women empowerment and participation.

Världspolitikens Dagsfrågor nr 2 2016 Författare: Helene Lackenbauer " Forskning har visat att om kvinnor deltar i fredsförhandlingar ökar möjligheten för att ett avtal ska hålla med 20 procent. " När Sveriges rödgröna regering tillträdde efter riksdagsvalet 2014 deklarerade den stolt att den skulle föra en feministisk utrikespolitik. Utrikesminister Margot Wallström skapade med denna nya politik rubriker som nådde långt utanför Sverige. Samtidigt var det många som undrade vad den egentligen gick ut på. I detta nummer av Världspolitikens Dagsfrågor beskrivs hur den svenska feministiska utrikespolitiken kan ses som en del av en lång tradition där frågor kring jämställdhet och kvinnors rättigheter har fått en allt större roll. Forskaren Helene Lackenbauer visar bland annat hur dagens svenska utrikespolitik i viss mån har hittat inspiration från USA, framför allt från tankar som väcktes under Hillary Clintons tid som amerikansk utrikesminister. Skriften ger också konkreta exempel, bland annat från Mali, på hur en feministisk utrikespolitik kan användas för att bidra till en mer hållbar fred efter konflikter. Helene Lackenbauer forskar om genus i säkerhetspolitik och krishantering.

In the area of peacekeeping training, Australia has a reputation of promoting ‘best practice’ internationally. Training for Australian police peacekeepers has been described by the United Nations as ‘one-of-a-kind’ and ‘a world-class model of best practice’. This article provides a case study of how gender training is conducted, and how ‘gender’ is understood from a critical feminist perspective. This article focuses only on the pre-deployment training stage and is informed by confidential interviews with staff from the Australian Federal Police and the Australian Defence Force, as well as observing training in 2013–14. The findings suggest that the training is inadequate because it is not carried out for all peacekeeping personnel, despite international and national requirements to do so. In addition, the findings suggest that ‘gender’ is understood in a very limited way that does not problematise power relations between the sexes and is only covered as a way of understanding the peacekeeping context, and not in relation to the attitudes and behaviours of peacekeepers themselves. This raises the question of whether and how other troop-contributing countries conduct the training and to what standard, given the documented problems of Australia's supposedly ‘best-practice’ training.

When I go to the rural areas and ask people about 1325, they say, what is that? Is that a taxi number? Even educated people don’t know about 1325. How can we expect people in the village to know all these numbers and remember them? They don’t know what the Security Council is and what UNSCR 1325 is. They may memorize it for once but they forget after the programme is  nished because the Security Council doesn’t sound “real” to them.

This text makes a critical analysis of the “myth of protection”, that is, the widespread belief that men protect and women are mainly victims in contexts of armed conflict and post-conflict. Indeed, in the case of women, both the analysis of their participation in contexts of conflict and the international regulations applicable in armed conflicts have generally focused on highlighting their role as innocent and passive victims.

In order to question this view this text first examines the traditional symbolic construction of the “woman-victim”, created on the basis of International Humanitarian Law, and highlights its reductionist character facing a much more complex and heterogeneous reality of women in armed conflicts. Furthermore, it focuses on Resolution 1325 of the UNSC on women and peace and security, especially on its content and limitations for overcoming the traditional view that identifies women with victims in armed conflicts. Finally, using the concrete case of sexual violence against women in armed conflict the text analyses the extent to which this and subsequent resolutions on this topic (specially Resolutions 1820, 1888, 1960 and 2106), far from overcoming that traditional view, have helped to reproduce it.

Women are crucial stakeholders in peacebuilding and democratic reform and yet they are too often sidelined because of entrenched gender biases that continues to uphold gendered socio-cultural inequalities. This is despite the united nations security council resolution 1325 which was passed unanimously in the year 2000. As a result, this working paper examines the role resolution 1325 has had in peacebuilding as well as women’s past exclusion from peacebuilding processes in various countries. It further posits some methods available to states to ensure women’s effective and adequate participation within negotiations and constitution drafting, as it is important to work towards  women’s increased topical representation within constitutions, parliamentary politics, and within all levels of state.

This publication provides an insight into the opportunities and challenges experienced in the early stages of deliberation and implementation of UNSCR 1325 by governments in mid-income transition countries, a number of which also suffer from unresolved statehood issues and the heritage of conflict. This publication is based on empirical research on implementation of UNSCR 1325 in cases where action plans have been adopted (Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia and Macedonia), in cases where they are currently being finalised (Kosovo) and in cases where the UNSCR 1325 agenda has been implemented without an action plan (Albania). While recognising that women CSOs were working on the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda long before the adoption of NAPs, we have largely focused on the period since 2008, when some of the region’s governments began implementing the WPS agenda by developing AP/NAPs or adopting specific policies aimed at improving gender equality in security governance.

New concepts of security that challenge the narrow paradigms can come only when women and the excluded participate in the security discourse. UNSCR 1325 and R2P are major steps towards demilitarization and for safeguarding the rights of women and civilians in the face of gross atrocities, wherein the former is based on explicit gender dimension and the latter has some explicit reference but addresses crimes against humanity in general. Both these intersect and support each other, addressing the issue of building a just and inclusive
peace. Women’s equality and demilitarization are essential components of peace and SCR 1325 and R2P are international commitments in this direction.

The instrumental use of rights to legitimize humanitarian intervention has increased cynicism and not helped the cause of rights. It has sharpened the debate between realists on the one hand and feminists and critical theorists on the other. Feminists, human security and human development analysts, critique realism for being state-centred, male-dominated with elite bias and based on exclusions. They have joined with activists to push for policy changes. They can claim a moral victory over realists and argue for furthering normative theory in international relations. Security Council Resolution 1325 on women, war and peace and the R2P both add to the broadening of state security to include people.

In an attempt to analyse how gendered political power transforms in situations of conflict, WISCOMP organised a Policy Dialogue titled ‘Women and Peacebuilding” in 2015 with the underlying assumption that differences in the forms and expressions of gendered power relations, during and after conflict, impact on how ‘empowerment’ can be achieved. Through contextualization and tracing the manifestations of gendered political power in conflict and post-conflict settings, the focus was towards contributing new knowledge on processes of
‘disempowerment’ and ‘empowerment’ of women in conflict and peace.

Addressing the question of spaces available to enhancing women’s roles as agents of peace, the consultation attempted to identify mechanisms that could be put in place to take on board women’s experiences in framing policy as reflected in this report.

This essay critically analyses the ongoing debate on constructions of a referent object of security in individual and collective concepts of security in two International Relations theories  – the realist and the feminist approaches. Specifically, the ontological tension of what they define as the object of research. This essay bridges these two contested theories by arguing that on the one hand, feminist theory contests realist masculine construction of the world while on the other hand, keeps the state as an analytical unit and securitizing actor.  I argue that this debate can contribute to further development of security theories and lead to, as Rob Walker (1997) puts it, (what criticizers of the nation state still lack) an identifiable alternative provider of security other than the state.

This was written as part of a project on UN Security Council Resolution 1325. It explores the political participation of women in peace-building and politics in four South Asian post-conflict settings: Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Nepal and Sri Lanka. A considerably shorter version appears in the project volume, but this larger paper is unpublished. Do use it, but do not cite or circulate without permission.

The United Nations (UN) has proposed multiple strategies for addressing deficits in the implementation of its women, peace and security (WPS) resolutions. National Action Plans (NAPs) have gained huge traction and popularity, yet there has been little critical assessment of how they have advanced the WPS agenda overall. This paper assesses a number of key trends: first, the purchase that NAPs have attempted to gain at macro-structural levels within the UN’s political arena; second, the procedural modalities that have come to determine how the WPS resolutions are translated into NAPs at meso-levels across Member States; and third, the kinds of substantive focus found at micro-levels within adopted NAPs. The peripheral activities on WPS by related UN and civil society entities are also explored. It emerges that, while many practical gains have been made, NAPs-WPS remain insecure in their political positioning and are not yet fully realising their potential to deliver on women’s rights.

In April 2013, women’s organizations were among those celebrating the adoption of the Arms Trade Treaty (ATT) by the UN General Assembly. The ATT has been hailed as a victory for women; it will require states parties to take into account the risk of small arms being used to commit or facilitate serious acts of gender-based violence, such as domestic and sexual violence, before authorizing their transfer abroad. Indeed, 2012–13 saw international policy concerning women, peace, and security and small arms finally converge. This owes much to the work of women and women’s organizations, in collaboration with the broader civil society arms control movement.

An analysis based on three UN missions: MINUSTAH (Haiti), MONUSCO (Democratic Republic of the Congo) and UNIFIL (Lebanon).
Fifteen years after Resolution 1325 was adopted in 2000, to what extent has it been integrated into peacekeeping operations? What approach has been developed for the military component? What achievements and pending
challenges have been found in the implementation of this Resolution in the area of military and police tasks?
Moreover, what role does the approach on women, peace and security have in the peacekeeping review process?

The year 2015 marks an important point in history for the women, peace and security agenda, as we celebrate the 15th anniversary of the UNSCR 1325 and the 20th anniversary of the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action. In these documents the international community recognized for the first time the disproportionate impact of armed conflict on women, as well as women’s critical role as active agents of change in promoting, building and maintaining peace.

Capitalizing on the momentum of these anniversaries, the United Nations Security Council decided in 2013 to convene a High-level Review on the Implementation of UNSCR 1325 in 2015 and requested the UN Secretary-General to conduct a global study on the resolution with the aim to assess the progress, achievements, gaps and remaining challenges in the implementation of the women, peace and security agenda.

Austria, as an early supporter of the objectives laid out in UNSCR 1325 and the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action, is strongly convinced that sustainable peace can only be achieved if women’s needs are accounted for and women are fully involved as active participants in all peace- and security-related efforts. Women have critical roles to play in maintaining peace and ending violent conflict, including as peacekeepers, peacebuilders, mediators, decision-makers and agents of change.

As a consequence, in 2007 Austria was among the first UN Member States to adopt a National Action Plan (NAP) on the implementation of UNSCR 1325, which was revised in 2012 in order to account for new developments and subsequent thematic resolutions. Following the objectives of the NAP, Austria has taken various measures to strengthen the participation of women in peace-promoting and conflict-resolving activities. Amon these measures are increasing the proportion of women in peace operations and decision-making positions in international and regional organizations, integrating the content of UNSCR 1325 in relevant training activities for peace operations, as well as preventing gender-specific violence and protecting the needs of women and girls in conflict and post-conflict situations.

Continuing Austria’s efforts to promote the implementation of UNSCR 1325, in preparation of the High-level Review on UNSCR 1325 and as a contribution to the global study on UNSCR 1325 and the Beijing +20 campaign of UN Women, the symposium "Enhancing Women’s Share in Peace and Security” was organized. The two-day symposium, which took place in November 2014 in Vienna, brought together international experts from politics, governments, the military, academia, the media and civil society and set out to discuss major achievements, remaining challenges and emerging priorities in the implementation of UNSCR 1325 in the twenty-first century, as well as providing recommendations for the way ahead. The key findings of the symposium are reflected in a policy paper containing specific recommendations for national governments, international, regional and sub-regional organizations, civil society organizations and the media. This policy paper has also been circulated as a Security Council document on 27 February 2015 under the symbol S/2015/142.

In addition, this report provides a detailed and comprehensive reflection of the symposium’s thematic discussions, findings and recommendations. We would like to express our gratitude to all who have contributed to the symposium, the development of the policy paper and this report. Our particular appreciation goes to the symposium’s participants - their expertise and knowledge built the foundation of this report.

Austria believes that the insight and recommendations gained during the symposium will help significantly to improve our collective efforts in advancing the implementation of the women, peace and security agenda. To this end, Austria will continue to work with partners in taking forward the key recommendations identified, thereby promoting gender equality and women’s empowerment.

Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and Security was unanimously adopted by the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) on October 31, 2000, after recalling Resolutions 1261, 1265, 1296 and 1314 all of which relate to the Women, Peace and Security Agenda. In its nineteenth year, the continued relevance of Resolution 1325 cannot be in doubt in a world battered by conflicts that require urgent intervention. Thus far, implementation of the Resolution cannot be said to have recorded tremendous success in the Global South where gender disparity remains a socio-political reality and where the efforts of women at the domestication of the Resolution are either discouraged or unrecognized. Through the prism of WAELE AFRICA Foundation’s activities, this paper aims to identify, categorize and examine the efforts of women-founded/based Non-Governmental Organizations in the Global South and the challenges they encounter in their quest to domesticate the UNSC Resolution 1325 in a bid to politically appreciate and academically document those efforts and challenges . Hinging on pragmatic qualitative methods and the Feminism Peace and Conflict theory, the paper concludes that peace interventions would yield little or no results without the full recognition and input of women who are at once the precursors of the Resolution 1325 and the most vulnerable in times of conflict. The paper further suggests solutions to the challenges identified.

Keywords: Global South, Women, NGOs, Resolution 1325, UNSC, WAELE AFRICA

Cyprus Mail MARCH 11TH, 2015

INTERNATIONAL Women’s Day has come and gone yet I cannot help but be reflective. A hundred years since the first international women’s day and yet I am still here wondering why do women still need a day? It has been a little over a year since I wrote ‘Where are the Women in the Peace Process?’ In which I expressed my concern for the lack of women represented in the formal peace negotiations while further still taking to task the international community and governments for the lack of accountability for United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 of 2000 and its successors.

Since the commencement of the new millennium there has been increased global awareness on the gendered dimensions armed conflict take and that women bear the brunt of war. It is this acknowledgement that informed the adoption of United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and Security (SCR1325) on 30th October 2000. SCR 1325 emphasized the important role women play in peace processes and called on member states of the United Nations (UN) to take measures to ensure full and effective participation of women in all levels of the peace process particularly decision making with regards to peace
The discourse on women’s inclusion in peace processes has largely been driven by the premise that women are victims of wars who suffer gendered forms of violence during armed conflict and as such special needs of women in post-conflict situations should be addressed. However, the feminist theory notes the roles of women in conflict extend beyond victimhood; they have sometimes been active combatants in war. Women also play crucial roles in peace processes and in post-conflict reconstruction. Through the feminism theory perspective this paper will investigate the exclusion and marginalization of women in formal peace processes.
This paper will explore the role of women in formal peace processes in Kenya by analyzing the adoption and domestication of SCR 1325. It will further investigate whether involvement of women in formal peace processes contributes to sustainable peace.

This study analyzes the lessons learned from efforts to integrate
a gender perspective and United Nations Security Council
resolution 1325 (UNSCR 1325) into capacity building missions.
It identifi es actions that would enable further improvements of
implementation of UNSCR 1325. The study primarily focuses on
missions in which personnel from the Swedish Armed Forces have
participated (EUTM Somalia, EUTM Mali and ISAF), and draws on
interviews with deployed instructors and officials.

Although it has been fifteen years since the UNSC adopted UNSCR 1325 on women, peace and security, studies show little progress in inclusion of women and women's issues to peace processes. This paper analyzes why such issues are important for durable peace by widening the discussion to how substantive influence of women to peace can be accomplished. In Turkey, the peace process, originally known as the Kurdish Opening, initiated in 2009 has paid little attention to the gendered aspect of the long-lived war, has not included any plan to deal with the needs of the women affected by the conflict, and failed to incorporate enough women peace-makers to the process. This article points out the necessity of developing a holistic approach to incorporating women's issues to peace processes as well as increasing not only the number of women but also those who can make a substantive difference. *** It was in 2000 that the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) passed a remarkable resolution: UNSCR 1325 on women, peace and security. The document not only recognised the different impacts of wars on women, but also the important role women can play in peace-making and peacebuilding. 15 years after the adoption of the resolution, research on women, security and peace, and statistics on women's participation to peace processes point out a gap between the expectations and the outcome. The UNSCR 1325 is three-tiered: participation of women to decision-making and peace processes, their protection from gender-based violence and prevention from violence. Recently, there have also been discussions around including promotion of women and acknowledging their roles in peacebuilding, and recovery to these pillars. This analysis will focus on women's participation to peace processes not merely as numbers, but as what they bring to the process when they join, while also linking it to the importance of violence prevention and enlarging the understanding of the inter-linkages between gender and violence.

Our work is not only a consequence of the deepening and revitalization of feminist thought but also of countries’ ongoing institutional resistance to implementing UNSCR 1325 effectively rather than merely superficially. That challenge has become the main driver of our academic work, which seeks to promote the mainstreaming of the gender perspective in our country. This was our path.

El presente artículo examina el estado del programa «la mujer, la paz y la seguridad» tras diecisiete años desde la adopción de la Resolución 1325, analizando su recepción por la Unión Europea a través de las diferentes herramientas desarrolladas. A su vez, se profundiza en la adopción de Planes Nacionales de Acción por parte de sus Estados Miembros, analizando separadamente el Plan Nacional de Acción español.

En este artículo se aborda el microtráfico de estupefacientes como uno de los componentes del sistema de drogas ilícitas (SDI), a partir del cual se pueden analizar el servicio de policía y el actor criminal con perspectiva de género asociada a la confrontación institucional de la problemática social en cuestión. El análisis partirá de la descripción del SDI, y a partir de ello se hará una caracterización del microtráfico donde se presenta un rol femenino preponderante; en ocasiones, invisibilizado. Esta problemática social asume dos dimensiones que cobijan a las instituciones de la seguridad, en las cuales existe la participación de la mujer en el fenómeno: una es el rol de esta como agente criminal preponderante, y otra, su rol como servidor público y agente de la ley que lo confronta.

Uno de los procesos de transformación social de los que no se ha sustraído la institucionalidad del Estado ha sido la posibilidad de integrar a la mujer en diferentes actividades. Actualmente, esto se considera como un factor de modernización organizacional, además de verse motivado por demandas sociales crecientes, en términos de igualdad de derechos, equidad de género y equiparación de estándares internacionales. En tal sentido, el presente artículo analiza la incorporación de las mujeres en el arma de Infantería del Ejército Nacional de Colombia. Para ello, realiza una descripción de tal incorporación en las Fuerzas Armadas de diferentes países y la compara posteriormente con la experiencia colombiana y, en especial, con la incorporación de la mujer en el arma mencionada, contemplando información en una línea de tiempo desde 1976 hasta 2021. Adicionalmente, se analizan los factores que han influido en esa transformación mediante el testimonio de las primeras mujeres que hoy en día hacen parte del arma de Infantería, con el fin de evidenciar tanto su capacidad para participar en todos los espacios de la institución como la que tiene el Ejército Nacional de Colombia para adaptarse e incluirlas dentro de sus filas.