Vote

Efficient processing of top- k queries is a crucial requirement in many interactive environments that involve massive amounts of data. In particular, efficient top- k processing in domains such as the Web, multimedia search, and distributed systems has shown a great impact on performance. In this survey, we describe and classify top- k processing techniques in relational databases. We discuss different design dimensions in the current techniques including query models, data access methods, implementation levels, data and query certainty, and supported scoring functions. We show the implications of each dimension on the design of the underlying techniques. We also discuss top- k queries in XML domain, and show their connections to relational approaches.

Conversational interview accounts were used to explore everyday understandings of political participation on the part of young white adults in England. Analysis focussed on dilemmatic tensions within respondents' accounts between values of active citizenship and norms of liberal individualism. Respondents could represent community membership as engendering rights to political participation, whilst also arguing that identification with local or national community militates against the formulation of genuine personal attitudes and rational political judgement. Respondents could represent political participation as a civic responsibility, whilst also casting political campaigning as an illegitimate attempt to impose personal opinions on to others. Formal citizenship education did not appear to promote norms of political engagement but rather lent substance to the argument that political decision-making should be based on the rational application of technical knowledge rather than on public opinion or moral principle. In conclusion we question whether everyday understandings of responsible citizenship necessarily entail injunctions to political action. Copyright © 2007 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

Code source de la version 1.0 d’un petit utilitaire JavaScript (EcmaScript) pour le dépouillement automatique en temps réel d’un scrutin.

Avant toute chose, signalons que le panneau de la console doit être actif (ouvert) pendant l’exécution de ce programme, car c’est là que s’affichent les résultats partiels au fur et mesure de l’avancement du scrutin.

1. Le ou les utilisateur(s) doivent seulement chacun chiquer sur l’icône ou l’identité du candidat, et la machine recalcule automatiquement tout le scrutin,

2. Quand tout le monde a choisi son candidat, on clique sur le bouton FIN, et la machine donne, sur le champ (donc juste à la fin du processus électoral) le verdict final incontestable.

3. Pour augmenter le nombre de candidats, il suffit d’ajouter d’autres boutons dans le code source.

4. Il n’est pas recommandé d’ajouter des voix après le calcul des résultats finaux (après avoir cliqué sur le bouton FIN).


Le code source du programme :

Dans une Europe agrandie et souvent soumise à la critique de son manque de représentativité et de légitimité, procéder à une réflexion comparative sur la manière dont les Etats membres établissent leur propre système politique est une manière de prendre du recul sur l’organisation des activités politiques. A l’heure d’une crise de la représentation politique des démocraties modernes, qui se caractérise par une montée dans toutes les élections du niveau d’abstention, la lecture en termes de genre des différences de participation politique permet de mettre en évidence les rigidités des systèmes institutionnels et leurs défauts. Le long chemin des femmes vers l’égalité politique invite à une réflexion sur la façon dont pallier ces problèmes.
Quel est le rapport des femmes à la politique, dans les trois zones, institutionnellement et culturellement contrastées, que sont la Suède, l’Angleterre et la France ?
On se propose, d’observer et de caractériser le lien existant entre participation politique et intérêt politique en fonction du genre dans les trois pays choisis (I). On essayera ensuite de comparer la corrélation entre un certain nombre de facteurs institutionnels, culturels et historiques et le niveau d’investissement des femmes dans la vie politique pour dresser une forme d’état des lieux de la situation actuelle (II).

Biproportional apportionment methods provide two-way proportionality in electoral systems where the electoral region is subdivided into electoral districts. The problem is to assign integral values to the elements of a matrix that are proportional to a given input matrix, and such that a set of row- and column-sum requirements are fulfilled. In a divisor-based method for biproportional apportionment, the problem

The Eurovision Song Contest is an international contest of artistic prowess. The organization of the voting process in the contest aims to create a 'veil of ignorance' that promotes unbiased evaluations by providing an equal opportunity for all contestants. This study scrutinizes the departure of the Eurovision Song Contest's outcomes from its ideal organizational conception and points to systematic preferences among European blocs. By analyzing the patterns of relations between four empirically derived European blocs, this study shows that hegemony results from the unique structural position that the Western bloc occupies. This bloc enjoys a persistent position of a tertius gaudens that results from the fact that (a) nations in this bloc favor each other and export few points to other blocs; (b) the Northern and Mediterranean blocs avoid each other, and therefore allocate their surplus votes to the Western bloc. The Western bloc longitudinally sustains its hegemonic pos...

Vote buying has long been considered a major obstacle to democracy in Thailand. As reiterated in explanations of Thailand’s 2006 military coup, vote buying in Thai electoral politics has often been attributed to traditional village culture and rural ignorance. Placing a 1995 northern Thai election for kamnan (subdistrict head) in historical context, this essay suggests that vote buying did not typify village elec-toral politics but was an aberration that reached its zenith during the mid-1990s. Legal ambiguities, not rural apathy or ignorance, impeded villagers’ ability to protest corrupt practices and safeguard their internal democracy. These ambiguities emerged as new democratic laws implemented in 1992 and 1995 to decentralize power conflicted with older laws dating from the days of absolute monarchy. Subsequent legal reforms appear to have mitigated the importance of vote buying in village electoral politics. How these reforms will affect national electoral politics remains to b...

The 2002 presidential élection polls will be remembered for a long time because their error in predictions had dramatic consequences. What influence did those elections have on French opinion poli research and was it able to revise its methods? Was it able to improve its voting estimates? Research has shown that French polis are now more able to distinguish between voting for the left and the right than in 2002. However, French polls have not improved their capability to estimate intentions to vote for major candidates. The discrepancies between means for twelve polis published during the last week before voting vary from 1.8 points for Royal to 3.2 points for Sarkozy and 3.8 points for Le Pen. These results show that the estimation error for Le Pen is the same in 2007 as in 2002, but in the opposite direction. As in 2002, samples were biased concerning level of education - strong under-representation of the less educated - as well as for voting profile - strong non-declaration of voting for Le Pen. One can thus conclude that the problem of estimating the extreme right vote remains in its entirety and that polling institute methods have not changed greatly. Cooperation between the institutes and researchers should permit further explanations and possible solutions.

Objective. We provide an examination and update of a presidential election forecasting model that we have previously developed to predict state-level presidential election outcomes.Method. Our model consists of September statewide trial-heat polls in 1992, 1996, and 2000 along with a prior vote variable. We use this model to generate predictions for both state-level and national-level outcomes.Results. Although our model generated reasonably accurate point estimates of state-level outcomes in 2000, it still incorrectly predicted a Gore victory in 2000.Conclusions. We discuss possible explanations for the 2000 misprediction and present updated coefficients to be used to generate a forecast for the 2004 election.

For a little over a decade we have been witnessing a profusion of discourses on autochthony — that is, an original belonging to a group or territory — in many parts of the world. A global approach to this question first requires a look at the principle of autochthony and its genealogy. Starting from African examples, places of prolific expression of the phenomenon, this article shows how autochthony plays the role of capital that can be invested, valued and profited from. The structure of this capital carries within itself the seeds of conflict. The article analyses how the stabilization of its value requires the execution of specific strategies. Among these strategies, I will focus in greater depth on voting. The relationship between capital, autochthony and elections will thus bring us back to debates that animate political science: in new municipalities, autochthony as capital is at the heart of candidate selection, suffrage, political participation and citizenship.

Frequemment convoquee entre 1532 et 1555 (et en particulier entre 1541 et 1555), la Diete etait-elle une veritable institution decisionnelle ou ne correspondait-elle qu'a un simple espace de representation domine par le rituel ? Dans quelle mesure son fonctionnement a-t-il ete affecte par la division confessionnelle ? Celle-ci conduit-elle a un affaiblissement de l'opposition traditionnelle entre Empereur et Etats au profit de la formation de camps confessionnels ? Enfin, comment les decisions de la Diete etaient-elles appliquees par ses membres et percues en dehors du cercle de ses participants, a l'interieur comme a l'exterieur de l'Empire ?

This paper aims to contribute to the growing body of research on online political marketing by investigating the use of websites as a marketing tool in the 2007 and 2009 general elections in Greece. The
two main research objectives are firstly to establish the key factors affecting voters’ trust when it comes
to using politicians’ websites and secondly to examine whether and to what extent the influence of trustbuilding factors changes over-time, as the online environment matures. The key findings of this research
are that users tend to visit the websites of favoured candidates, which reinforces their positive perceptions of them, while as far as the websites themselves and their content and the services provided are
concerned there is still room for improvement.