Eng502 Handouts Final Reviewed PDF
Eng502 Handouts Final Reviewed PDF
Eng502 Handouts Final Reviewed PDF
(ENG502)
Table of Contents
Lecture No. Title Topic No. Pg. No.
WHAT IS LANGUAGE?
Introduction 001 9
Language: A Purely Human and Non-Instinctive
002 9-10
Communication
Lecture No. 1
Language: A Symbol System 003 10
Behavioristic View of Language 004 10
Structural View of Language 005 10-11
Miscellaneous Definitions of Language 006 11
HISTORY OF LANGUAGE
Animal Communication and Language 007 12-14
Talking Apes 008 14-16
Lecture No. 2 Written Language 009 16-19
First Families 010 19-22
Towards a Science of Language 011 22-25
Future Indicatives 012 26-27
ORIGIN OF LANGUAGE
The Divine Source 013 27
The Natural Sound Source 014 27
Lecture No. 3
The Social Interaction Source 015 28
The Physical Adaptation Source 016 28
The Tool-Making Source 017 28-29
The Genetic Source 018 29
CHARACTERISTICS OF LANGUAGE
Characteristics of Human Language 019 30
Displacement 020 30
Lecture No. 4 Arbitrariness 021 30-31
Productivity 022 31
Cultural Transmission 023 31
Duality 024 31-32
FUNCTIONS OF LANGUAGE
Functions of Language (Verbal Communication) 025 33
Language is Expressive 026 33-35
Lecture No. 5 Language is Powerful 027 35
Language as a Means of Control 028 35-36
Language is Performative 029 36
Language: A Dynamic and Relational Entity 030 36-38
NONVERBAL COMMUNICATION AND LINGUISTICS
Aspects of Nonverbal Communication 031 39
Lecture No. 6 Principles of Nonverbal Communication 032 39
Conveyance of Interpersonal and Emotional Messages 033 40
LEXICOGRAPHY
The Dictionary: Definition and History 252 190
Source Materials for Dictionaries 253 190-191
Lecture No. 44 Uses and Users of Dictionaries 254 191
Corpora for Lexicography 255 191-192
Developments in Electronic Dictionary Design 256 192
Linguistic Corpora and the Compilation of Dictionaries 257 192-193
LATEST TRENDS OF RESEARCH IN LINGUISTICS
What is Linguistic Research or Research in Linguistics? 258 194
Research Trends in Applied Linguistics 259 194-195
Current Trends in Linguistic Research Methodology 260 195-196
Lecture No. 45 Research Trends in Linguistics in China 261 196
Research Trends in Linguistics in Japan 262 197
Trends of Linguistics in India 263 197-198
Recent Progress in Applied Linguistics 264 198
Lesson-01
WHAT IS LANGUAGE?
Linguistics is defined as the scientific study of language. Language is used to express inner
thoughts and emotions, make sense of complex and abstract thoughts, learn to communicate with others,
fulfill our wants and needs, and to establish rules and maintain our culture. Language can be defined as
verbal, physical, biologically innate, and a basic form of communication. The question ‘What is
language?’ is equal to ‘What is life?’ It is difficult to define the word ‘language’ especially when it has
many alternate words in other languages. In French, two words are found for the word ‘language’:
‘langage’ and ‘langue’ whereas in Italian the alternate words are ‘linguaggio’ and ‘lingua’. Anyone who
possesses ‘a language’ such as English, Arabic, Urdu, etc.., possesses ‘language’. One cannot possess (or
use) natural language without possessing (or using) some particular natural language.
The term ‘natural language’ is applied to a variety of other systems of communication, notation or
calculation, about which there is a room for dispute, e.g., computer or mathematical language are different
from human language, so, they cannot count as natural languages. These notational systems are artificial,
rather than natural, irrespective of whether they are rightly called languages or not. Pre-existing natural
languages are called Esperanto. Thousands of recognizably distinct natural languages are spoken
throughout the world. The main question here is to find out whether all natural languages have something
in common not shared by other systems of communication i.e., animal communication and artificial
languages created by human beings.
According to Sapir (1921, p.8), ‘language is a purely human and non-instinctive method of
communicating ideas, emotions and desires by means of voluntarily produced symbols.’ This definition
suffers from several defects. However, broadly, when the terms ‘idea’, ‘emotion’, and ‘desire’ are
interpreted, it seems clear that there is much that is communicated by language which is not covered by
any of them, and ‘idea’ in particular is inherently vague and imprecise. ‘Emotion’ and ‘desire’ are
understandable but ‘idea’ needs to be precisely defined.
There are many systems of voluntarily produced symbols, for example body language in which
symbols are voluntarily produced. ‘Purely human’ denotes that only human beings possess language and
their communication system is very different from that of animals. Animals also have communication
systems, for example, bees’ dance in which bees communicate each other about the place of nectar. Birds
also use certain calls to attract each other’s attention or to convey where food can be found, etc. The next
aspect of this definition is ‘non-instinctive’ which means non-inherited. It means that language is not
inherited by the parents to the child. If parents take their child to another country, he will learn the
language of that country rather the language of parents. Another aspect of this definition is ‘voluntarily
produced’. Sapir excludes cries and groans from this definition because they also involuntarily produced.
A language is a system of arbitrary vocal symbols by means of which a social group co-operates.
Language is a system of symbols and rules that enable us to communicate. The symbols used in a
language can include speech sounds as well as writing symbols while the rules include grammar (e.g.,
pronouns, tense, etc.), parsing, and pragmatics. There is an arbitrary relationship between a linguistic
symbol and its referent. Language provides context for symbolic understanding.
Every language has its own way of encoding and expressing human experience, and an entire way
of thinking is lost each time a language becomes extinct. It is important to differentiate between language
and communication. Communication is a process whereby there is an exchange of information between
the sender and the receiver. This information can be transmitted through scent, song, gesture, tone,
writing, painting, or language. Language is a symbolic form of communication.
Language is ‘the institution whereby humans communicate and interact with each other by
means of habitually used oral—auditory arbitrary symbols’. Hall (1968, p.158), in his ‘An Essay on
Language’, introduced the terms institution, and habitually used oral—auditory arbitrary symbols. The
most noteworthy in Hall’s definition, however, is his use of the term ‘habitually used’ and there are
historical reasons for this. Linguistics and the psychology of language were strongly influenced for about
thirty years or so, especially in America, by the stimulus—response theories of the behaviourists. Within
the theoretical framework of behaviourism, the term ‘habit’ acquired a rather special sense which laid the
foundation of the term ‘habitually used.’
The term ‘habit’ was used with reference to the bits of behaviour that could be identified as
predictable responses to particular stimuli. Hall presumably means by language ‘symbols’, the vocal
signals that are actually transmitted from the sender to receiver in the process of communication and
interaction. Now it is clear that there is no sense of the term ‘habit’, technical or non-technical, in which
the utterances of a language are either themselves habits or constructed by means of habits. If ‘symbol’ is
being used to refer, not to language-utterances, but to the words or phrases, it would still be wrong to
imply that a speaker uses such and such a word, as a matter of habit, on such and such an occasion.
sentence and non-sentence sequences. Chomsky believes that structural properties are complex, abstract,
and highly specific which must be known to a child prior to his experience of any natural language. In this
regard, Chomsky is a rationalist rather than empiricist. So, according to Chomsky, language is structure–
dependent. The definition encompasses purely structural properties of language and suggests that these
properties can be investigated mathematically.
Language is the expression of ideas by means of which sounds are combined into words, and
words are combined into sentences (Sweet, 1895). Language is a form of communication by means of
which a system of symbols is principally transmitted by vocal sounds (Hobbins, 1990). Language is a
human vocal noise (or graphic representation of this noise in writing) used systematically and
conventionally by a community for the purpose of communication. (Crystal, 1989) Languages are
infinitely extendable and modifiable according to changing needs and conditions of the speaker (Robins,
1979). A language consists of symbols that convey meaning, plus rules for combining those symbols, that
can be used to generate an infinite variety of messages (Weiten, 2007). Language is not an abstract
construction of the learned, or of dictionary makers, but is something arising out of the work, needs, ties,
joys, affections, and tastes of long generations of humanity, and has its bases broad and low, close to the
ground (Whitman).
Lesson-02
HISTORY OF LANGUAGE
Out of this evolutionary process, ‘language’ in its broadest sense, was born. Each type of
language used in nature differs. The deeper one probes, the more one discovers each species’
communicative ability distinguished by ever more elaborate definitions of the concept ‘language’. In its
simplest definition, language signifies ‘medium of information exchange’. This definition allows the
concept of language to encompass facial expressions, gestures, postures, whistles, hand signs, writing,
mathematical language, programming (or computer) language, and so forth.
The definition further recognizes many bioacoustic exchanges of information (the sound
emissions of life forms) that occur in frequencies beyond human hearing, for example, an average 15-
year-old human can hear only about ten octaves at the loudness and closeness of normal conversation –
that is, between 30-18,000 hertz (cycles per second). Birds, frogs, toads, and dogs all vocalize within this
range.
Bioacoustics
Bioacoustics has turned its attention to fish as well, since, particularly during laying, many fish
emit a representative ‘complex sound’, the first part of which consists of a train of partially overlapping
pulses, and the second part of which is composed of rapidly repeated pulses that overlap, producing a
constant waveform similar to a ‘tone’.
Infrasound
However, most other creatures appear to communicate both below and above the range humans
consider normal. Infrasound comprises emissions below 30 Hertz, such as many sounds made by finback
whales, blue whales, elephants, crocodilians, ocean waves, volcanoes, earthquakes, and severe weather.
Ultrasound
Ultrasound occurs above 18,000 Hertz, frequencies commonly used by insects (Earth’s most
prevalent inhabitants), bats, dolphins and shrews. However, there is far more to language than vocal
communication alone. In its most universal meaning, language is the nexus of the animate world, its
limits drawn only by humankind’s crayon.
History of language is considered history of human language. Though a history of language at the
beginning of the twenty-first century is still implicitly a history of human language, it carries the
suggestion that it might evolve to encompass many previously unknown forms of language.
The vocal communication of many amphibians, especially frogs, has in the past few years been
intensively researched; though, one still looks in vain for any reference to a frog language. Vocal
communication in its most primitive form, for example, is strikingly demonstrated by the humming
midshipman fish of the Western coastline of the USA. The noise – a loud, resonant drone very much like
that produced by an Australian didgeridoo – originates from a pair of muscles attached to the swim
bladder that contract and vibrate against the stomach wall, and will continue moving for up to an hour.
Once a female arrives, the humming promptly ceases. Several orders of insects also possess sound-
producing organs evidently used for communication.
Many of these use ultrasound, whose very existence was unknown to science until the latter half
of the twentieth century. During courtship, both male and female moths, for example, communicate
through pheromones (secretions exuded through specialized glands); the entire sequence of moth
courtship behaviour involves ultrasound production as well. This very recent discovery has necessitated a
reconsideration of moth courtship behaviour, with greater emphasis now laid on the interaction between
the several modes of communicative expression.
Language of Ants
However, when one hears of animal communication or language one commonly thinks of the
languages of ants, honey-bees, birds, horses, elephants, cetaceans and great apes. Each ant can transmit at
least 50 different messages using body language and pheromones. Ants’ mandibular glands secrete alarm
odours; the hind gut terminates in a rectal gland that exudes scent for trail-marking; exudings from the
sternal gland are used to call nearby workers, and so forth. These highly specific chemical messages,
combined with body language, seemingly offer an economical package containing the necessary
information an individual ant must exchange with its fellow ants for the colony’s survival.
In the first half of the twentieth century, the Austrian Zoologist, Karl von Frisch, revealed that
honey-bees use dance to communicate, thereby stunning the world by demonstrating that even
insignificant insects were capable of exchanging complex information about things remote in space and
time. By means of a ‘waggle dance’, the honey-bee forager informs followers of the type (through
proffered samples), quality (quantity of 180 degree turns of dance) and location (tracing a figure-eight
design for distance and direction) of food she has found beyond the nest.
Keen birdwatchers have long thrilled to the March wren’s vast repertoire of songs. And since
antiquity it has been appreciated that some birds in the wild learn their songs in different contexts, a fact
that suggests birds attach different meanings to their vocalizations. Recent field research has apparently
confirmed this. Birds display great individual differences in vocal abilities and inclinations, even among
the most loquacious species. Some birds say nothing; others, it seems, never stop chattering. Larger
parrots are perhaps the animal kingdom’s most phenomenal linguists, especially African Greys and
Amazons (yellow napes, double yellow heads, red-loreds and blue fronts). Scarlet and blue-and-red
macaws can vocalize well, too; but they are commonly hoarse and loud. Cockatoos, fine talkers, possess
mellifluous voices; however, like the macaws, they are difficult to teach.
Our great ape antecedents evidently possessed precisely those neural pathways necessary for
various modes of communicative expression to convey information adequately. However, the great apes’
lips and tongue lacked coordinated control; they were also incapable of controlled exhalation. Even if
these great apes had physically been able to speak, their ‘speech’ would probably have been nothing
similar to how we understand this word today.
The modern human brain is two to three times greater in volume than that of any living great ape;
it imparts an enhanced ability to use and further elaborate spoken language and to reason with it. A
history of human language is also a history of the human brain and its cognitive abilities; the two go hand
in hand.
Seven to five million years ago in Africa, probably as a result of differing diets, hominids split
from other primitive ape species. Two major genera of hominids have differentiated the genus
Australopithecus and the genus Homo. According to some experts, because of a high-calorie diet, brain
capacity increased in comparison to body weight.
However, an Australopithecus africanus of three million years ago, for example, would have
demonstrated a linguistic ability in no way different from a modern gorilla’s, chimpanzee’s or bonobo’s.
They could communicate through gestures and vocalization. As they had mastered bipedalism,
Australopithecines were walking great apes, but most experts agree that they were not talking great apes.
Then come Homo habilis (2.4 million years ago); they could also make gestures and had
vocalization. Homo erectus (2.5 million years ago) could make short utterance and conditional
prepositions (1 million years ago). From erectus came two main divergences: Homo neaderthalensis,
(300,000 to 30,000 years ago) and Homo sapiens (300,000 years ago). Most experts agree that
Neanderthals used a rudimentary language close to our own; nothing else can explain their complex tool
manufacture and high level of society. They had complex thought as they could make complex sentences.
Theirs was speech based societies, however, they were unable to pronounce [i], [a], [u].
Homo sapiens were the only hominid species that survived evolution. They emerged as the
predecessor of the modern humans. They had complex thoughts due to complex sentences. They had
speech based societies. They had learnt to harvest and their main crops were wheat, oats and barley.
‘A scribe whose hand matches the mouth, he is indeed a scribe’, wrote an anonymous Sumerian
on clay some 4,000 years ago and in so doing captured the very essence of writing. Writing did not
gradually ‘evolve’ from mute pictures. It began immediately as the graphic expression of actual human
speech and has remained so.
Even the earliest Egyptian hieroglyph (a system of writing that uses pictures instead of words,
especially as used in ancient Egypt) from around 3400 BC that immortalized a jackal, would have
immediately evoked in its reader’s mind the Egyptian word for ‘jackal’. No single person ‘invented’
writing. Writing first emerged, in a broad swath from Egypt to the Indus Valley, apparently as a result of
improving an ancient system of tallies and labels. A tradesman or official improved a tally or label by
pictorially depicting the commodity that was being counted, measured or weighed in order to lessen
ambiguity.
The most basic model of written language acknowledges three general classes of scripts, with
many transitional variants and combinations (mixed scripts):
A Logographic Script
A logographic script permits a glyph (an elemental symbol within an agreed set of symbols,
intended to represent a readable character for the purposes of writing) to represent a single morpheme (the
smallest meaningful linguistic unit, such as the three morphemes in English mean + ing +ful) or an entire
word (‘jackal’ as in the early Egyptian hieroglyphic script).
A Syllabic Script
A syllabic script comprises glyphs that have only syllabo-phonetic value (for example, ko-no-so
for ‘Knossos’ as in the scripts of the Bronze Age).
An Alphabetic Script
An alphabetic script allows glyphs called ‘letters’ to stand for individual vowels and consonants
(a, b, c as in the English alphabet).
Syllabic Systems
Over time, most historical scripts reflect a shift in emphasis of class, whereby the earlier semantic
or sense content is gradually superseded by the phonetic or sound content: in this way, logographic
systems have tended to become syllabic systems.
In contrast, the alphabetic system has remained unique: once it was developed – beginning in the
Levant and completed in Greece – alphabetic writing was subsequently adopted by hundreds of
languages. Today, the alphabetic writing system is the only one used to write previously scriptless
languages.
It is possible that the idea of writing emerged only once in human history, to be imitated
thereafter by many societies. Until quite recently, it was believed by most scholars that this emergence
occurred solely in Southern Mesopotamia (today’s South-Eastern Iraq).
In some cultures written language acquired veneration, as with the Hebrews of Canaan, ancient
Germans and Easter Islanders. In such cases the graphic art of writing and not necessarily its transmitted
message, was felt to be something apart from everyday existence, a transcendental communication to be
practised only by special scribes or priests. Throughout history, the very act of writing has often been
deemed a magical process.
The three classes of writing – logographic, syllabic and alphabetic (and their transitional and
mixed usages) – are each maximized by a particular language, society and era. Writing systems
experience fine-tuning as languages themselves change over time or a neighbouring language’s writing
system is borrowed and radically altered to fit a different language.
The three classes are not quality grades, nor are they stages in a model of writing evolution; they
are simply different forms of writing which are sometimes used to accommodate new and different needs
as they arise. The most common goal is the best graphic reproduction of the writer’s spoken language.
Over centuries and millennia, constant small changes to a writing system will result in enormous
differences in a script’s written appearance and use. Even after more than 2,000 years, today’s Latin
alphabet, which has descended from the earliest Egyptian hieroglyphs, is still experiencing, in many
different languages simultaneously, the addition of new system-external signs – or, because of new
technologies, the semantic expansion of old signs – that each educated reader must learn, such as %, ¥,
™, © and, most recently, the Internet signage @ and //.
Afro-Asiatic Writing
The peoples of Afro-Asia are perhaps the only ones in history to have elaborated writing without
external inspiration. Everywhere else in the world, writing served the prerogatives of priests and
propagandists, implying a cultural loan to obtain prestige and power.
Asiatic Writing
Perhaps inspired by Western scripts, Chinese writing began in the second millennium BC with
simple standardized depictions of objects on bones, bamboo sticks, wooden tablets and very rarely silk,
whose names were to be spoken aloud. As a rule, one wrote from top to bottom in columns running from
right to left. In time, depictions became more stylized. This allowed faster, more efficient writing. Also,
the picture-related writing could be used over a larger area by more speakers, of the same language and of
different languages, too.
Mesoamerican Writing
Only a small handful of Native American peoples ever used writing and this was solely in
Mesoamerica. Its origin is unknown. Some scholars have claimed an indigenous origin, with the writing
as perhaps a ‘natural reflex’ of the region’s attainment to a high level of civilization.
The true history of languages is far more complex than anyone has hitherto imagined. One should
be looking through the small end, not the large end, of the funnel to find the world’s first families of
languages. Yet even then, first is merely a metaphor.
Language Families
Language families are groups of languages that are genetically related, that is, sharing a common
ancestor. They display systematic correspondences in form and meaning not attributable to chance or
borrowing.
There are three reasons for linguistic similarity: genealogical sharing, areal diffusion and chance
typological commonality. It is genealogical sharing alone that justifies family trees. The number and
quality of related features will vary according to the amount of time that has passed since divergence from
the common ancestor.
The discipline of historical linguistics has provided certain techniques for ‘reconstructing’
languages (rather than simply inferring the history of languages). The application of these techniques has
allowed the distinction of borrowed elements from inherited elements, the evidence of the age of
linguistic features, and the identification of shared features from an ancient common source. This process
eventually allows a ‘classification’ of a language or entire language family based on similarities and
dissimilarities in words and grammatical elements. There are two kinds of linguistic classification:
typological and genetic (or genealogical). A typological classification associates languages on the basis of
distinctive features that can be categorized into defined types of linguistic phenomena.
Isolating
Isolating languages are those that tend to have, per word, only one morpheme – a language’s
smallest meaningful unit, like ‘the’ or ‘book’. Some languages might be isolating, like Mandarin Chinese,
which is a root language.
Fusional
However, a language might be fusional instead, where many morphemes can be found in one
word but the boundaries between them are unclear. This is so in Latin, which uses various word endings:
corpus, which is ‘body’ in Latin, can also appear as corporis, corpori, and corpore depending on the
word’s use in a sentence. This is called ‘inflection’ and fusional languages are also known as inflectional
languages.
Agglutinative
A third type of language is agglutinative, in which a word may possibly contain many individual
morphemes that can be either free (that is, stand on their own, like English ‘drive’) or bound (they can
never stand alone, like the ‘-r’ in ‘driver’). Turkish is an agglutinative language in which, as in all
agglutinative languages, word bases and word additions are kept distinct from one another so that all
boundaries between morphemes are easily identifiable. Unfortunately, typological classifications such as
these cannot provide direct historical information. With typological classification it is the relational, not
the substantial similarity between languages that is significant.
Genetic Classification
A genetic classification attempts to connect languages by virtue of their origins and relationships.
Related languages are compared with regard to the interrelationships of subgroups and languages within a
family, like French and Italian within the Romance language family or Germanic and Romance within the
higher level Indo-European family of languages. In this way, genetic classification, particularly when
based on grammatical forms and paradigms and not vocabulary, is able to provide direct historical
information. For this reason, it is the most productive approach to understanding the more recent history
of human language.
No Daughter Language
Human societies have donned new languages like new cloaks. The linguistic metamorphosis always went
unnoticed –until there was writing.
‘Linguistic science is a step in the self-realization of man’, wrote the eminent American linguist
Leonard Bloomfield at the beginning of the twentieth century. The step traverses millennia. Long before
written language, ancients divined human speech as a special gift of a god, a belief still held by many
unrelated cultures. Seriously organized study of language began in India and Greece in the first
millennium BC and has continued, in an unbroken and mutually enriching tradition, up to the present day.
Latin translations of Greek grammatical terms – noun, pronoun, verb, adverb, adjective, article, transitive,
intransitive, inflection, declension, tense, case, gender, subject, object and many more – are still used to
describe language in most Western cultures.
In ancient India, Sanskrit scholars excelled in phonetic (sound) and phonological (system of
significant sounds) theory and in aspects of grammatical analysis. At the time, their work was much more
scientific – that is, it exhibited the methods and principles of systematized knowledge – than anything of
the kind in Europe. But little is known of the origin and early development of ancient Indian linguistics.
Greek Linguistics
In contrast, there is a continuity of development from ancient Greek beginnings to the present
day. Greek linguistics passed to Rome. Rome’s late Latin grammarians, who studied Latin’s classes of
words, their inflections and their functions and relations in the sentence, inspired medieval scholars,
whose work was reinterpreted by Renaissance grammarians. These then provided the initial foundation
for the modern science of language that finally emerged in the nineteenth century.
There is a consistent flow in European linguistics since the earliest Greek speculations on the
subject; each generation has enjoyed knowledge of and has profited from, the work of insightful
antecedents. For this reason, the history of European linguistics can embody a history of linguistics in
general.
The world’s earliest known linguistic studies were produced in India between around 800 and 150
BC in an attempt to preserve the oral literature of India’s much earlier Vedic period. As in the West,
Indian scholars have maintained linguistic continuity up to the present day. Indian phonetics and various
grammatical topics, including profound treatises on phonology and semantics, up to the eighteenth
century surpassed anything the West had achieved. Indian linguists predicated their studies on the
observed phenomenon of language change over time. Unlike ancient Greek linguistics, Indian tradition
appeared already fully matured, the exquisite culmination of a protracted, but unrecorded, theoretical
development.
The first great work of Indian linguistics was Pāṇini’s Aṣṭādhyāyī or ‘Eight Books’ of Sanskrit
grammar, the earliest scientific work on any subject in any Indo-European language, written or orally
transmitted sometime between 600 and 300 BC. Measured against literary investigation and
philosophical speculation, India’s early linguists arrived at the cogent insight that language’s relation to
form and meaning owes more to arbitrary convention (passing along society’s custom) than natural
mimesis (copying nature’s sounds). Their semantic study already viewed word meanings as observational
creations, as well as inheritances. India’s first linguists took the remarkably modern view that entire
sentences could comprise autonomous linguistic units. (Western linguists, long concentrating on the
‘word’ as language’s elementary particle, first achieved this insight in the twentieth century.)
The age-old question of language’s form versus substance – that is, actual utterance as opposed to
the inherent system of features, categories and rules – had already been anticipated by India’s earliest
Sanskrit scholars, who developed the theory of the dhvani-sphot relationship. Utterance was the dhvani;
permanent linguistic substance, unuttered, was the sphot. The dhvani thus drew from the sphot ‘as one
draws water from a well’.
Phonetic Description
In phonetics, already by 150 BC, India’s linguists had ordered phonetic description into
phonological structures, with precise processes of articulation (the act or manner of giving utterance),
consonant and vowel segments and segmentational synthesis. From this, it is evident that ancient Indian
scholars intuited fully the principles of phonemics Western scholars were able to describe it adequately
only in the twentieth century.
India’s linguists are perhaps best known for their grammatical analysis of Sanskrit, especially
Pāṇini’s Aṣṭādhyāyī , though the work fails to fully comprehend what one today understands under
‘grammar’. Word formation rules, applied in a strict set in ‘aphoristic threads’ or sutras, take precedence;
in contrast, Sanskrit’s phonetic and grammatical description is almost wholly assumed. Pāṇini’s
grammar not only founded Indian linguistics but also, some 2,300 years later, contributed to the creation
of those European comparative and historical language studies which co-authored the modern science of
linguistics.
The Romans
During the third and second centuries BC, Greece gradually yielded to Rome’s supremacy.
Ironically, with Rome’s complete takeover of the Hellenistic world by the first century AD, the Greek
language did not bow to Latin, but Latin capitulated to Greek. Greek literature comprised educated
Rome’s model and Greek language was the language of culture itself, just as Latin was to become for the
European Middle Ages a millennium later.
As in other intellectual and artistic domains, Roman linguistics was the extension of Greek
linguistics. There was no clear separation of thought between Greek and Latin language theories, but a
continuation of the same dynamic parameters, a process fostered in part by the relative similarity of the
two Indo-European languages.
The prolific polymath Varro (116–27 BC) is the first critical Latin author to treat linguistics
whose writings have survived. He discusses lengthily the anomaly-analogy controversy in linguistics, but
also provides original insights, not mere imitation of Greek mentors, into the nature and earlier stages of
the Latin language. Varro’s work, divided into etymology, morphology, and syntax. He distinguished
between derived and inflectional formation of words, finding the latter a natural variation but the former
an unnatural and more restricted one.
His morphological classification of Latin words was also highly original. Unlike the Greeks,
Varro did not simply recognize case and tense as Latin’s and Greek’s main categories and establish the
four classes – according to the way they inflect – of nouns (case inflection), verbs (tense inflection),
participles (case and tense), and adverbs (neither case nor tense): he characterised the specific functions of
each. Nouns named things. Verbs made statements. Participles joined elements (they shared the former
two’s syntax) and adverbs supported all these.
The Arab world developed its own unique approach to language and so, avoided Latin
grammarians’ wholesale adoption of Greek prototypes. The non-Arab Persian Sibawayh of Basra, writing
in the eighth century AD, consolidated all Arabic language instruction in his grammatical treatise Al
Kitab (The Book). Striking out from a firm foundation of preceding linguistic studies, Sıbawayh defined
classical Arabic as it is known today.
China
Though the first Chinese language dictionary was compiled as early as 1100–900 BC, yet
Chinese preoccupation with language analysis centred on the most faithful reproduction of the spoken
word through syllabo-phonetic glyphs. The influence of Sanskrit linguists is evident in the precise
ordering of the rhyme tables’ initial syllables according to articulation and other characteristics.
Linguistic investigation during the Latin Middle Ages is characterized principally by its orientation:
Church-based, it remained pedagogical. Because spoken and written Latin had survived Rome’s collapse
as the language of education in all Western countries regardless of local tongue, language study meant the
study of Classical Latin grammar, particularly in the early middle Ages.
Of the ‘Seven Liberal Arts’ that comprised the education, no fewer than three – grammar,
dialectic (logic) and rhetoric – directly involved the study of the Latin language. All Seven Liberal Arts
were of course subordinate to theology.
Classical writers collected data and described Greek and Latin. After the Middle Ages, European
scholars studied non-European languages and read the works of non-European linguists and no longer
allowed Greek and Latin to dominate linguistic study. Language itself became the object of investigation.
At the beginning of the nineteenth century, a true science of linguistics began to emerge. The
nineteenth century is the era of comparative and historical linguistics – that is, seeking languages’
similarities and differences and their historical relationships to one another and developing the scientific
vocabulary and tools to achieve this.
One cannot reliably predict a linguistic future, since so many non-linguistic factors are constantly
reshaping a society’s language: economic turns, civil insurrections, mass migrations, sudden rise of
prestige nations, new technologies, social fads, and many other phenomena.
However, reference to past linguistic changes and recognition of present linguistic trends can
provide possible linguistic scenarios, at least for the near future. One might also wish to consider the
activities of – mainly English-speaking – governmental and corporate strategists who are earnestly
expanding their bailiwicks at present, increasing the likelihood of their (English) language prevailing over
those languages of non-strategists in the coming decades.
Unprecedented Transformation
Merely drawing analogies to past linguistic changes and dynamics no longer holds unqualified
validity. All traditional relations of political, cultural and economic power between Western nations and
the rest of the world are in the process of unprecedented transformation. This now appears to be a
permanent global feature, which will perhaps create a new world order whose nature and quality are still
largely unknown. Not simply change and loss (replacement), as in the past, is currently describing
linguistic history, but also expansion of the domain of language to a degree hitherto unprecedented in
human society. This is currently reinventing what one means with the word ‘language’ itself.
Programming Languages
Computers expedite the manipulation of the descriptions of values, properties, and methods in
order to provide solutions to particular problems. The result of a programming process is a program for
text processing, operating systems, databases, and other computer activities. A programming language
can also be used for linguistic research, compiler research, teaching, and other things.
It is a language, which is a ‘medium of information exchange’, but it is wholly different from all
previous forms of language known to humankind, except perhaps written language with its many types
and forms of scripts reproducing natural language.
One of the Internet’s most widely used resources is language teaching and learning. This usage
promotes and preserves in hitherto unprecedented fashion not only living languages but extinct tongues as
well, the most popular being Classical Latin. The Internet cannot replace face-to-face linguistic
interaction. However, researchers believe e-mail communication resembles oral communication that
makes use of a casual linguistic style which includes colloquialisms and elliptical speech – that is, great
economy of expression.
Language Disappearing
Soon all of Earth’s languages but a small vestigial number will disappear, leaving one language
for all humankind (with its sign language counterpart). With this loss the new global society will
simultaneously attain to a degree of communication hitherto unimaginable, with related benefits for all
aspects of human activity. For language – in all its myriad forms: chemo communication, ‘dance’,
infrasound, ultrasound, gesture, oral speech, writing, computer language – is the very nexus of Nature and
of Nature’s communicating creations.
Lesson-03
ORIGIN OF LANGUAGE
Throughout the whole human history, one or the other religious sources have claimed to different
origin of language. The Biblical tradition states: ‘God created Adam and whatsoever Adam called every
living creature that was the name thereof.’(The book of Genesis); similarly in Hindu tradition, it is stated
‘language came from Sarasvati, wife of Brahma, creator of the universe.’ Most religions, appears to have
a divine source who provides humans with language. At different times, different religious people have
made a few experiments with rather conflicting results. The basic hypothesis: if human infants were
allowed to grow up without hearing any language around them, then they would spontaneously begin
using the original God-given language. Egyptian pharaoh’s experiment revealed that the two children sent
to wilderness uttered the Phrygian word bekos, so, the Egyptian pharaoh believed that the divine language
was Phrygian. King James, the Fourth of Scotland’s experiment (1500) showed that the isolated children
started speaking Hebrew. So, Hebrew was thought to be the divine language.
However, very young children living without access to human language in their early years grow
up with no language at all. If human language did emanate from a divine source, we have no way of
reconstructing that original language especially given the events in a place called Babel, ‘because the
Lord did there confound the language of all the Earth’, as described in the book of Genesis in the Bible
(11: 9).
The natural sound source concept maintains that primitive words could have been imitations of
the natural sounds which early men and women heard around them. CAW-CAW sound and COO-COO
sound were the natural sounds adopted to refer to that kind of objects by the people.
Another theory called ‘Bow-wow theory’ claims that languages have some words with
pronunciations that seem to echo naturally occurring sounds. The sounds of cuckoo, or other sounds such
as splash, bang, boom, rattle, buzz, hiss, screech, bow-wow, etc. form the basis of this theory. This is an
instance of onomatopoeia. However, this theory does not answer some very obvious questions.
What about the soundless things as well as abstract concepts? We do not believe that language is
only a set of words used as ‘names’ for things. What about the original sounds of language from natural
cries of emotion such as pain, anger and joy? Ouch! Ah! Ooh! Wow! or Yuck. Human sounds are made
on egressive pulmonic mechanism, while taking the breath out. In ingressive mechanism, expressive
noises made in emotional reactions contain sounds that are otherwise not used in speech.
‘Yo-he-ho’ theory claims that sounds of a person involved in physical effort could be the source
of our language, especially when that physical effort involved several people and the interaction had to be
coordinated. A group of early humans might develop a set of hums, grunts, groans, and curses that were
used when they were lifting and carrying large bits of trees or lifeless hairy mammoths.
According to the theory, the development of human language took place in a social context. Early
people lived in groups, for better protection from attacks. Groups maintained some form of
communication, even if it were just grunts and curses. Human sounds must have had some principled use
within the life and social interaction of early human groups. No answer to the question regarding the
origins of the sounds produced is given. Apes and other primates live in social groups and use grunts and
social calls, but they do not seem to have developed the capacity for speech.
According to the physical adaptation source, human physical features are distinct from other
creatures. Instead of looking at the types of sounds as the source of human speech, we can look at the
types of physical features humans possess, especially those that are distinct from other creatures, which
may have been able to support speech production. , At some early stage, our ancestors made a very
significant transition to an upright posture, with bipedal locomotion, and a revised role for the front limbs.
Some effects of this type of change can be seen in physical differences between the skull of a gorilla and
that of a Neanderthal man from around 60,000 years ago. The reconstructed vocal tract of a Neanderthal
suggests that some consonant-like sound distinctions would have been possible. We have to wait until
about 35,000 years ago for features in reconstructions of fossilized skeletal structures that begin to
resemble those of modern humans.
In the study of evolutionary development, there are certain physical features, best thought of as
partial adaptations, which appear to be relevant for speech. They are streamlined versions of features
found in other primates. By themselves, such features would not necessarily lead to speech production,
but they are good clues that a creature possessing such features probably has the capacity for speech.
In the study of evolutionary development, certain physical features, best thought of as partial
adaptations relevant for speech. Such features are good clues that a creature possessing such features
probably has the capacity for speech. Human teeth, lips, mouth, larynx and pharynx are all supportive for
producing sounds that humans make. The overall effect of these small differences capable of a wider
range of shapes and a more rapid and powerful delivery of sounds produced through these different
shapes. However, there is a disadvantage for humans of having a risk of choking to death.
One function of producing speech sounds in the physical adaptation view must have been placed
over on existing anatomical features (teeth, lips previously used for other purposes (chewing, sucking). It
is believed that manual gestures may have been a precursor of language. Two million years ago humans
developed right-handedness and became capable of making stone tools. Wooden tools followed. Tool-
making, or the outcome of manipulating objects, and changing them using both hands, is evidence of a
brain at work.
The human brain is not only large as compared with human body size, it is also lateralized, that
is, it has specialized functions in each of the two hemispheres. There is an evolutionary connection
between the language-using and tool-using abilities of humans and both were involved in the
development of the speaking brain.
All languages require the organizing and combining of sounds or signs in specific arrangements.
Humans seem to have developed a part of their brain that specializes in making these arrangements. If
they think in terms of the most basic process involved in primitive tool-making, it is not enough to be able
to grasp one rock (make one sound); the humans must also be able to bring another rock (other sounds)
into proper contact with the first in order to develop a tool. In terms of language structure, the humans
may have first developed a naming ability by producing a specific and consistent noise (e.g., bEEr) for a
specific object. The crucial additional step was to bring another specific noise (e.g., gOOd) into
combination with the first to build a complex message (bEEr gOOd). Several thousand years of
development later, humans have honed this message-building capacity to a point where, on Saturdays,
watching a football game, they can drink a sustaining beverage and proclaim ‘This tree is good’. As far as
we know, other primates are not doing this.
We know that the human baby in its first few years undergoes some of the physical changes. At
birth, the baby’s brain is only a quarter of its eventual weight and the larynx is much higher in the throat,
allowing babies, like chimpanzees, to breathe and drink at the same time. However, in a quite short period
of time, the larynx descends, the brain develops, the child assumes an upright posture and starts walking
and talking. This almost automatic set of developments and the complexity of the young child’s language
have led some scholars to look for something more powerful than small physical adaptations of the
species over time as the source of language. Even children who are born deaf become fluent sign language
users, given appropriate circumstances, very early in life. This seems to indicate that human offspring are
born with a special capacity for language. It is innate, no other creature seems to have it, and it isn’t tied
to a specific variety of language. Is it possible that this language capacity is genetically hard-wired in the
newborn human? As a solution to the puzzle of the origins of language, this innateness hypothesis would
seem to point to something in human genetics, possibly a crucial mutation, as the source. This would not
have been a gradual change, but something that happened rather quickly. We are not sure when this
proposed genetic change might have taken place or how it might relate to the physical adaptations
described earlier. However, as we consider this hypothesis, we find our speculations about the origins of
language moving away from fossil evidence or the physical source of basic human sounds toward
analogies with how computers work (e.g., being pre-programmed or hard-wired) and concepts taken from
the study of genetics. The investigation of the origins of language then turns into a search for the special
‘language gene’ that only humans possess. If we are indeed the only creatures with this special capacity
for language, then will it be completely impossible for any other creature to produce or understand
language?
Lesson-04
CHARACTERISTICS OF LANGUAGE
All of us have heard a lot of stories about creatures that can talk. Creatures capable of
communicating, certainly with other members of their own species are quite understandable. However, is
it possible that a creature could learn to communicate with humans using language? Or does human
language have properties that make it so unique that it is quite unlike any other communication system
and hence unlearnable by any other creature?
We should first distinguish between specifically communicative signals and those which may be
unintentionally informative signals. Someone listening to you may become informed about you through a
number of signals that you have not intentionally sent. He may note that you have a cold (you sneezed),
that you are not at ease (you shifted around in your seat), that you are disorganized (non-matching socks)
and that you are from somewhere else (you have a strange accent). However, when you use language to
tell this person, ‘I am one of the applicants for the vacant position of senior brain surgeon at the hospital’,
you are normally considered to be intentionally communicating something. Similarly, the blackbird is not
normally taken to be communicating anything by having black feathers, sitting on a branch and looking
down at the ground, but is considered to be sending a communicative signal with the loud squawking
produced when a cat appears on the scene. So, when we talk about distinctions between human language
and animal communication, we are considering both in terms of their potential as a means of intentional
communication.
Communication as the primary function of human language is not a distinguishing feature. All
creatures communicate in some way. The property of reflexivity (or ‘reflexiveness’) has five other
properties: displacement, arbitrariness, productivity, cultural transmission, and duality.
Animal message is produced according to immediate time and place. Animal communication
seems to be designed exclusively for this moment, here and now not far removed in time and place.
Humans can refer to past and future time. This property of human language is called displacement. It
allows language users to talk about things and events not present in the immediate environment. Bee
communication is a small exception because it seems to have some version of displacement. But it is
displacement of a very limited type and lacks the range of possibilities found in human language.
No ‘natural’ connection between a linguistic form and its meaning exists. The connection is quite
arbitrary. This aspect of the relationship between linguistic signs and objects in the world is described as
arbitrariness. However, there are some words in language with sounds that seem to ‘echo’ the sounds of
objects or activities and hence seem to have a less arbitrary connection. For the majority of animal
signals, a clear connection appears between the conveyed message and the signal used to convey it. This
impression of the non-arbitrariness of animal signaling may be closely connected to the fact that, for any
animal, the set of signals used in communication is finite. That is, each variety of animal communication
consists of a fixed and limited set of vocal or gestural forms. Many of these forms are only used in
specific situations (e.g., establishing territory) and at particular times (e.g., during the mating season).
Humans are continually creating new expressions and novel utterances by using their linguistic
resources to describe new objects and situations. This property is described as productivity (or ‘creativity’
or ‘open-endedness’) and essentially means that the potential number of utterances in any human
language is infinite. The communication systems of other creatures are not like that. Cicadas have four
signals to choose from and vervet monkeys shave thirty-six vocal calls. Nor does it seem possible for
creatures to produce new signals to communicate novel experiences or events. The honeybee, normally
able to communicate the location of a nectar source to other bees, will fail to do so if the location is really
‘new.’ In one experiment, a hive of bees was placed at the foot of a radio tower and a food source was
placed at the top. Ten bees were taken to the top, given a taste of the delicious food, and sent off to tell the
rest of the hive about their find. The message was conveyed via a bee dance and the whole gang buzzed
off to get the free food. They flew around in all directions, but could not locate the food. (It is probably
one way to make bees really mad.) The problem seems to be that bee communication has a fixed set of
signals for communicating location and they all relate to horizontal distance. The bee cannot manipulate
its communication system to create a ‘new’ message indicating vertical distance. According to Karl Von
Frisch, ‘the bees have no word for up in their language, and they cannot invent one.’ This limiting feature
of animal communication is described in terms of fixed reference.
We inherit physical features from our parents not their language. We learn language in a culture
from other speakers and not from parental genes. However, animals do inherit communication calls for
their parents. Humans are born with some kind of predisposition to acquire language in a general sense.
Humans acquire their first language as children in a culture. This process whereby a language is passed on
from one generation to the next is described as cultural transmission. The general pattern in animal
communication is that creatures are born with a set of specific signals that are produced instinctively.
Human infants, growing up in isolation, produce no ‘instinctive’ language. Cultural transmission of a
specific language is crucial in the human acquisition process. Without any exposure to language, human
children produce no language, and many experiments have proved this reality.
The property of duality or ‘double articulation’ is unique to humans. At physical level, we can
produce individual sounds, like n, b, i as individual sounds; none of these discrete forms has any intrinsic
meaning. However, when we arrange them in a certain order we get a level at which we have meaning too
like ‘nib’. So, we can say that at one level, we have distinct sounds, and, at another level, we have distinct
meanings. Duality of levels is one of the most economical features of human language. However,
animals have a single fixed form for each communicative signal among them. Although the dog may be
able to produce woof (‘I’m happy to see you’), it does not seem to do so on the basis of a distinct level of
production combining the separate elements of w + oo + f. If the dog was operating with the double level
(i.e., duality), then we might expect to hear different combinations with different meanings, such as oowf
(‘I’m hungry’) and foow (‘I’m really bored’).
Lesson-05
FUNCTIONS OF LANGUAGE
Some of our words convey meaning, some convey emotions, and some actually produce actions.
What utterances make up our daily verbal communication? What do words convey? Communication can
be categorized into three basic types:
• Verbal
• Written
• Nonverbal
Language also provides endless opportunities for fun because of its limitless, sometimes
nonsensical, and always changing nature. In this section, five functions of language have been discussed,
which show us that language is expressive, language is powerful, language is fun, language is dynamic,
and language is relational.
Verbal communication helps us meet various needs through our ability to express ourselves. In
terms of instrumental needs, we use verbal communication to ask questions that provide us with specific
information. We also use verbal communication to describe things, people, and ideas. Verbal
communication helps us inform, persuade, and entertain others. These are the three general purposes of
public speaking. It is also through our verbal expressions that our personal relationships are formed. At its
essence, language is expressive.
Expressing Observations
When we express observations, we report on the sensory information we are taking or have taken
in. Eyewitness testimony is a good example of communicating observations. Witnesses are not supposed
to make judgments or offer conclusions; they only communicate factual knowledge as they experienced
it. For example, a witness could say, ‘I saw a white Mitsubishi Eclipse leaving my neighbour’s house at
10:30 pm.’ When you are trying to make sense of an experience, expressing observations in a descriptive
rather than evaluative way can lessen defensiveness, which facilitates competent communication.
Expressing Thoughts
When we express thoughts, we draw conclusions based on what we have experienced. In the
perception process, this is similar to the interpretation step. We take various observations and evaluate
and interpret them to assign them meaning or a conclusion. While our observations are based on sensory
information (what we saw, what we read, what we heard), thoughts are connected to our beliefs (what we
think is true/false), attitudes (what we like and dislike), and values (what we think is right/wrong or
good/bad). Sometimes people intentionally or unintentionally express thoughts as if they were feelings.
For example, when people say, ‘I feel like you are too strict with your attendance policy,’ they are not
really expressing a feeling; they are expressing a judgment about the other person (a thought).
Expressing Feelings
When we express feelings, we communicate our emotions. Expressing feelings is a difficult part
of verbal communication, because there are many social norms about how, why, when, where, and to
whom we express our emotions. Norms for emotional expression also vary based on nationality and other
cultural identities and characteristics such as age and gender. In terms of age, young children are typically
freer to express positive and negative emotions in public. Gendered elements intersect with age as boys
grow older and are socialized into a norm of emotional restraint. Although individual men vary in the
degree to which they are emotionally expressive, yet a prevailing social norm expects women to be more
emotionally expressive than men.
Expressing Needs
When we express needs, we are communicating in an instrumental way to help us get things
done. Since we almost always know our needs more than others do, it is important for us to be able to
convey those needs to others. Expressing needs can help us get a project done at work or help us navigate
the changes of a long-term romantic partnership. If we do not express our needs, it can lead to feelings of
abandonment, frustration, or resentment.
The contemporary American philosopher David Abram wrote, ‘Only if words are felt, bodily
presences, like echoes or waterfalls, can we understand the power of spoken language to influence, alter,
and transform the perceptual world.’ This statement encapsulates many of the powerful features of
language.
Words or phrases that express ‘who we are’ contribute to the impressions that others make of us.
We all use verbal communication strategically to create a desired impression. The power of language to
express our identities varies depending on the origin of the label (self-chosen or other imposed) and the
context. People are usually comfortable with the language they use to describe their own identities but
may have issues with the labels others place on them. There are many examples of people who have taken
a label that was imposed on them, one that usually has negative connotations, and intentionally used it in
ways that counter previous meanings. Other examples of people reclaiming identity labels is the ‘black is
beautiful’ movement of the 1960s that repositioned black as a positive identity marker for African
Americans. Even though some people embrace reclaimed words, they still carry their negative
connotations and are not openly accepted by everyone.
People make assumptions about your credibility based on how you speak and what you say. Even
though we have learned that meaning is in people rather than words, the rules that govern verbal
communication, like rules of grammar, are arbitrary; these norms still mean something. You do not have
to be a perfect grammarian to be perceived as credible. However, you still have to support your ideas and
explain the conclusions you make to be seen as competent. You have to use language clearly and be
accountable for what you say in order to be seen as trustworthy.
Politicians know that the way they speak affects their credibility, but they also know that using
words that are too scientific or academic can lead people to perceive them as eggheads, which would hurt
their credibility. Politicians and many others in leadership positions need to be able to use language to put
people at ease, relate to others, and still appear confident and competent.
The word ‘control’ has negative connotations, but the way it is used can be positive, neutral, or
negative. Verbal communication can be used to reward and punish. We can offer verbal communication
in the form of positive reinforcement to praise someone. We can withhold verbal communication or use it
in a critical, aggressive, or hurtful way as a form of negative reinforcement. Directives are utterances that
try to get another person to do something. They can range from a rather polite request to a more forceful
command or insistence.
Context informs when and how we express directives and how people respond to them. Promises
are often paired with directives in order to persuade people to comply, and those promises, whether
implied or stated, should be kept in order to be an ethical communicator. Keep this in mind to avoid
arousing false expectations on the part of the other person. Rather than verbal communication being
directed at one person as a means of control, the way we talk creates overall climates of communication
that may control many. Verbal communication characterized by empathy, understanding, respect, and
honesty creates open climates that lead to more collaboration and more information exchange. Verbal
communication that is controlling, deceitful, and vague creates a closed climate where people are less
willing to communicate and less trusting.
Some language is actually more like an action than a piece of information. Saying, ‘I promise,’, ‘I
guarantee’ or ‘I pledge’ does more than conveying meaning; it also communicates intent. Such utterances
are called commissives, as they mean that a speaker is committed to a certain course of action. Of course,
promises can be broken, and there can be consequences, but other verbal communication is granted
official power that can guarantee action. The two simple words ‘I do’ can mean that a person has agreed
to an oath before taking a witness stand. It can also mean that two people are now bound in a relationship
recognized by the government and/or a religious community. These two words, if said in the right context
and in front of the right person, such as a judge or a reverend, bring with them obligations that cannot be
undone without additional steps and potential negative repercussions. In that sense, language is much
more than ‘mere words’.
Performative language can also be a means of control, especially in legal contexts. In some cases,
the language that makes laws is intentionally vague. In courts all over the nation, the written language
intersects with spoken language as lawyers advocate for particular interpretations of the written law. The
utterances of judges and juries set precedents for reasonable interpretations that will then help decide
future cases.
Language is Fun
Writers, poets, and comedians have built careers on their ability to have fun with language and in
turn share that fun with others. The productivity and limitlessness of language lead some people to spend
an inordinate amount of time discovering things about words. Using humour also draws attention to us,
and the reactions that we get from others, feeds into our self-concept. We also use humour to disclose
information about ourselves that we might not feel comfortable revealing in a more straightforward way.
Humour can also be used to express sexual interest or to cope with bad news or bad situations.
Neologisms are newly coined or used words. Newly coined words are those that were just
brought into linguistic existence. Newly used words make their way into languages in several ways,
including borrowing and changing structure. Taking is actually a more fitting descriptor than borrowing,
since we take words but do not really give them back. In any case, borrowing is the primary means
through which languages expand.
Structural changes also lead to new words. Compound words are neologisms that are created by
joining two already known words. Keyboard, newspaper, and gift card are all compound words that were
formed when new things were created or conceived. We also create new words by adding something,
subtracting something, or blending the words together. For example, we can add affixes, meaning a prefix
or suffix, to a word. Affixing usually alters the original meaning but does not completely change it. Ex-
husband and kitchenette are relatively recent examples of such changes. New words are also formed when
clipping a word like examination, which creates a new word exam that retains the same meaning.
Slang is a great example of the dynamic nature of language. Slang refers to new or adapted words
that are specific to a group, context, and/or time period, regarded as less formal, and representative of
people’s creative play with language. Research has shown that only about 10 percent of the slang terms
that emerge over a fifteen-year period are able to survive. Many more take their place though, as new
slang words are created using inversion, reduction, or old-fashioned creativity.
Inversion is a form of word play that produces slang words like sick, wicked, and bad that refer
to the opposite of their typical meaning. The process of ‘Reduction’ creates slang words such as pic, sec,
and later from picture, second, and see you later. New slang words often represent what is edgy, current,
or simply relevant to the daily lives of a group of people.
Language is Relational
We use verbal communication to initiate, maintain, and terminate our interpersonal relationships.
The first few exchanges with a potential romantic partner or friend help us size the other person up and
figure out if we want to pursue a relationship or not. We then use verbal communication to remind others
how we feel about them and to check in with them, engaging in relationship maintenance through
language use. When negative feelings arrive and persist or for many other reasons we often use verbal
communication to end a relationship.
Interpersonally, verbal communication is the key to bring people together and maintaining
relationships. Whether intentionally or unintentionally, our use of words like I, you, we, our, and us
affects our relationships. We language includes the words we, our, and us, and can be used to promote a
feeling of inclusiveness. ‘I language’ can be useful when expressing thoughts, needs, and feelings because
it leads us to ‘own’ our expressions and avoid the tendency to mistakenly attribute the cause of our
thoughts, needs, and feelings to others. Communicating emotions using ‘I language’ may also facilitate
emotion sharing by not making our conversational partner feel at fault or defensive.
Whether its criticism, teasing, or language differences, verbal communication can also lead to
feelings of separation. Language differences alone do not present impossible barriers. We can learn other
languages with time and effort, there are other people who can translate and serve as bridges across
languages, and we can also communicate quite a lot nonverbally in the absence of linguistic
compatibility. People who speak the same language can intentionally use language to separate. The words
us and them can be a powerful start to separation.
Lesson-06
NONVERBAL COMMUNICATION AND LINGUISTICS
Humans relied on nonverbal communication for thousands of years before the capability to
communicate with words was developed. Nonverbal communication is a process of generating meaning
using behavior other than words. Nonverbal communication is not opposite to verbal communication but
there are important differences between them. In terms of content, nonverbal communication tends to do
the work of communicating emotions more than verbal. In terms of composition, although there are rules
of grammar that structure our verbal communication, no such official guides govern our use of nonverbal
signals. No dictionaries and thesauruses are available for nonverbal communication. All five of our senses
convey nonverbal communication. Verbal and nonverbal communications include both vocal and non-
vocal elements as mentioned in the table below.
Paralanguage is a vocal element of nonverbal communication, which is the vocalized but not
verbal part of spoken message, such as speaking rate, volume, and pitch. Non-vocal elements of verbal
communication include the use of unspoken symbols to convey meaning.
Nonverbal communication has a distinct history and serves separate evolutionary functions from
verbal communication. Nonverbal communication is primarily biologically based while verbal
communication is primarily culturally based. The fact that some nonverbal communication messages have
the same meaning across cultures endorses the same, while no verbal communication systems share that
same universal recognizability. Nonverbal communication also evolved earlier than verbal
communication and served an early and important survival function that helped humans later develop
verbal communication. While some of our nonverbal communication abilities, like our sense of smell, lost
strength as our verbal capacities increased, other abilities like paralanguage and movement have grown
alongside verbal complexity. The fact that nonverbal communication is processed by an older part of our
brain makes it more instinctual and involuntary than verbal communication. Nonverbal communication is
interpersonal, conveys emotional messages and is more involuntary than verbal. It is more ambiguous and
more credible.
It is believed that more meaning is generated from nonverbal communication than from verbal.
Some studies have claimed that 60-90 percent of our meaning is derived from nonverbal signals, but more
recent and reliable findings claim that it is closer to 65 percent. We may rely more on nonverbal signals in
situations where verbal and nonverbal messages conflict and in situations where emotional or relational
communication is taking place. When someone asks a question and we are not sure about the ‘angle’ they
are taking, we may hone in on nonverbal cues to fill in the meaning. A question like ‘What are you doing
tonight?’ could mean any number of things, but we could rely on posture, tone of voice, and eye contact
to see if the person is just curious, suspicious, or hinting that they would like company for the evening.
We also put more weight on nonverbal communication when determining a person’s credibility. For
example, if a classmate delivers a speech in class and her verbal content seems well-researched and
unbiased, but her nonverbal communication is poor (her voice is monotone, she avoids eye contact, she
fidgets), she will likely not be viewed as credible.
On the contrary, in some situations, verbal communication might carry more meaning than
nonverbal. In interactions where information exchange is the focus, at a briefing at work, for example,
verbal communication probably accounts for much more of the meaning generated. Despite this
exception, a key principle of nonverbal communication is that it often takes on more meaning in
interpersonal and/or emotional exchanges.
There are some instances in which we verbally communicate involuntarily. These types of
exclamations are often verbal responses to a surprising stimulus. For example, we say ‘owww!’ when we
stub our toe or scream ‘stop!’ when we see someone heading toward danger. Involuntary nonverbal
signals are much more common, and although most nonverbal communication is not completely
involuntary, it is more below our consciousness than verbal communication, and therefore, more difficult
to control.
The involuntary nature of much nonverbal communication makes it more difficult to control or
‘fake’. For example, although you can consciously smile a little and shake hands with someone when you
first see them, it is difficult to fake that you are ‘happy’ to meet someone. Nonverbal communication
leaks out in ways that expose our underlying thoughts or feelings. Spokespersons, lawyers, or other public
representatives who are the ‘face’ of a politician, celebrity, corporation, or organization must learn to
control their facial expressions and other nonverbal communication, so that they can effectively convey
the message of their employer or client without having their personal thoughts and feelings leak through.
Therapists, police officers, doctors, teachers, and actors are also in professions that often require them to
have more awareness of and control over their nonverbal communication.
Have you ever tried to conceal your surprise, suppress your anger, or act joyful even when you
were not? Most people whose careers do not involve conscious manipulation of nonverbal signals find it
difficult to control or suppress them. While we can consciously decide to stop sending verbal messages,
our nonverbal communication always has the potential of generating meaning for another person. The
teenager who decides to shut out his dad and not communicate with him still sends a message with his
‘blank’ stare (still a facial expression) and lack of movement (still a gesture). In this sense, nonverbal
communication is ‘irrepressible’.
The symbolic and abstract nature of language can lead to misunderstandings, but nonverbal
communication is even more ambiguous. As with verbal communication, most of our nonverbal signals
can be linked to multiple meanings, but unlike words, many nonverbal signals do not have any one
specific meaning. If you have ever had someone wink at you and did not know why, you have probably
experienced this uncertainty. Did they wink to express their affection for you, their pleasure with
something you just did, or because you share some inside knowledge or joke?
Just as we look at context clues in a sentence or paragraph to derive meaning from a particular
word, we can look for context clues in various sources of information like the physical environment, other
nonverbal signals, or verbal communication to make sense of a particular nonverbal cue. Unlike verbal
communication, however, nonverbal communication does not have explicit rules of grammar that bring
structure, order, and agreed-on patterns of usage. Instead, we implicitly learn norms of nonverbal
communication, which leads to greater alteration. In general, we exhibit more idiosyncrasies in our usage
of nonverbal communication than we do with verbal communication, which also increases the ambiguity
of nonverbal communication.
Although we can rely on verbal communication to fill in the blanks sometimes left by nonverbal
expressions, we often put more trust into what people do over what they say. This is especially true in
times of stress or danger when our behaviours become more instinctual, and we rely on older systems of
thinking and acting that evolved before our ability to speak and write.
This innateness creates intuitive feelings about the genuineness of nonverbal communication, and
this genuineness relates back to our earlier discussion about sometimes involuntary and often
subconscious nature of nonverbal communication. An example of the innateness of nonverbal signals can
be found in children who have been blind since birth but still exhibit the same facial expressions as other
children. In short, the involuntary or subconscious nature of nonverbal communication makes it difficult
to fake; therefore, it seems more honest and credible.
Lesson-07
NONVERBAL COMMUNICATION AND SEMIOSIS
Just as verbal language is broken up into various categories, there are also different types of
nonverbal communication. While learn about each type of nonverbal signal, you should keep in mind that
nonverbal gestures often work in concert with each other, combining to repeat, modify, or contradict the
verbal message being sent. We use different channels simultaneously; we can also increase our nonverbal
communication competence by becoming more aware of how it operates in specific channels. Although
no one can truly offer you a rulebook on how to send every type of nonverbal signal effectively, yet
several nonverbal materials are written from more anecdotal and less academic perspectives.
Kinesics refers to body movements and postures and includes the following components:
Gestures are arm and hand movements and include adaptors like clicking a pen or scratching your
face, emblems like a thumbs-up to say ‘OK’ and illustrators like bouncing your hand along with the
rhythm of your speaking. Head movements and posture include the orientation of movements of our head
and the orientation and positioning of our body and the various meanings they send. Head movements
such as nodding can indicate agreement, disagreement, and interest, among other things. Posture can
indicate assertiveness, defensiveness, interest, readiness, or intimidation, among other things.
Eye contact is studied under the category of oculesics and specifically refers to eye contact with
another person’s face, head, and eyes and the patterns of looking away and back at the other person
during interaction. Eye contact provides turn-taking signals, signals when we are engaged in cognitive
activity, and helps establish rapport and connection, among other things. Facial expressions refer to the
use of the forehead, brow, and facial muscles around the nose and mouth to convey meaning. Facial
expressions can convey happiness, sadness, fear, anger, and other emotions.
Haptics refers to touch behaviors that convey meaning during interactions. Touch operates at
many levels, including functional, professional, social-polite, friendship-warmth, and love-intimacy. The
touch has the power to comfort someone in the moment of sorrow when words alone cannot. This
positive power of touch is countered by the potential of touch to be threatening because of its connection
to sex and violence. We probably get more explicit advice and instruction on how to use touch than any
other form of nonverbal communication.
Of course, touch is also important at levels that are more intimate. At the friendship warmth level,
touch is more important and more ambiguous than at the social polite level. At this level, touch
interactions are important because they serve a relational maintenance purpose and communicate
closeness, liking, care, and concern. The types of touching at this level also vary greatly from more
formal and ritualized to more intimate, which means friends must sometimes negotiate their own comfort
level with various types of touch and may encounter some ambiguity if their preferences do not match up
with their relational partner’s. In a friendship, for example, too much touch can signal sexual or romantic
interest, whereas, too little touch can signal distance or unfriendliness. At the love-intimacy level, touch is
more personal and is typically only exchanged between significant others, such as best friends, close
family members, and romantic partners. Touching faces, holding hands, and full frontal embraces are
examples of touch at this level. Touch is also used in many other contexts—for example, during play
(e.g., arm-wrestling), during physical conflict (e.g., slapping), and during conversations (e.g., to get
someone’s attention).
Vocalics refers to the vocalized but not verbal aspects of nonverbal communication, including our
speaking rate, pitch, volume, tone of voice, and vocal quality. Paralanguage refers to the vocalized but
nonverbal parts of a message. Pitch helps convey meaning, regulate conversational flow, and
communicate the intensity of a message. Even babies recognize a sentence with a higher pitched ending
as a question. We also learn that greetings have rising emphasis and farewells have falling emphasis. Of
course, no one ever tells us these things explicitly; we learn them through observation and practice. We
do not pick up on some more subtle and/or complex patterns of paralanguage involving pitch until we are
older. Children, for example, have a difficult time perceiving sarcasm, which is usually conveyed through
paralinguistic characteristics like pitch and tone rather than the actual words being spoken.
Verbal fillers are often used in oral communication. Some aspects of verbal fillers are as follows:
Affect communication negatively
Reduce credibility and clarity
Less persuasiveness
Become a higher self-monitor to eliminate verbal fillers. Volume can help you achieve
communication goals related to maintaining attention, effectively conveying information, and getting
others to act in a particular way. Vocal variety increases listener and speaker engagement, understanding,
information recall, and motivation.
Repetition: Vocalic cues reinforce other verbal and nonverbal cues (e.g., saying ‘I’m not sure’
with an uncertain tone).
Complementing: Vocalic cues elaborate on or modify verbal and nonverbal meaning (e.g., the
pitch and volume used to say ‘I love sweet potatoes’ would add context to the meaning of the
sentence, such as the degree to which the person loves sweet potatoes or the use of sarcasm).
Substituting: Vocalic cues can take the place of other verbal or nonverbal cues (e.g., saying ‘uh
huh’ instead of ‘I am listening and understanding what you are saying’).
Regulating: Vocalic cues help regulate the flow of conversations (e.g., falling pitch and slowing
rate of speaking usually indicate the end of a speaking turn).
Contradicting: Vocalic cues may contradict other verbal or nonverbal signals (e.g., a person
could say ‘I’m fine’ in a quick, short tone that indicates otherwise).
Proxemics is the study of human use of space and the effects that population density has on
behaviour, communication, and social interaction. Proxemics refers to the study of how space and
distance influence communication. We only need to look at the ways in which space shows up in common
metaphors to see that space, communication, and relationships are closely related. For example, when we
are content with and attracted to someone, we say we are ‘close’ to him or her. When we lose connection
with someone, we may say he or she is ‘distant’. In general, space influences how people communicate
and behave. Smaller spaces with a higher density of people often lead to breaches of our personal space
bubbles. If this is a setting in which this type of density is expected beforehand, like at a crowded concert
or on a train during rush hour, then we make various communicative adjustments to manage the space
issue.
Proxemics also studies territoriality, or how people take up and defend personal space. People
have to decide how much value they want their marker to have. Obviously, leaving a laptop on a table
indicates that the table is occupied, but it could also lead to the laptop getting stolen. A pencil, on the
other hand, could just be moved out of the way and the space usurped.
Chronemics is the study of how time affects communication and includes how different time
cycles affect our communication. Time can be classified into several different categories, including
biological, personal, physical, and cultural time. Biological time refers to the rhythms of living things.
Humans follow a circadian rhythm, meaning that we are on a daily cycle that influences when we eat,
sleep, and wake. When our natural rhythms are disturbed, by all-nighters, jet lag, or other scheduling
abnormalities, our physical and mental health, our communication competence and personal relationships
can suffer. Keep biological time in mind as you communicate with others. Remember that early morning
conversations and speeches may require more preparation to get yourself awake enough to communicate
well and a more patient or energetic delivery to accommodate others who may still be getting warmed up
for their day.
Additionally, the way we use time depends in some ways on our status. For example, doctors can
make their patients wait for extended periods of time, and executives and celebrities may run consistently
behind schedule, making others wait for them. Promptness and the amount of time that is socially
acceptable for lateness and waiting vary among individuals and contexts. Chronemics also covers the
amount of time we spend talking. We have already learned that conversational turns and turn taking
patterns are influenced by social norms and help the progress of our conversations. We all know how
annoying it can be when a person dominates a conversation or when we cannot get a person to contribute
anything.
A monochronic time system means that things are done one at a time and time is segmented into
precise, small units. Under this system, time is scheduled, arranged and managed. A polychronic time
system is a system where several things can be done at once, and wider view of time is exhibited and time
is perceived in large fluid sections.
Lateness or promptness can send messages about our professionalism, dependability, or other
personality traits. Formal time usually applies to professional situations in which we are expected to be on
time or even a few minutes early. Quality time is an important part of interpersonal relationships.
Lesson-08
ANIMAL VS. HUMAN COMMUNICATION
If someone asked you what separates humans from other animals, one of the first things that
would probably come to mind is language. Language is so fundamental to human life that it is hard to
imagine what life would be like without it. Barnett highlights the inseparability of language from man
when he says, ‘verbal communication is a condition of the existence of human society.’ But at the same
time, other animals also communicate: Your cat may let you know when its hungry, ants use pheromones
and sound to indicate social status and distress, bees dance to tell one another where to find honey, and
chimpanzees can learn sign language.
In the 1960s, linguistic anthropologist Charles F. Hockett defined a set of features that
characterizes human language and sets it apart from animal communication. He called these
characteristics the design features of language. Every communication system has some of the 13 design
features. Only human spoken language has all 13 features.
All 13 features of human spoken language have been provided in the following table:
While primate communication utilizes the first 9 features, the final 4 features (displacement,
productivity, cultural transmission, and duality) are reserved for humans. Gibbons relatively close to man
possess the first nine design features but are devoid of the last four.
Displacement
Productivity
Traditional transmission
Duality of patterning
Hockett later added prevarication, reflexiveness, and learnability to the list as uniquely human
characteristics making the list up to 16 features. He asserted that even the most basic human languages
possess these 16 features. The last seven features are set human language apart from all other forms of
communication. Features of human language:
1. Displacement
2. Prevarication
3. Productivity
4. Traditional transmission
5. Learnability
6. Reflexiveness
7. Learnability
So, when we think of language as a way of setting ourselves apart, what is it about our language
that is different than how other animals communicate? Hockett believes that if a system lacks even one
feature, it is communication not language.
Message goes out in all directions; receiver can tell what direction message comes from. (Sign
language uses line-of-sight transmission instead.) When humans speak, sounds are transmitted in all
directions; however, listeners perceive the direction from which the sounds are coming. Similarly, signers
broadcast to potentially anyone within the line of sight, while those watching see who is signing. This is
the characteristic of most forms of human and animal communication.
This refers to the fact that the human language signal is sent out in all directions, while it is
perceived in a limited direction (Hyde). To understand this feature of language, visualize a person
standing in the middle of a room and people standing against the wall, forming a circle around him. As
the person standing in the middle of the room speaks, his voice carries in all directions around the room,
and everyone can hear him, assuming he speaks loud enough. However, the people standing in front of
him will have an easier time understanding what he is saying in comparison to the people standing behind
him. This has to do with binaural reception, which makes it possible to determine the location of the
source of sounds (Salzmann).
This means that the human language signal is sent out in all directions, while it is perceived in a
limited direction. For spoken language, the sound perpetuates as a waveform that expands from the point
of origin (the mouth) in all directions. This is why a person can stand in the middle of a room and be
heard by everyone (assuming they are speaking loudly enough). Language signals (i.e., speech sounds)
are emitted as waveforms, which are projected in all directions (broadcasted into auditory space), but are
perceived (by receiving listeners) as emanating from a particular direction, and point of origin (the
vocalizing speaker).
Creativity
Another distinctive feature is creativity. Human beings use their linguistic resources to produce
new expressions and sentences. They arrange and rearrange phonemes, morphemes, words, and phrases in
a way that can express an infinite number of ideas. This is also called the open-endedness of language.
Animal communication is a closed system. It cannot produce new signals to communicate novel events or
experiences. Novel utterances can be made and understood. New words can be invented easily. This is the
ability to reform discrete units to form new signals, (such as words.) For example, we make new words
out of small units, or rearrange words to make sentences.
Human language can arrange words into an infinite number of ideas, sometimes referred to as
discrete infinity. It refers to the idea that language-users can create and understand novel utterances.
Humans are able to produce an unlimited number of utterances. The concept of grammatical patterning is
also related to productivity, which facilitates the use and comprehension of language. Language is not
stagnant, but is constantly changing. New idioms are created all the time; the meaning of signals can vary
depending on the context and situation.
Language is productive in two senses. First of all, there are mathematical properties which allow
it ‘to make infinite use of finite means’ (Chomsky, 1996, p. 8). Dual structure, structure dependence, and
grammatical operations such as recursion and coordination mean that the setoff possible sentences in a
language are infinite. It is always possible to insert or add on another bit.
Things are said which have never been said before. This first kind of productivity, however, does
not create new units or break rules for their combination. Another kind of productivity in language,
however, is the capacity to create new items and new ways of combining them, to be, in other words,
creative (Carter, 2004). People often depart from the rules creatively – to be poetic or humorous, or to
assert identity. This is most easily seen at the lexical level in the coinage of new words. Lewis Carroll’s
famous poem ‘Jabberwocky’, for example, used the invented words ‘chortle’ and ‘galumph’, which are
now part of the language. Advertisements are full of such playfulness. An advert for the motoring
organization the R.A.C., for example, uses its name as a verb: ‘We’ll R.A.C. to it’.
Language is an open system. We can produce potentially an infinite number of different messages
by combining the elements differently. This is not a feature of animal communication, for example, the
calls of gibbons have a finite number, and thus a closed system of communication.
Prevarication
Prevarication is the ability to lie or deceive. When using language, humans can make false or
meaningless statements. Language is used to convey information about states of affairs and states of
mind. Yet, as we all know, these are not necessarily true. Language can just as easily be used to withhold
information, or to give false information – to prevaricate – and deception is as universal as language
itself. Some theorists have gone so far as to suggest that this capacity for deception is at the heart of the
development of language both for the species and for individuals. Roger Brown (1973), a leading
researcher in child language, pointed out that children are frequently told off for telling untruths but rarely
corrected for their grammar. Nevertheless, they all grow up to speak grammatically and tell lies. Robin
Dunbar (1996) has suggested that the origins of language may be less to do with its capacity to convey
information, and more with its ability to form competing social networks, in which trust and deception are
key factors.
Novelty
Language is not stagnant, but constantly changing. New idioms are created all the time and the
meaning of signals can vary depending on the context and situation. While the unique design features of
language have their effectiveness, language also makes human communication and social relationships
problematic. Another unique feature of language is prevarication; a person has the ability to say things
that are completely false, a deception that is not common among other animals (Salzmann). By the time
children turn three-years-old, about 70% of them are capable of lying. Then, by age four, their rate of
lying will peak when they are told not to lie. Young children lie about their actions, but not about their
feelings. At age ten, their lying is more sophisticated, and cheating becomes more common (lying).
People lie mainly to dodge trouble, to make themselves look good, or to avoid discomfort to
others; it is a means of preserving social relations. Think about the role of ‘white’ lies: people compliment
friends or family members on their inedible cooking, praise colleagues’ weak and disorganized first
drafts, and a doctor may tell a depressed patient he has a 50-50 chance of a long-term recovery when s/he
is confident he will only live another eight months. While at times these lies may seem harmless, these
situations are where one can see how language can change one’s life. Lying is morally wrong, but perfect
honesty may seem second best next to compassion, respect, and justice in certain situations. However,
lying corrupts a human being’s ability to make free, rational choices, and robs people of their human
dignity and autonomy. Thus, lies rob people of their freedom to choose rationally.
Symbols are made by combining smaller symbols that differ discontinuously (e.g., ‘bin’, ‘pin’).
Linguistic representations can be broken down into small discrete units, which combine with each other in
rule-governed ways. They are perceived categorically, not continuously. For example, English marks
number with the plural morpheme /s/, which can be added to the end of any noun. The plural morpheme
is perceived categorically, not continuously: we cannot express smaller or larger quantities by varying
how loudly we pronounce the /s/. The communication system is made of discrete units, which can be
broken apart to form new signals. For example, our sentences are made of words; our words are formed
from syllables, stems, and even the units of letters. Each can be broken apart. Discreteness is a
requirement for the ninth design feature productivity, but note that just because a system has discrete units
does not mean that these units can be broken up to form new units.
(Another note is that languages that might not seem to be discrete, such as Chinese, actually are.
For example, Chinese symbols are usually composed of two symbols, which can be broken apart and re-
arranged.)
Language uses discrete signs. They are either one thing or another. A sound is perceived as one
phoneme or another; there are no intermediate cases. (Though one could create a continuum of sounds
between, say, /b/ and /p/, a speaker of a language with this distinction would perceive a sound along that
continuum as one or the other.) Words, composed of phonemes, inherit this absolute quality of their
components: a word is either ‘bat’ or ‘pat’ or another word but there are no intermediate cases.
Many acts of non-verbal communication, on the other hand, are graded. If, for example, I smile at
you while speaking, squeeze your hand, or laugh, I may increase or decrease the breadth of my smile, the
strength of my squeeze, or the loudness of my laugh, thus signifying more or less of whatever I mean by
these actions. Discreteness means the basic units of speech can be categorized as belonging to distinct
categories. Language can be said to be built up from discrete units (e.g., phonemes in human language).
Exchanging such discrete units causes a change in the meaning of a signal. This is an abrupt change,
rather than a continuous change of meaning (e.g., ‘cat’ doesn’t gradually change in meaning to ‘bat’, but
changes abruptly in meaning at some point. Speech loudness and pitch can, on the other hand, be changed
continuously without abrupt changes of meaning.
Interchangeability refers to the idea that humans can give and receive identical linguistic signals;
humans are not limited in the types of messages they can say/hear. One can say ‘I am a boy’ even if one is
a girl. This is not to be confused with lying (prevarication). The importance is that a speaker can
physically create any and all messages regardless of their truth or relation to the speaker. In other words,
anything that one can hear, one can also say.
Interchangeability refers to the speaker’s ability to both receive and broadcast the same signal.
This is different to some communication systems where, for example, males produce one set of
behaviours and females another, and they are unable to interchange these messages so that males use the
female signal, and vice versa. Not all species possess this feature. For example, in order to communicate
their status, queen ants produce chemical scents that no other ants can produce.
Specific sound signals are directly tied to certain meanings. The signals have meaning. Symbols
used (phonemes, morphemes) have particular meanings. Specific sound signals are directly tied to certain
meanings. The units created on the second level – whether they are words or combinations of words –
have semanticity. That is to say, they mean things. They refer to something other than themselves:
entities, ideas, states of affairs, feelings, and so on. ‘Rat’ means a particular kind of rodent, and can be
used to refer to one when it appears, or to talk about one which is not there. There is a fixed relationship
between a signal and a meaning. Semanticity refers to the idea that speech sounds can be linked to
specific meanings, a fundamental aspect of all communication systems. Vervet monkey alarm calls have
captured the attention (and, it seems, imagination) of numerous authors after Hockett. The calls of vervet
monkeys demonstrate a kind of referential specificity, termed functional reference. The clearest case of
arbitrariness and semanticity manifested by a non-human comes, not surprisingly, from the apes and from
visual rather than vocal communication—the behaviour in question is the use of lexigrams by
enculturated apes such as Kanzi. In short, monkey alarm calls and words are only superficially alike,
while being unlike each other in most relevant respects. Finally, alarm calls are present in a number of
non-primate or even non-mammalian species e.g., chickens (Evans et al. 1993).
Lesson-09
WHAT IS LINGUISTICS?
Language is a method of human communication, either spoken or written, consisting of the use of
words in a structured and conventional way; language is a method of expression or communication.
What is Scientific?
Linguistics is defined as the scientific study of language. From different viewpoints, linguistics
can be divided into several branches: descriptive linguistics and historical/comparative linguistics (if it is
based on its methodology), synchronic and diachronic linguistics (if it is based on its aspect of time), and
phonetics, phonology, morphology, syntax and semantics (if it is based on a language as a system), and
sociolinguistics and psycholinguistics (if it is related to or combined with the disciplines of sociology and
psychology respectively). In order for a discipline to be scientific, it must be characterized by three
features: explicitness, systematicness, and objectivity.
What is Linguistics?
The use of a language is the integral part of human language. All languages are surprisingly
similar in their basic structure. Language and abstract thought are closely connected; there is a surprising
increase in the number of studies about language. The fastest branch of knowledge is linguistics, the
systematic study of language. Linguistics tries to answer the basic questions regarding language.
What is Language?
How does language work? What do all languages have in common? How does human language
differ from animal communication? How does a child learn to speak? How does one write down and
analyze an unwritten language? Why does language change? To what extent are social class differences
reflected in language? Linguistics is the scientific study of language. Language means in general not a
particular language.
Linguistics does not emphasize practical knowledge or mastery of a particular language. Linguist
studies the ways in which language is organized to fulfill human needs, as a system of communication. A
linguist like a scientist does a systematic study.
Explicitness dictates that you should be clear about the assumptions (proven or unproven) on
which a study is based, you have to make the intermediate stages of an argument clear e.g., do not leave
anything for the intuition of the reader. As a science, linguistics must fulfill some scientific prerequisites.
First, it must have a subject matter. Language is said to be a subject matter of Linguistics. As a subject
matter, a language must be clearly and explicitly defined. Before analyzing a language, some linguists
define a language in different ways e.g., a language may be defined as a system of arbitrary, vocal
symbols that permit all people in a given culture, or other people who have learned the system of that
culture, to communicate or to interact. Thus, the scope of analysis is based on the clearly and explicitly
defined subject matter. This is to say that everything beyond the scope such as gestures/bodily movement
will be ignored. So, explicitness in defining the subject matter must be conducted in order so that we
know what must be studied/ analyzed and what must be left. Degrees of explicitness:
High Explicitness: Test of high level of explicitness employs a variety of structured techniques
to elicit language data.
Low Explicitness: Test of low explicitness collect data of language which is produced
spontaneously.
Objectivity is actually more or less synonymous with empiricality. Linguistic studies should be
empirical. There are two basic meanings of this term for it to be based on physical observations.
Linguistics is the scientific study of languages and has a vast scope in understanding the development of
humans in the domains of vocalization of communication, history, sociology, anthropology, psychology,
and other allied fields of study as subjects including the cognitive neural sciences. Micro-linguistics
includes phonetics, phonology, morphology, syntax, semantics, and pragmatics. Macro-linguistics
includes sociolinguistics, psycholinguistics, neurolinguistics, stylistics, discourse analysis, computational
linguistics, cognitive linguistics, applied linguistics, etc.
Lesson-10
INTRA-DISCIPLINARY BRANCHES OF LINGUISTICS
Language is a complex phenomenon and most important activity of human life. Linguistics deals
with complex nature, origin, evolution, history and all other elements of it. So, it has become wide subject
of serious contemplation. The rapid development of linguistics has given birth to many branches. An
ordinary student of linguistics finds himself/herself into the troubled water as to how to deal with so many
branches and ups and downs of the subject. There are many branches of linguistics, which have nothing to
do with the subject such as:
Theoretical linguistics: deals with concrete theories presented by scholars of language about
various aspects concerning to linguistics.
Applied linguist: highlights the various processes of evolution and gradual development of
linguistics, which have been taken from year to year.
Historical linguistics: is concerned with constructing theories of language or languages, or with
developing linguistic theory.
Descriptive Linguistics: deals with description and elaboration of the theories presented by
language scholars.
Applied Linguistics: Applied linguistics deals with application of some fundamental issues
relating language. In this branch of linguistics, linguists after pain taking research apply some set
formulas and these formulas pave the way for new researches, inquiries and discoveries in the
subject. For example, traditional grammar does not quench the thirst of a linguist and he goes
beyond it and gives his own method of learning as in traditional grammar one does not go beyond
the sentence level whereas in linguistics the maximal unit of language is discourse beyond the
sentence level.
General linguistics is the branch of linguistics that is devoted to the study of the theoretical bases
for describing language and methods of investigating linguistic phenomena. General linguistics also
studies the connection between linguistics, and other fields of learning, including dialectical materialism,
logic, and psychology. In addition, it studies the connection between linguistics and historical
materialism, inasmuch as the development of language is conditioned by the structure of society and
social processes. General linguistics also studies the relationship between linguistics and semiotics, as
well as the connection among linguistics, physiology, and acoustics.
One feature of general linguistics is a dual approach to the study of language—a structural and
social approach engendered by the very nature of language. From the standpoint of structural linguistics,
general linguistics studies language as an integrated structure consisting of interrelated and interacting
phonetic, phonological, morphological, syntactical, and other systems, with internal rules specific to each
language.
The description of language as a structure may be either synchronic or taking account of the
dynamics of development, diachronic. The comparative study of different languages reveals their
common features or differences on a typological or genetic level. The study of the content of language
helps reveal the nature and processes of thinking, and thereby relates structural linguistics to the social
aspect of linguistics.
From the standpoint of sociolinguistics, general linguistics studies the social functions of
language, the relationship between language and social processes, and the reflection of these social
processes in the social and territorial differentiation of language and in its structural and stylistic
variation. The relation between language and society is particularly apparent in the intermediation
between the types of social relationships and the different forms of language at different stages of social
development, for example, the formation of national languages during the historical emergence of ethnic
identity.
Descriptive Linguistics is concerned with the description and analysis of the ways in which a
language operates and is used by a given set of speakers at a given time. This time may be the present or
the past at a given time. The language is described what may precede it or follow it.
Genetic relatedness implies a common origin or proto-language and comparative linguistics aims
to construct language families, to reconstruct proto-languages, and specify the changes that have resulted
in the documented languages. To maintain a clear distinction between attested and reconstructed forms,
comparative linguists prefix an asterisk to any form that is not found in surviving texts. A number of
methods for carrying out language classification have been developed, ranging from simple inspection to
computerized hypothesis testing. Such methods have gone through a long process of development.
Every difference between two related languages should be explicable to a high degree of
plausibility and systematic changes. A proto-language, or parent language (L) is the one from which other
languages have developed. The languages (L 1, L 2) are called sister languages.
Comparative linguistics like historical linguistics studies law operating in language change and in
the formation and development of languages; hence this type of study is related to descriptive linguistics.
Historical linguistics, also called diachronic linguistics, is the scientific study of language change
over time. Principal concerns of historical linguistics include to:
describe and account for observed changes in particular languages
reconstruct the pre-history of languages and to determine their relatedness, grouping them into
language families
develop general theories about how and why language changes
describe the history of speech communities
study the history of words i.e., etymology
describe and account for observed changes in particular languages
develop general theories about how and why language changes
Modern historical linguistics dates from the late 18th century. It grew out of the earlier discipline
of philology, the study of ancient texts and documents dating back to antiquity.
At first, historical linguistics was comparative linguistics. Scholars were concerned chiefly with
establishing language families and reconstructing prehistoric proto-languages, using the comparative
method and internal reconstruction. The focus was initially on the well-known Indo-European languages,
many of which had long written histories. The scholars also studied the Uralic languages, another
European language family for which less early written material exists. Since then, there has been
significant comparative linguistic work expanding outside of European languages as well, such as on the
Austronesian languages, and various families of Native American languages, among many others.
Comparative linguistics is now, however, only a part of a more broadly conceived discipline of historical
linguistics. For the Indo-European languages, comparative study is now a highly specialized field. Most
research is being carried out on the subsequent development of these languages, in particular, the
development of the modern standard varieties.
Initially, all modern linguistics was historical in orientation. Even the study of modern dialects
involved looking at their origins. Ferdinand de Saussure's distinction between synchronic and diachronic
linguistics is fundamental to the present day organization of the discipline. In the 20th century, historical
linguists successfully extended the application of the theories and methods of the 19th century to the
classification and historical study of non-Indo-European languages. Historical linguistics, when
contrasted with synchronic linguistics, the study of a language at a particular point in time, is often called
diachronic linguistics.
Lesson-11
INTER-DISCIPLINARY BRANCHES OF LINGUISTICS
Applied linguistics studies application to the solution of practical problem as the recovery of speech
ability. Following are the branches of this discipline:
Historical Linguistics
Sociolinguistics
Psycholinguistics
Ethno-linguistics or Anthropological Linguistics
Computational Linguistics
‘Sociolinguistics’ is generally used for the study of the relationship between language and
society. This is a broad area of investigation that developed through the interaction of linguistics with a
number of other academic disciplines. It has strong connections with anthropology through the study of
language and culture, and with sociology through the investigation of the role language plays in the
organization of social groups and institutions. It is also tied to social psychology, particularly with regard
to how attitudes and perceptions are expressed and how in-group and out-group behaviours are identified.
We use all these connections when we try to analyze language from a social perspective.
Whereas the traditional study of regional dialects tended to concentrate on the speech of people in
rural areas, the study of social dialects has been mainly concerned with speakers in towns and cities. In
the social study of dialect, it is social class that is mainly used to define groups of speakers as having
something in common. The two main groups are generally identified as ‘middle class’, those who have
more years of education and perform non-manual work, and ‘working class’, those who have fewer years
of education and perform manual work of some kind. So, when we refer to ‘working-class speech’, we are
talking about a social dialect. The terms ‘upper’ and ‘lower’ are used to further subdivide the groups,
mainly on an economic basis, making ‘upper-middle-class speech’ another type of social dialect or
sociolect. As in all dialect studies, only certain features of language use are treated as relevant in the
analysis of social dialects. These features are pronunciations, words or structures that are regularly used in
one form by working-class speakers and in another form by middle-class speakers.
In Edinburgh, Scotland, for example, the word home is regularly pronounced as [heɪm], as if
rhyming with name, among lower-working-class speakers, and as [həʊm], as if rhyming with foam,
among middle-class speakers. It is a small difference in pronunciation, but it is an indicator of social
status. A more familiar example might be the verb ain’t, as in I ain’t finished yet, which is generally used
more often in working-class speech than in middle-class speech. When we look for other examples of
language use that might be characteristic of a social dialect, we treat class as the social variable and the
pronunciation or word as the linguistic variable. We can then try to investigate the extent to which there is
systematic variation involving the two variables by counting how often speakers in each class use each
version of the linguistic variable. This is not usually an all-or-nothing situation, so studies of social
dialects typically report how often speakers in a particular group use a certain form rather than find that
only one group or the other uses the form.
Unique circumstances of every life result in each of us having an individual way of speaking, and
a personal dialect or idiolect. Features occur frequently in one’s speech (or not); they mark you as a
member of a particular social group, whether one realizes it or not. Final pronunciation of -ing with [n]
rather than [ŋ] at the end of words such as sitting and drinking refers to two distinct classes.
Psycholinguistics is the study of the mental aspects of language and speech. It is primarily
concerned with the ways in which language is represented and processed in the brain. A branch of
linguistics and psychology, psycholinguistics is part of the field of cognitive science. American
psychologist Jacob Robert Kantor in his book An Objective Psychology of Grammar (1936) introduced
the term psycholinguistics. ‘Psycholinguistics is the study of the mental mechanisms that make it possible
for people to use language. It is a scientific discipline whose goal is a coherent theory of the way in which
language is produced and understood.’ However, there are two key questions to answer.
What knowledge of language is needed for us to use language? In a sense, we must know a
language to use it, but we are not always fully aware of this knowledge.
What cognitive processes are involved in the ordinary use of language? By ‘ordinary use of
language’ we mean such things as understanding a lecture, reading a book, writing a letter, and
holding a conversation. By cognitive processes, we mean processes such as perception, memory,
and thinking. Although we do few things as often or as easily as speaking and listening, we will
find that considerable cognitive processing is going on during those activities.
Psycholinguists study how word meaning, sentence meaning, and discourse meaning are
computed and represented in mind. They study how complex words and sentences are composed in
speech and how they are broken down into their constituents in the acts of listening and reading. There
are essentially two schools of thought as to how children acquire or learn language, and there is still much
debate as to which theory is the correct one. The first theory states that all language must be learned by
the child. The second view states that the abstract system of language cannot be learned, but that humans
possess an innate language faculty, or an access to what has been called universal grammar. The view that
language must be learned was especially popular before 1960 and is well represented by the mentalistic
theories of Jean Piaget and the empiricist Rudolf Carnap. Likewise, the school of psychology known as
behaviourism (B.F. Skinner,1957) puts forth the point of view that language is a behaviour shaped by
conditioned response, hence it is learned.
The innatist perspective began with Noam Chomsky's highly critical review of Skinner's book in
1959. This review helped to start what has been termed ‘the cognitive revolution’ in psychology.
Chomsky posited humans possess a special, innate ability for language and that complex syntactic
features, such as recursion, are ‘hard-wired’ in the brain. These abilities are thought to be beyond the
grasp of the most intelligent and social non-humans. According to Chomsky, children acquiring a
language have a vast search space to explore among all possible human grammars, yet at the time, there
was no evidence that children receive sufficient input to learn all the rules of their language. Hence, there
must be some other innate mechanism that endows language ability to humans.
Applied Linguistics is concerned with practical issues involving language in the life of the
community. The most important of these is the learning of second or foreign languages. Linguistics and
Applied Linguistics is a challenging and stimulating discipline, offering many opportunities for original
work. Applied linguistics is an interdisciplinary field of linguistics that identifies, investigates, and offers
solutions to language-related real-life problems. Some of the academic fields related to applied linguistics
are education, psychology, communication research, anthropology, and sociology.
Applied Linguistics:
examines the structure of language and its role in communication
explores how children acquire language
studies how the skills of second-language speakers develop
investigates how the social or cultural environment interacts with language
develops a strong foundation in the structure of language and its role in communication
gains practical knowledge through clinical observations
Applied Linguistics is concerned with practical issues involving language in the life of the
community. The most important of these is the learning of second or foreign languages. Others include
language policy, multilingualism, language education, the preservation and revival of endangered
languages, and the assessment and treatment of language difficulties. Other areas of interest include
professional communication, for example, between doctors and their patients, between lawyers and their
clients and in courtrooms, as well as other areas of institutional and cross-cultural communication ranging
from the boardroom to the routines on an answer phone.
Linguistics and Applied Linguistics is a challenging and stimulating discipline, offering many
opportunities for original work.
Computational linguistics is the branch of linguistics in which the techniques of computer science
are applied to the analysis and synthesis of language and speech. Computational linguistics is an
interdisciplinary field concerned with the statistical or rule-based modeling of natural language from a
computational perspective.
Computational linguistics is often grouped within the field of artificial intelligence, but actually
was present before the development of artificial intelligence. Computational linguistics originated in the
United States in the 1950s with the efforts to use computers to translate texts from foreign languages
automatically, particularly Russian scientific journals, into English.
Since computers can make arithmetic calculations much faster and more accurately than humans,
it was thought to be only a short matter of time before they could also begin to process language.
Computational and quantitative methods are also used historically in attempted reconstruction of earlier
forms of modern languages and subgrouping modern languages into language families. Earlier methods
such as lexicostatistics and glottochronology have been proven to be premature and inaccurate. However,
recent interdisciplinary studies, which borrow concepts from biological studies, especially gene mapping,
have proved to produce more sophisticated analytical tools and more reliable results.
When machine translation failed to yield accurate translations right away, automated processing
of human languages was recognized as more complex than it had originally been assumed. In order to
translate one language into another, it was observed that one had to understand the grammar of both
languages, including both morphology and syntax. In order to understand syntax, one had to understand
the semantics and the lexicon, and even something of the pragmatics of language use. Thus, what started
as an effort to translate between languages evolved into an entire discipline devoted to understanding how
to represent and process natural languages using computers?
Linguistic geography can also refer to studies of how people talk about the landscape. For
example, toponymy is the study of place names. Landscape ethno-ecology, also known as ethno-
physiography, is the study of landscape ontologies and how they are expressed in language.
Many studies have researched the effect of language contact, as the languages or dialects
(varieties) of peoples have interacted. This territorial expansion of language groups has usually resulted in
the overlaying of languages upon existing speech areas, rather than the replacement of one language by
another. An example could be sought in the Norman Conquest of England: Old French became the
language of the aristocracy but Middle English remained the language of the majority of the population.
Peter Trudgill says, ‘linguistic geography has been geographical only in the sense that it has been
concerned with the spatial distribution of linguistic phenomena.’
A common production of linguistic investigators of dialects is the shaded and dotted map
(linguistic map) showing where one linguistic feature ends and another begins or overlaps. Various
compilations of these maps for England have been issued over the years, including Joseph Wright's
English Dialect Dictionary (1896–1905), the Survey of English Dialects (1962-8), and The Linguistic
Atlas of England (1978).
Lesson-12
LINGUISTICS VS. TRADITIONAL GRAMMAR
Words can only be combined in limited number of patterns. We recognize that the phrase ‘the
lucky boys’ is a well formed phrase in English, but that the following two ‘phrases’ are not at all well-
formed.
*boys the lucky
*lucky boys the (an asterisk *is used to indicate that a form is unacceptable or ungrammatical.)
So, we can see that English has strict rules for combining words into phrases. The article the
must go before the adjective lucky, which must go before the noun boys. So, in order to be grammatical,
this type of phrase must have the following sequence:
article + adjective + noun
and not
*noun + article + adjective
The process of describing the structure of phrases and sentences in such a way that we account
for all the grammatical sequences in a language and rule out all the ungrammatical sequences is one way
of defining grammar. It is the kind of definition assumed when we talk about the grammar of English as
opposed to the grammar of Swahili, Tagalog or Turkish.
Traditional Grammar
The terms ‘article,’, ‘adjective’, and ‘noun’ that we use to label the grammatical categories of
the words in the phrase the lucky boys come from traditional grammar, which has its origins in the
description of languages such as Latin and Greek. Since there were well-established grammatical
descriptions of these languages, it seemed appropriate to adopt the existing categories from these
descriptions and apply them in the analysis of ‘newer’ languages such as English. After all, Latin and
Greek were the languages of scholarship, religion, philosophy and ‘knowledge,’, so the grammar of these
languages was taken to be the model for other grammars. The best-known terms from that tradition are
those used in describing the parts of speech.
Terms such as ‘adjective’ and ‘noun’ are used to label forms in the language as the parts of
speech or word classes. The technical terms used to describe each part of speech are illustrated in the
following sentence and simple definitions of each term are listed below.
Basic definitions of this type are useful for identifying most forms in a language such as
English, but they are not completely reliable. A different approach might focus on some other properties
of the parts of speech. For example, a noun can be defined as a form that comes after an article (a, the)
and can take inflections for possessive (-’s) and plural (-s). Of course, not all nouns (e.g., information,
mud) have all these characteristics. Moreover, these characteristics are unlikely to be true of nouns in
other languages that we might want to describe. An alternative way of looking at nouns and other parts of
speech had to be found in order to carry out structural analysis.
Agreement
In addition to the terms used for the parts of speech, traditional grammatical analysis has also
given us a number of other categories, including ‘number,’ ‘person,’ ‘tense, ‘voice’ and, ‘gender.’ These
categories can be discussed in isolation, but their role in describing language structure becomes clearer
when we consider them in terms of agreement. For example, we say that the verb loves ‘agrees with’ the
noun Cathy in the following sentence:
This agreement is partially based on the category of number, that is, whether the noun is
singular or plural. It is also based on the category of person, which covers the distinctions of first person
(involving the speaker), second person (involving the hearer), and third person (involving any others).
The different forms of English pronouns can be described in terms of person and number. We use me for
first person singular, you for second person singular, and him, her, it (or Cathy) for third person singular.
So, in the sentence Cathy loves her dog, we have a noun Cathy, which is third person singular, and we use
the verb loves (not love) to ‘agree with’ the noun.
In addition, the form of the verb must be described in terms of another category called tense. In
this case, the verb loves is in the present tense, which is different from the past tense (loved). The
sentence is also in the active voice, describing what Cathy does (i.e., she performs the action of the verb).
An alternative would be the passive voice, which can be used to describe what happens to Cathy (i.e., she
does not perform the action), as in Cathy is loved by her dog or just Cathy is loved.
Our final category is gender, which helps us describe the agreement between Cathy and her in
our example sentence. In English, we have to describe this relationship in terms of natural gender, mainly
derived from a biological distinction between male and female. The agreement between Cathy and her is
based on a distinction made in English between reference to female entities (she, her), male entities (he,
his), and things or creatures, when the sex is unknown or irrelevant (it, its).
The type of biological distinction used in English is quite different from the more common
distinction found in languages that use grammatical gender. Whereas natural gender is based on sex (male
and female), grammatical gender is based on the type of noun (masculine and feminine), and is not tied to
sex. In this latter sense, nouns are classified according to their gender class, and typically, articles and
adjectives have different forms to ‘agree with’ the gender of the noun.
Definition of Linguistics
Linguistics may be defined as the scientific study of language. This definition is hardly sufficient
to give the reader any positive indication of the fundamental principles of the subject. It may be made a
little more revealing by drawing in greater detail the implications contained in the qualification
‘scientific’. For the moment, it will be enough to say that by the scientific study of language is meant its
investigation by means of controlled and empirically verifiable observations and with reference to some
general theory of language-structure. The scientific approaches of linguistics are as follows:
Like any scientific discipline, linguistics too is not static. Viewpoints and theoretical methods in the field
change even in fundamental ways from time to time.
In the article ‘Beyond and Between the Three Circles’, linguist Christian Mair has observed that
the ‘study of human languages in the spirit of linguistic descriptivism has been one of the great
democratic enterprises of the past two centuries of scholarship in the humanities. In the twentieth century,
structuralist descriptivism and sociolinguistics have . . . taught us to respect the structural complexity,
communicative adequacy and creative-expressive potential of all the world's languages, including socially
stigmatized working-class and ethnic speech.’ Look at the different approaches of descriptivism and
prescriptivism.
Except only in certain educational contexts, modern linguists utterly reject prescriptivism, and
their investigations are based instead on descriptivism. In a descriptivist approach, we try to describe the
facts of linguistic behaviour exactly as we find them, and we refrain from making value judgments about
the speech of native speakers.
For instance, if we take inventory of the specific linguistic features of the discourse of a given
speech community (e.g., gamers, sports enthusiasts, technology majors), we are within the realm of
descriptivism. A speech community, as Gumperz (1968, p.381) points out, is ‘any human aggregate
characterized by regular and frequent interaction by means of a shared body of verbal signs and sets off
from similar aggregates by significant differences in language usage.
Descriptivism involves observing and analyzing, without passing too much judgment, the habits
and practices within speech communities, focusing on language users and uses without attempting to get
them to modify their language according to standards external to the language itself. Descriptive
linguistics aims to understand the ways people use language in the world, given all of the forces that
influence such use. Prescriptivism lies at the other end of this continuum and is usually associated with
stipulating rules and norms for language use.
Linguistics is non-speculative. So, the main difference between scientific and non-scientific study
of language is that linguistics is empirical rather than speculative or intuitive. It operates with publically
verifiable data obtained by means of observation and experiment.
Speculative mood is an epistemic grammatical mood found in some languages, which indicates
that the utterance is based on speculation of the speaker, and not necessarily known to be the case. For
example, ‘The butler could have been the killer.’
Close to the property of empiricism is objectivity. Objectivity is that, ‘it considers all languages
to be equal’. For a linguist, there are no primitive, pure, beautiful, cultural, and sophisticated languages.
Objectivity is difficult to attain because language is so familiar to us that we can hardly dissociate
ourselves from it. Practical familiarity with language stands in the way of its objective examination.
All sorts of social, cultural, and nationalistic prejudices are associated with laypersons’ view of
particular language(s). The objective study of language is hindered by various cultural, social, and
historical misconceptions about certain languages.
In linguistics, objectivity also means that the linguist and his informants are distinct. The linguist
listens; his informants talk. Questions of reproducibility are different. Language is taken for granted as we
are familiar with language since childhood in a practical and unreflective manner. For example, one
dialect of a particular language might be thought to be purer than another. Objectivity demands that
prescriptive beliefs should be challenged and terms like pure and primitive should either be clearly
defined or rejected.
An oral language or vocal language is a language produced with the vocal tract, as opposed to a
sign language, which is produced with the hands and face. The term ‘spoken language’ is sometimes
used to mean only vocal languages, especially by linguists, making all three terms synonyms by
excluding sign languages. Others refer to sign language as ‘spoken’, especially in contrast to written
transcriptions of signs.
In spoken language, much of the meaning is determined by the context. That contrasts with
written language in which more of the meaning is provided directly by the text. In spoken language, the
truth of a proposition is determined by common-sense reference to experience. The relationship between
spoken language and written language is complex. Within the field of linguistics, the current consensus is
that speech is an innate human capability, and written language is a cultural invention. However, some
linguists, such as those of the Prague school, argue that written language and spoken language possess
distinct qualities which would argue against written language being dependent on spoken language for its
existence.
Accordingly, language is treated almost exclusively from the point of view of linguistics.
Linguists study individual human languages and linguistic behaviour in order to discover the fundamental
properties of this general human language. Through this enterprise, they also hope to discover some
fundamental aspects of what it means to be human. The importance of language and languages goes far
beyond internal structure, extending to almost all human endeavours.
Lesson-13
PHONETICS AND ITS BRANCHES
Phonetics and phonology deal with pronunciation, or, more precisely, with speech sounds and the
sound system. First of all, phonetics divides, or segments concrete utterances into individual speech
sounds. It is therefore exclusively concerned with parole or performance. Phonetics (pronounced
/fəˈnɛtɪks/, from the Greek means sound, voice) is a branch of linguistics that comprises the study of the
sounds of human speech, or—in the case of sign languages—the equivalent aspects of sign. It is
concerned with the physical properties of speech sounds or signs (phones): their physiological production,
acoustic properties, auditory perception, and neurophysiological status. Phonology, on the other hand, is
concerned with the abstract, grammatical characterization of the systems of sounds or signs. The
following illustration encompasses the width and breadth of phonetics:
Phonetics can then be divided into three distinct phases: (1) articulatory phonetics, (2) acoustic
phonetics, and (3) auditory phonetics.
1) Articulatory phonetics describes in detail how the speech organs, also called vocal organs or
articulators, in the vocal tract are used in order to produce, or articulate, speech sounds. It also
analyses which organs and muscles are used by the speakers to produce speech.
2) Acoustic phonetics studies the physical properties of speech sounds i.e., the way in which the air
vibrates as sounds pass from speaker to listener. A spectrograph is a machine that measures the
sound waves and depicts them as images, called spectrograms or sonograms, showing the
duration, frequency, intensity, and quality of the sounds.
3) Auditory phonetics investigates the perception of speech sounds by the listener i.e., how the
sounds are transmitted from the ear to the brain, and how they are processed. It also focuses on
the effect those sounds have when they reach the listener's ear and brain. Phonetics is thus a
linguistic field that draws heavily on other scientific disciplines including anatomy, physiology,
neurology, and physics.
Phonetics is the scientific study of language. It does not study an individual language; rather it
studies language in general. It is concerned with the nature of language and communication. Research for
general properties common to all human language or group of languages is the main concern of
linguistics. Like human body, language is very complex. Language system functions because of words,
structures, sounds, etc.
Language works through symbols. Symbols used in language must be known to the speaker and
listener. Language is not an inherent function of man. Speech is the instrument of society. Language does
not remain in vacuum. Language is flexible; it changes from time to time. The study of linguistics
quenches a linguist’s thirst; it gives him the knowledge of the properties and mysteries of language; it
helps him in improving and reforming spelling, vocabulary, pronunciation, and usage.
Articulatory Phonetics
Phonetics is the study of the production of speech sounds. Unlike auditory phonetics, articulatory
phonetics deals with the sender rather than the receiver of the message. It discusses the physical
manifestation of language in sound waves; how these sounds are articulated and perceived, characteristics
of human sound, methods for description, classification and transcription. We want to know:
what these sounds are, how they fall into patterns
how they change in different circumstances
what aspects of the sounds are necessary for conveying the meaning of what is being said
the apparatus of speech
Articulatory Phonetics
Airstream: a stream of air coming from the lungs produces speech. The lungs act as a bellows,
pushing air through the throat, nose, and mouth.
Ingressive Sounds: Speech sounds produced while inhaling are called ingressive sounds. English
does not have any such sound but a few languages have.
Egressive Sounds: Sounds produced by expelling air are called egressive sounds. All languages
produce sounds by expelling.
Organs of Speech or Articulators: The air is modified by the structures of the respiratory and
digestive systems before it is released. These structures are referred to as the organs of speech or
articulators.
In studying articulation, phoneticians explain how humans produce speech sounds via the
interaction of different physiological structures. Generally, articulatory phonetics is concerned with the
transformation of aerodynamic energy into acoustic energy.
Acoustic phonetics is the study of sound waves made by the human vocal organs for
communication. Phoneticians depict and analyze sound waves using machines and computer programs.
Speech consists of variations in air pressure which result from physical disturbances of air molecules
caused by the flow of air out of the lungs. This airflow makes the air molecules alternately crowd together
and move apart (oscillate), creating increases and decreases, respectively, in air pressure. The resulting
sound wave transmits these changes in pressure from speaker to hearer.
Sound waves can be described in terms of physical properties such as cycle, period, frequency,
and amplitude. A cycle is a sequence of one increase and one decrease in air pressure. A period is the
amount of time (expressed in seconds or milliseconds) that one cycle takes. Frequency is the number of
cycles in one second, expressed in hertz (Hz). An increase in frequency usually results in an increase in
perceived pitch. Amplitude refers to the magnitude of vibrations, with larger vibrations resulting in
greater peaks of pressure (greater amplitude), which usually result in an increase in perceived loudness.
Unlike pure tones, which rarely occur in the environment, speech sounds are complex waves with
combinations of different frequencies and amplitudes.
In auditory phonetics, we are dealing with two distinct operations that are closely interrelated and
influence each other: on the one hand, we can talk about audition proper, that is, the perception of sounds
by our auditory apparatus and the transforming of the information into a neural sign and sending it to the
brain. On the other hand, we can talk about the analysis of this information by the brain, which eventually
leads to the decoding of the message, that is, understanding of the verbal message.
As a beginner, however, it will be sufficient for you to get a basic idea of how our auditory
system and the general hearing process work. Have a close look at the picture below, and read through the
brief description that follows.
Keeping it very simple, we can state, that any sound coming from any source, be it a door
slamming or someone speaking to you, is spreading from that source as a sound wave, causing the
molecules on its way to crowd together and move apart again or in other words, to vibrate. When these
vibrating air molecules reach your ear, they cause the eardrum in your middle ear to vibrate too and this
vibration is then carried on from the eardrum to the three little bones: mallet, incus, and stirrup.
From the stirrup, the vibration is carried on to the inner ear, and into the cochlea, a little coil-like
organ filled with liquid. Inside the cochlea, there are two membranes: the vestibular membrane and the
basilar membrane. The latter membrane plays a central role in the act of audition because this is where the
auditory receptor cells are located.
Depending on the frequency of the sound coming in, a different part with different receptor cells
of the basilar membrane is stimulated. Thus, low-frequency (grave) sounds will make the membrane
vibrate at the less stiff (upper) end, while high-frequency (acute) sounds will cause the lower and stiffer
end of the membrane to vibrate. The cells on the basilar membrane convert these vibrations into neural
signals that are transmitted via the auditory nerves to the central receptor and controller of the entire
process, the brain, where we identify the incoming sound as actual sound with a specific pitch.
For articulatory activity many instruments are used such as Radiography (x-rays), Laryngoscopy
(inside larynx), Palatography (patterns of contact between tongue and palate), and Glottography (studying
the vibration of vocal folds and many others).
Measurement of airflow from vocal tract and air pressure within it also gives us a valuable
indirect picture of other aspects of articulation. Not all instrumental studies are experimental.
When a theory or hypothesis is being tested under controlled conditions, the research is
experimental. But if one simply makes a measurement using instruments, this is not the case. Instrumental
phonetics is a quantitative approach; it attempts to characterize speech in terms of measurements and
numbers rather than by relying on listeners’ impressions. Many different instruments have been devised
for the study of speech sounds.
Lesson-14
PHONOLOGY AND ITS BRANCHES
Introduction
Phonology is the study of the sound system of languages. It is the mental representation of sounds
as part of a symbolic cognitive system; it studies how abstract sound categories are manipulated in the
processing of language. Phonology is concerned with the range and function of sounds in a specific
language and with rules, which can be written to show the types of phonetic relationship that relates and
contrasts words and other linguistic units.
Phonology deals with the speakers’ knowledge of the sound system of a language. It is therefore
exclusively concerned with langue or competence. Phonology can be divided into two branches:
Segmental phonology
Supra-segmental phonology
Segmental phonology is based on the segmentation of language into individual speech sounds
provided by phonetics. Unlike phonetics, however, segmental phonology is not interested in the
production, the physical properties, or the perception of these sounds, but in the function and possible
combinations of sounds within the sound system.
Phonology is the study of how sounds are organized in individual languages. On the other hand,
phonetics is the study of the actual process of sound making. Both are important areas of the study of
linguistics. Phonetics and phonology are two subfields of linguistics dealing with speech sounds. Both of
them seem to be overlapping in recent years, and therefore create some confusion regarding their
meanings.
Phonetics has been derived from the Greek word phone meaning sound/voice. It is one of the
important branches of linguistics, which deals with the study of speech sounds. It covers the domain of
speech production and its transmission. It also covers the reception aspect of speech. The sounds made by
us when we talk are studied through different branches of phonetics like acoustic phonetics, auditory
phonetics, and articulatory phonetics. On the other hand, phonology focuses on the organization of sounds
by studying speech patterns. The key words for describing phonology are distribution and patterning
related to speech. It is aimed to determine the sound patterns of all the languages. Phonologists may look
into questions like – why there is a difference in the plurals of cat and dog; the former ends with the /s/
sound, whereas the latter ends with the /z/ sound. Some differences between the two have been mentioned
below:
Phonetics Phonology
Definition Definition
Phonetics can be considered a branch of Phonology is another branch of
linguistics as it deals with the study of the linguistics, which focuses on the
sounds of human speech. It also considers organization of sounds by studying
the function production and auditory speech patterns. The key words for
qualities of human speeches. describing phonology are distribution and
patterning related to speech.
Described as physics of sound Psychology of sound
Focuses on theories of speech production Rules or constraints to find out about the
and perception combinations of sounds of a language.
Branches Branches
Acoustic phonetics is related to the study Segmental Phonology is based on the
of physical attributes of sound produced segmentation of language into individual
by the vocal tract. speech sounds derived from phonetics.
Auditory phonetics deals with Supra-segmental phonology deals with
understanding that how the ear perceives attributes (like rhythm, stress, etc.) of
sound and how the brain recognizes pronunciation which cannot be
different speech units. segmented.
Articulatory phonetics deals with
studying the making of single sounds by
the vocal tract.
We can summarize that phonetics looks into the speech sounds of a language in a generalized and
idealized manner. On the other hand, phonology looks into the functional aspect of speech sounds in that
language. Phonetics and Phonology are closely related to each other, and therefore it is often
recommended not to divide them on the basis of strict rules or points.
Phoneme is the basic unit of phonology, the smallest unit of sound that may cause a change of
meaning within a language. It has no meaning by itself. For example, in the words ‘bake’ and ‘bade,’
only one phoneme brings change in the meaning of the two. Phonemes correspond to the sounds of the
alphabet. However, there is not always a one-to-one relationship between a letter and a phoneme. The
words dog and shape have different spellings but the same three sounds.
Consonant Sounds
Diphthong Sounds
There are 44 phonemes in BBC English accent. However, in different dialects the number of
phonemes is different. Through the process of segmentation, a phoneme can have a particular
pronunciation in one word and a slightly different pronunciation in another e.g., in the word
laughed/lɑːfd/, the letter d has /t/ sound but in played it is /d/ sound.
Segmental phonology is based on the segmentation of language into individual speech sounds
provided by phonetics. Segmental phonology is not interested in the production, the physical properties,
or the perception of these sounds, but in the function and possible combinations of sounds within the
sound system. A segment is ‘any discrete unit that can be identified, either physically or auditorily, in the
stream of speech’. The term is most used in phonetics and phonology to refer to phones and phonemes.
Segments are called ‘discrete’ because they are separate and individual, such as consonants and vowels,
and occur in a distinct temporal order.
A phone is any distinct speech sound or gesture, regardless of whether the exact sound is critical
to the meanings of words. In contrast, a phoneme is a speech sound that, in a given language, if it were
swapped with another phoneme, would change the meaning of the word, for example, Bet /bet/ and Bed
/bed/. Phones are absolute, not specific to any language, but phonemes can be discussed only in reference
to specific language. So, segmental phonology is based on the segmentation of language into individual
speech sounds.
Vowels and consonants can be thought of as the segments of which speech is composed. Together
they form the syllables that make up utterances. Other features known as supra-segmentals are
superimposed on the syllables.
Stress or accent is the relative emphasis or prominence given to a certain syllable in a word, or to
a certain word in a phrase or sentence. Produced by increased activity of the respiratory muscles,
variations in stress are used in English to distinguish between a noun and a verb:
• Insult (N)
• Insult (V)
• Increase (N)
• Increase (V)
The pitch of voice is determined by the frequency with which the vocal cords vibrate. Tone is the
use of pitch in language to distinguish lexical or grammatical meaning, that is, to distinguish or to inflect
words. Juncture, in linguistics, is the manner of moving (transition) or mode of relationship between two
consecutive sounds.
• ‘a name’ /ə.neɪm/ and ‘an aim’ /ən.eɪm/
• ‘that stuff’ /ðæt.stʌf/ and ‘that's tough’ /ðæts.tʌf/
Lesson-15
SYLLABLE
A unit of pronunciation having one vowel sound, with or without surrounding consonants,
forming the whole or a part of a word; for example, there are two syllables in ‘contact’ and three in
‘potato’. The structure of English syllable consists of onset (consonant), and rhyme that consists of a
nucleus (vowel) and a coda (consonant).
Syllables are often considered the phonological ‘building blocks’ of words. They can influence
the rhythm of a language, its prosody, its poetic metre, and its stress patterns.
A word that consists of a single syllable (like English dog) is called a monosyllable (and is said to
be monosyllabic). Similar terms include disyllable and disyllabic (also bisyllable and bisyllabic) for a
word of two syllables; trisyllable (and trisyllabic) for a word of three syllables; and polysyllable (and
polysyllabic), which may refer either to a word of more than three syllables or to any word of more than
one syllable. Dividing a syllable can be difficult as we can observe from the following division of the
word ‘extra’:
Division of syllable
i. e.kstrə
ii. ek.strə
iii. eks.trə
iv. ekst.rə
v. ekstr.ə
A word may have no consonant or up to three consonants in the beginning and up to four in the end.
An ideal syllable consists of CVC (Consonant Vowel Consonant), for example, cat/kæt/.
However, there can be variety in the structure of the syllable.
1. A minimum syllable has no onset or coda, for example:
Are/a:/
Or/ ɔ:/
Err/3:/
/m/ and / ʃ/ are also considered syllables by some phoneticians.
Zero Onset: If the first syllable of a word begins with a vowel, it can be any vowel except /ʊ/
which is rare. Initial consonant of a word may be any except /ŋ/.
Some syllables especially unstressed after the stressed syllable happen to be weak syllables. They
normally consist of /l, r ,n/ in words like cattle kæt.əl/ or kæt.l. In such cases if the preceding sound is
alveolar e.g. wrestle /res.l/ or /res. əl/ or plosive such as couple /kʌp.l/, the schwa sound is elided and the
power of vowel is transferred to the following consonants making it a syllabic consonant.
The following words can take -ing keeping their syllabic quality intact.
Bottling /ˈbɒt.ˌlɪŋ/
Struggling /strʌg.ˌlɪŋ/
Coddle+ing /ˈkɒdˌlɪŋ/
Cod+ling /ˈkɒd.lɪŋ/
Words ending with one or more consonant letters followed by ‘al’ and ‘el’:
• Panel /´pænl/
• Petal /pɛt(ə)l/
• Parcel /ˈpɑːs(ə)l/
• Babel /ˈbeɪbl/
In syllabic /n/ the word ‘Listen’ /lɪsən/ becomes /lɪsn/ and /ˈɡəʊldən/ becomes /ˈɡəʊldn/.
Every word is made from syllables. An open syllable has only one vowel. The vowel has a long
sound and is the last letter of the syllable. Open syllables have only one consonant between the open
syllable and the next vowel such as ba. by.
A closed syllable has only one vowel. The vowel has a short sound (like the ‘i’ in mill). If the
word is only 2 letters, it must end with a consonant, for example: in, on, of, at, and it. If the word is 3+
letters, a closed syllable has 1 consonant before and 1+ consonants after the vowel. For examples: cat,
catch, net, nest, web, man, roll, and bark. If a word has 2 closed syllables next to each other, there will be
two consonants between the vowels, for example: win-ter, sum-mer, com-mon, and tem-per.
An r-controlled syllable is a vowel, diphthong, or triphthong with an ‘r’ or a ‘re’ after it. For
example: deer, whis-per, worth, care, and fire. er, ur, and ir vowels sound like the er in per, fur, her, birth,
shirt, and hurt.
Some ar vowels that sound like the ar in ‘far’, for example, par, far, car, and star. Other ar vowels
sound like the ar in ‘share’, pair, hare, hair, and stare or vowels sound like the ‘or’ in for or, floor, and
door.
A vowel team syllable is a group of 2-4 letters, usually vowels, which make a 1 vowel sound. If a
vowel team is made of 2 vowels, usually only the first vowel is pronounced,for example: rain, fail, suit,
and clean.
The silent-e syllable is also called VCe, which stands for Vowel-Consonant-e. It consists of a
vowel, followed by a consonant, followed by an ‘e’ that is silent. The vowel has a long sound (like the ‘i’
in line), for example, take, cake, theme, line, tone, tune, and ex-ile.
The C-le syllable is also called the Consonant-le. It consists of a consonant followed by an
‘le’ It is usually the last syllable in a root word, for example, tack-le, freck-le, tick-le, and buck-le.
Any consonants can occur before or after the vowel sound in a syllable. A syllable may begin
with any consonant except /ŋ/ which are rare in English syllables.
2) One of the set of fifteen consonants followed by /l,r,w,j / in play, tray, quick, and few. In these words,
the first sound is initial, and the second will be post initial.
In these words /S /is pre initial. /p,t,k/ are initial and /l,r,w/ are post initial.
Any consonant can be final other than /h,r,w,j/ consonants.
1) Pre-final +final
/m, n, ŋ, l, s/
bump /bʌmp/, bent /bent/, bank /bæŋk/, belt /belt/, ask /æsk/
2) Final+post-final
/s, z, t, d, θ/
Bets, beds, backed,
Bagged, eighth
English has three consonants in the beginning of a syllable and up to four consonants at the end.
Sequences of consonants occurring in the beginning or end of a syllable are called consonant cluster. In
the word send /send/, /-nd/ belongs to the same syllable whereas in number /ˈnʌmbər/, /-mb-/ belongs to
two different syllables. Consonants like /-m/ and /b-/ occurring together in a word but belonging to two
different syllables are called abutting consonants.
Lesson-16
STRESS
Topic- 088: Definition
This emphasis is typically caused by such properties as increased loudness and vowel length, full
articulation of the vowel, and changes in pitch. The terms stress and accent are often used synonymously
in this context, but they are sometimes distinguished. For example, when emphasis is produced through
pitch alone, it is called pitch accent, and when produced through length alone, it is called quantitative
accent. When caused by a combination of various intensified properties, it is called stress accent or
dynamic accent; English uses variable stress accent.
What are the characteristics of stress? We can look at this question from two points: production
point of view and perception point of view. From production point of view, the articulatory muscles are
more active, and the speakers use more energy, and there is higher sub-glottal pressure.
From the perception point of view, the stressed syllable has the feature of prominence which has
certain qualities such as loudness, vowel length, quality, and pitch, which are also used for other linguistic
functions; it is difficult to define stress solely phonetically.
Four characteristics of prominence
Louder
Length
Pitch
Quality
The stress placed on syllables within words is called word stress or lexical stress. Some languages
have fixed stress, meaning that the stress on virtually any multisyllabic word falls on a particular syllable,
such as the first or penultimate. Other languages, like English, have variable stress, where the position of
stress in a word is not predictable in that way. Sometimes more than one level of stress, such as primary
stress and secondary stress, may be identified. However, some languages, such as French and Mandarin,
are sometimes analyzed as lacking lexical stress entirely. Stress is placed on lexical words like verb,
adjective, and noun, whereas preposition, articles, and pronouns are not stressed.
The stress placed on words within sentences is called sentence stress or prosodic stress. This is
one of the three components of prosody, along with rhythm and intonation. Spoken English is rhythmic,
like music and poetry, and that rhythm is based on pauses and stress. The stress tells the listener which
words are important. Most unstressed words are ignored or discarded. If English is spoken without
rhythm, the native speaker is forced to listen to every word, which is boring, difficult, and tiring. Thus,
rhythm is essential for good spoken English. For rhythm, they use stress.
Sentence stress is the music of spoken English. Like word stress, sentence stress can help understand
spoken English, even rapid spoken English. Sentence stress gives English its rhythm or ‘beat’. Word
stress is accent on one syllable within a word whereas sentence stress is accent on certain words within a
sentence.
Most sentences have two basic types of words:
Content Words
Content words are the key words of a sentence. They are the important words that carry the
meaning or sense—the real content.
Structure Words
Structure words are not very important words. They are small, simple words that make the sentence
grammatically correct. They give the sentence its correct form i.e., its structure. Content words cannot be
removed while structural words can be removed.
Sentence Stress
In English sentence stress, the following kinds of words are usually stressed. The examples given
are from the sentences.
verbs (help)
two-part verbs (look out)
adjectives (quick)
nouns (emergency)
negative auxiliary verbs (don't)
positive auxiliary verbs such as be in ‘Don't be late!’ are not usually stressed.
These are the kinds of words which are not normally stressed, with example words from the
sentences.
pronouns (your)
the verb (was)
auxiliary verbs (can)
articles (the)
conjunctions (and, or)
prepositions (to)
negative auxiliary verbs (can't, don't, hasn't, etc.) are usually stressed
Many people think, when they are studying a language, and they are new to it, that they need to
pronounce each word fully and clearly in order to be well-understood. However, in English that is
actually not the case. English is a stress-timed language. That means some syllables will be longer, and
some will be shorter. Many languages, however, are syllable-timed, which means each syllable has the
same length. Examples of syllable-timed languages include French, Spanish, and Cantonese. Therefore,
when a British/American hears a sentence of English, with each syllable having the same length, it takes
just a little bit longer to get the meaning. This is because stressed syllables will pop out of the line
because they are longer, and they have more shape. The English ears and brains go straight to those
words. Those are the content words. When all syllables are the same length, then there is no way for the
ear to know which words are the most important.
In a syllable-timed language, every syllable is perceived as taking up roughly the same amount of
time, though the absolute length of time depends on the prosody. Syllable-timed languages tend to give
syllables approximately equal prominence, and generally lack reduced vowels.
Since the 1950s, speech scientists have tried to show the existence of equal syllable durations in
the acoustic speech signal without success. More recent research claims that the duration of consonantal
and vocalic intervals is responsible for syllable-timed perception.\
In a stress-timed language, syllables may last different amounts of time, but there is perceived to
be a fairly constant amount of time (on average) between consecutive stressed syllables. Consequently,
unstressed syllables between stressed syllables tend to be compressed to fit into the time interval. If two
stressed syllables are separated by a single unstressed syllable, as in 'COME for TEA', the unstressed
syllable will be relatively long, while if a larger number of unstressed syllables intervene, as in 'COME
and have some TEA', the unstressed syllables will be shorter.
Stress timing is sometimes called Morse-code rhythm, but any resemblance between the two is
only superficial. It is strongly related to vowel reduction processes. English, Thai, German, Russian,
Danish, Swedish, Norwegian, Faroese, Dutch, Portuguese, and Persian are typical stress-timed languages.
Some stress-timed languages, for example Arabic, retain unreduced vowels.
While giving stress it is important to see whether the word is morphologically simple or complex
(one or more affixes) or a compound. Besides, what grammatical category it belongs to, how many
syllables the word has and what the phonological structure of the syllables is. All these things matter
while giving stress to a syllable in a word. Syllables can be divided into strong and weak.
Strong syllable has a rhyme composed of: long vowel/diphthong or a vowel + coda
(1 or more consonants) - /'dai/ /'hα:t/ /'bæt/
Weak syllable has a syllable peak which is a short vowel and Ø coda unless the peak is /ə/ or /ı/, e.g.,
/ rı'dju:s/ /'əυ pən/
We also find unstressed strong syllables e.g., in dialect both syllables are strong but the first one
is stressed. Only strong syllables can be stressed. Weak syllables are always unstressed.
Stress is on either the 1st or the 2nd syllable.
In verbs, if the 2nd syllable is strong, it is stressed.
Apply / əˈplaɪ/
Arrive /əˈraɪv/
If the 2nd syllable is weak, the 1st syllable is stressed.
Enter /ˈen.tə/
Envy /ˈen.vi/
The 1st syllable is also stressed in case the 2nd syllable contains /əυ/.
Follow /ˈfɒl.əʊ/
Borrow / ˈbɒr.əʊ /
Simple adjectives are stressed according to the same rule that if one syllable is weak, the other syllable is
stressed.
even /ˈiːv(ə)n/
correct /kəˈrekt/
Exceptions
Adjectives that end in strong syllables but are stressed on the 1st:
honest/ˈɒn.ɪst/
perfect /ˈpɜː.fekt/
Money/ˈmʌn.i/
Other two-syllable words seem to behave like verbs and adjectives.
Verbs
Nouns
If the final syllable is weak, or contains /əυ/, stress falls on the preceding: ´potato /pəˈteɪ.təʊ/
If the final and penultimate syllables are weak, stress is on the initial syllable e.g., quantity /ˈkwɒn.tə.ti/
because stress tends to move to strong syllables.
Lesson-17
MORPHOLOGY I
Morphology is the study of words. How are they formed? What is their relationship to other
words in the same language? It analyses the structure of words and parts of words, such as stems, root
words, prefixes, and suffixes. Morphology is essentially the grammar of words and deals with the forms
of words e.g., the relation between take and took, dog and dogs. Words can be related to other words by
rules, for example, English speakers recognize that the words dog, dogs, and dogcatcher are closely
related.
The distinction between these two senses of ‘word’ is arguably the most important one in
morphology. The first sense of ‘word,’ the one in which dog and dogs are ‘the same word,’ is called
lexeme. The second sense is called word form. We thus say that dog and dogs are different forms of the
same lexeme. Dog and dog catcher, on the other hand, are different lexemes; for example, they refer to
two different kinds of entities. The form of a word that is chosen conventionally to represent the canonical
form of a word is called a lemma, or citation form. Informally, word formation rules form ‘new words’
(that is, new lexemes).
While inflection rules yield variant forms of the ‘same’ word (lexeme). Joining two words to
make a new word is process of compounding or compound form such as dogcatcher. Derivation involves
affixing bound (non-independent) forms to existing lexemes, whereby the addition of the affix derives a
new lexeme. The word independent is derived from the word dependent by prefixing it with the
derivational prefix in-, while dependent itself is derived from the verb depend.
In many languages, what appear to be single forms actually turn out to contain a large number of
‘word-like’ elements. For example, in Swahili (spoken throughout East Africa), the form nitakupenda
conveys what, in English, would have to be represented as something like I will love you. Now, is the
Swahili from a single word? If it is a ‘word,’ then it seems to consist of a number of elements which, in
English, turn up as separate ‘words.’ A rough correspondence can be presented in the following way:
ni- ta- ku- penda
‘I will you love’
Perhaps a better way of looking at linguistic forms in different languages would be to use this
notion of ‘elements’ in the message, rather than depend on identifying only ‘words.’ The type of exercise
we have just performed is an example of investigating basic forms in language, generally known as
morphology. This term, which literally means ‘the study of forms,’ was originally used in Biology, but
since the middle of the nineteenth century, has also been used to describe the type of investigation that
analyses all those basic ‘elements’ used in a language. What we have been describing as ‘elements’ in the
form of a linguistic message, are technically known as ‘morphemes.’
A morpheme is the smallest grammatical unit in a language. In other words, it is the smallest
meaningful unit of a language. A morpheme is not identical to a word, and the principal difference
between the two is that a morpheme may or may not stand alone, whereas a word, by definition, is
freestanding. When a morpheme stands by itself, it is considered a root because it has a meaning of its
own (e.g., the morpheme dog) and when it depends on another morpheme to express an idea, it is an affix
because it has a grammatical function (e.g., the –s in dogs to indicate that it is plural). Every word
comprises one or more morphemes.
Talks, talker, talked, talking
The root is talk where -s, -er, -ed and –ing are affixes.
Word forms’ may consist of a number of elements. All these elements are described as morphemes.
A morpheme meets three criteria: it is a word or part of word that has a meaning. It cannot be
divided into smaller meaningful parts without violation of meaningless remainder. It recurs in differing
verbal environments with a relatively stable meaning.
Unlikely un +like + ly
Unkindly un +kind + ly
The following words are single morphemes as if divided would lose the meaning they have as in the
present words.
Carpet
Garbage
The morpheme that can stand alone as a single word by itself is called free morpheme. The free
morphemes can generally be identified as the set of separate English word forms such as basic nouns,
adjectives, verbs, etc. When they are used with bound morphemes, the basic word forms are technically
known as stems.
Free Morphemes:
Reopened: open
Tourists: tour
Unexplainable
Explain (stem)
un- (bound)
-able (bound)
A free morpheme can occur in isolation and cannot be divided into smaller meaning units. 'House'
or 'dog' are ‘free stems’ such as dress and care. The stem that cannot be further split up is also called root.
Segments or forms that cannot normally stand alone and are typically attached to another form
are called Bound Morphemes. Bound morphemes are also called affixes (prefixes and suffixes) in English.
Reopened: re- -ed
Environmentalist: -ist
Schools: -s
Lexical morphemes are absolutely necessary to convey an idea to someone else. They can be
understood fully in and of itself—boy, for example, as well as run, green, quick, paper, large, throw, and
now.
Nouns, verbs, adjectives, and adverbs are typical kinds of lexical morphemes. Lexical morphemes
are longer and, with the exception of ‘ox’ and American English's ‘ax’, are spelt with a minimum of three
graphemes. Lexical morphemes carry stress as a word as well as in a sentence. Functional morphemes
will only be stressed if prominence on them is contextually warranted e.g.,
It is HER book.
Some examples of functional morphemes are and, but, when, because, on, near, above, in, the,
that, it, and them. Functional morphemes function to specify the relationship between one lexical
morpheme and another. The functional morphemes in the language fall in the word classes as
Conjunctions
Prepositions
Articles
Pronouns
Auxiliary verbs
Modals
Quantifiers
A functional morpheme simply modifies the meaning of the word, rather than supplying the root
meaning of the word. It encodes grammatical meaning e.g., the girls entered the classroom. In this
sentence, ‘the’ is functional morpheme, which is specifying girl and classroom.
Functional morphemes belong to the ‘closed’ class of words. Normally, new functional morphemes
cannot be coined.
Lesson-18
MORPHOLOGY II
The set of affixes that make up the category of bound morphemes can also be divided into two types.
Derivational Morpheme
Inflectional Morpheme
Derivational morphemes change the grammatical categories of words.
Semantic Content
Content words add meaning but they are not words. In English, all prefixes are derivational. This
contrasts with English suffixes, which may be either derivational or inflectional. The set of derivational
affixes is open-ended; that is, there are a potentially infinite number of them.
They serve as grammatical markers that indicate tense, number, possession, or comparison.
Inflectional morphemes do not change the essential meaning or the grammatical category of a word.
Only lexical words take inflectional affixes. The inflectional affixes are few; there number is only
eight in English. Closed classes of words take no inflectional affixes in English. Inflectional affixes
always follow derivational affixes. An inflectional morpheme does not have the capacity to change the
meaning or the syntactic class of the words it is bound to and will have a predictable meaning for all such
words.
The verb teach becomes the noun teacher if we add the derivational morpheme -er (from Old
English -ere). The suffix -er in Modern English is as an inflectional morpheme as part of an adjective, as a
distinct derivational morpheme as part of a noun.
Here is the morphological description of the sentence ‘The child’s simplicity impressed the teacher’.
Child
Free Lexical impress
teach
Morpheme simple
Functional The
Bound Derivational -er, city
Inflectional -‘s , -ed
Order of Morpheme
Derivational morpheme come first teacher+s and inflectional morpheme comes after teacher+s.
Apparent description of morphological analysis is simple as it can be seen in the following example:
Cat + -s = cats
But what is the plural of these words: Sheep + ? Man + ?
If institution +-al = institutional and –al is an adjective suffix, but in legal –al is not used to make leg
adjective as leg alone has no meaning of the word legal in it.
The relationship between law and legal is also of the same problem. At best we can say that law
(Old English (lagu) from a Scandinavian source) and legal (Latin form legalis (‘of the law’) have come
into English from different languages and different periods. We do not find any derivational relationship
between the following:
noun adjective
law legal
mouth oral
As phone is actual realization of the phonemes, morphs are actual forms to realize morphemes.
Cats cat+s(plural)
Buses bus +es( plural)
At least, there are two different morphs (-s,-es) /s/ and /ɪz/ to realize the inflectional morpheme ‘plural’.
Allomorph
{e(s)} ʊ ʃ ɪz/, rouges /ruː ʒɪz/, churches /tʃɜː tʃɪz/, judges /dʒʌdʒɪz/
/s/ in the case of words ending in a voiceless consonant (other than /ʃ, s, tʃ/):
cats /kæts/, caps /kæps/
/z/ in the case of words ending in voiced sounds (other than (/z, ʒ, dʒ/): boys
/bɔɪz/, bags /bæɡz/
Similarly, the present tense morpheme {-e(s)} has three allomorphs /s/, /z/ and /ɪz/.
Packs /pæks/
Digs /dɪɡz/
Washes /wɒʃɪz/
The past tense morpheme of English, {-e(d)} has also three different (phonologically conditioned)
allomorphs /t/, /d/ and /ɪd/.
Lesson-19
MORPHOLOGY III
Coinage is the word formation process in which a new word is created either deliberately or
accidentally without using the other word formation processes, and often from seemingly nothing. As
neologism or coinage, we identify the word formation process of inventing entirely new words. This is
constant evolution of new words and new uses. It is a sign of vitality and creativeness in the way a
language is shaped by the needs of its users. These words are invented as trade names for commercial
products, and soon they become general terms.
Older examples are aspirin, nylon, vaseline and zipper; recent examples are granola, kleenex,
teflon, and Xerox. They have become everyday words in the language; for example, the word Google
from the word Googleplex, which later became the name of a company (Google).
Similarly, for searching something online the word ‘ebay’ is used.
Have you tried ebaying it?
Eponyms
New words are also made based on the name of a person or a place.
Hoover (after the person who marketed it )
Spangle (after the person who invented it)
Sandwich (after an Earl who would have two pieces of bread with meat while gambling)
Jeans (after a city of Italy Genoa)
Some eponyms are technical terms, based on the names of those who first discovered or invented things
such as:
In linguistics, borrowing (also known as lexical borrowing) is the process by which a word from
one language is adapted for use in another. The word that is borrowed is called a borrowing, a borrowed
word, or a loanword. A borrowed word is never given back as the word indicates. It is the most common
source of new words in English. Some common borrowed words and the languages that have been
borrowed are mentioned below.
Croissant (French) Dope (Dutch)
Lilac (Persian)
Piano (Italian)
Pretzel (German),
Sofa (Arabic),
Tattoo (Tahitian)
Tycoon (Japanese)
Yogurt (Turkish)
Zebra (Bantu)
Sometimes words in another language are translated. This process is called loan translation or a
direct translation of the elements of a word into the borrowing language. The English word skyscraper is
thus translated as the following and all of these are calques for the English word skyscraper.
French gratte-ciel, (literally translates as ‘scrape-sky,’)
Dutch wolkenkrabber (‘cloud scratcher’)
German Wolkenkratzer(‘cloud scraper’),
The English expression ‘moment of truth’ is a Spanish phrase el momento de la verdad. Nowadays, some
Spanish speakers eat perros calientes (dogs hot) or hot dogs.
Joining of two separate words to produce a single form is a very common word formation process in
languages.
Examples of compounding using all nouns:
bookcase, doorknob, fingerprint, sunburn, textbook, wallpaper, wastebasket and waterbed
Using adjectives:
good-looking, low-paid
Compounds of adjective:
Fast plus noun food=fast-food restaurant, a full-time job.
It is a very common process in other languages too.
Blending
Mixing of languages
Franglais ( French + English)
Spanglish (Spanish + English )
Information technology
Telex ()
The element of reduction that is noticeable in blending is even more apparent in the process
described as clipping for example:
Fax from facsimile
This process occurs with a word of more than one syllable and usually the beginning is clipped. It is used
in casual speech.
gas (gasoline), ad (advertisement), cab (cabriolet), condo (condominium), fan (fanatic), flu
(Influenza)
English speakers also like to clip each other’s names.
Ed, Liz, Mike, Ron, Sam, Sue, Tom
In educational field
chem, exam, gym, lab, math, policy, prof and typo
Hypocorisms
A particular type of reduction, favoured in Australian and British English, produces forms technically
known as hypocorisms. In this process a longer word is reduced to a single syllable, then -y or -ie is
added to the end.
Movie (‘moving pictures’), telly (‘television’), Aussie (‘Australian’), barbie (‘barbecue’), brekky
(‘breakfast’), hankie (‘handkerchief’)
An acronym is a word or name formed as an abbreviation from the initial components in a phrase
or a word, usually individual letters, and sometimes syllables (as in Benelux). There are no universal
standards of the multiple names for such abbreviations and of their orthographic styling. Words formed
from the initial letters of a set of other words.
There are many every day terms such as: laser (‘light amplification by stimulated emission of radiation’),
radar (‘radio detecting and ranging’), scuba (‘self-contained underwater breathing apparatus’) are
examples of this process.
Names for organizations are often designed to have their acronym represent an appropriate term.
A derivational affix is an affix by means of which one word is formed (derived) from another.
The derived word is often of a different word class from the original. In contrast to an inflectional affix, a
derivational affix:
is not part of an obligatory set of affixes
generally occurs closer to the root
generally is more meaningful, and
is more likely to result in a form that has a somewhat idiosyncratic meaning.
Prefixes are the kind of affixes which are added to the beginning of the word: un-, mis- . Affixes added to
the end of the word -less, -ish are suffixes.
All English words formed by this derivational process have either prefixes or suffixes, or both.
Mislead
Disrespectful
Foolishness
Infix
A third type of affix not normally used in English is found in some other languages of the world.
However, there are few example of infixes in English such as: Absogoddamlutely!, Fandamntastic.
Lesson-20
GRAMMAR I
The word grammar is from Greek word ‘gramma’ which means ‘art of letters’. Grammar is the
set of structural rules governing the composition of clauses, phrases, and words in any given natural
language. The term also refers to the study of such rules, and this field includes phonology, morphology,
and syntax, often complemented by phonetics, semantics, and pragmatics.
Grammar refers to cognitive information underlying language use. Speakers of a language have a
set of internalized rules for using that language. These rules constitute grammar, and the vast majority of
the information in the grammar is—at least in the case of one's native language—acquired not by
conscious study or instruction, but by observing other speakers. Much of this work is done during early
childhood; learning a language later in life usually involves a greater degree of explicit instruction.
The Babylonians made some early attempts at language description, but the first systematic
grammars, of Sanskrit, originated in Iron Age India. Most known of them are:
Yaska (6th century BC)
Pāṇini (4th century BC)
Pingala (200 BC)
Katyayana (300 BC)
Patanjali (2nd century BC)
The collection of prescriptive rules and concepts about the structure of language that is commonly
taught in schools is known as traditional grammar. It is largely based on the principles of Latin grammar,
not on current linguistic research in English. It focuses on the distinction between what some people do
with language, and what they ought to do with it, according to a pre-established standard.
The chief goal is to perpetuate a historical model of what supposedly constitutes proper language.
The terms ‘article,’ ‘adjective’ and ‘noun’ that we use to label the grammatical categories come from
traditional grammar. Latin and Greek were the languages of scholarship, religion, philosophy and
‘knowledge’; the grammars of these languages were taken to be the model for other grammars especially
in English language. Here are some characteristics of traditional grammar:
Mechanics: Proper Punctuation
Style: Sentence Structure
Usage: Diction
Usage: Parts of Speech
Style: Spelling
The best-known terms from that tradition are those used in describing the parts of speech.
In traditional grammar, a part of speech is a category of words which have similar grammatical
properties. The Sanskrit grammarian Yāska defined four main categories (6th century BC). Dionysius
Thrax (2nd century BC) gave the concept of eight parts of speech which was further modified by Latin
grammarian Priscian (500 AD). Basic definitions of this type are useful for identifying most forms in a
language such as English. A different approach might focus on some other properties of the parts of
speech.
Traditional grammatical analysis has also given us a number of other categories, including
‘number,’ ‘person,’ ‘tense,’ ‘voice’ and ‘gender.’ Their role in describing language structure becomes
clearer when we consider them in terms of agreement e.g., ‘Cathy loves her dog.’
Agreement is partially based on the category of number. The subject is singular so the verb is also
singular. It is also based on the category of ‘person’. Similarly, in this sentence the verb is singular
because their person takes a singular verb. The different forms of English pronouns can be described in
terms of person and number.
e.g., I , we, he, she, etc.
In the sentence
‘Cathy loves her dog.’
‘Loves’ is present tense. Also the above sentence is in active voice.
A passive voice would be
The type of biological distinction used in English is quite different from the more common
distinction found in languages that use grammatical gender. Natural gender is based on sex (male and
female), grammatical gender is based on the type of noun (masculine and feminine), and is not tied to sex.
Nouns are classified according to their gender class, and typically, articles and adjectives have different
forms to ‘agree with’ the gender of the noun in many languages.
Spanish, for example, has two grammatical genders, masculine and feminine, illustrated by the
expressions el sol ‘the sun’ and la luna ‘the moon’. German uses three genders, masculine der Mond ‘the
moon’, feminine die Sonne ‘the sun’, and neuter das Feuer ‘the fire’. The different forms of the articles in
both the Spanish (el or la) and German (der, die or das) examples correspond to differences in the gender
class of the nouns.
A young girl is biologically ‘female’ but the German noun das Ma¨dchen used to talk about her
is grammatically neuter. The French noun in le livre (‘the book’) is grammatically masculine, but neither
we nor the French people consider a book to be biologically male. The grammatical category of gender is
very usefully applied in describing a number of languages (including Latin), but may not be appropriate
for describing forms in other languages such as English.
The notion of ‘appropriateness’ of analytic categories for a particular language has not always
been a consideration. Each of the Latin verb forms is different, according to the categories of person and
number. The English verb forms are (with one exception) mostly the same. In English, it makes more
sense to say the categories describe different pronouns.
Traditional Analysis
English Latin
First person I love amo
singular
Second person You love amas
singular
Present tense Second person She loves amat
Active voice singular
First person plural We love amamus
Second person You love amatis
plural
Third person They love Amat
Plural
Lesson-21
GRAMMAR II
It is one thing to adopt the grammatical labels (e.g., ‘noun,’ ‘verb’) to categorize words in English
sentences It is quite another thing to go on to claim that the structure of English sentences should be like
the structure of sentences in Latin. This was an approach taken by a number of influential grammarians,
mainly in eighteenth-century England, who set out rules for the ‘proper’ use of English. This view of
grammar as a set of rules for the ‘proper’ use of a language is still to be found today and may be best
characterized as the prescriptive approach.
You must not split an infinitive.
You need to immediately see him. Incorrect
You need to see him immediately. Correct
You must not end a sentence with a preposition.
Who did you go with? Incorrect
With whom did you go? Correct
The case of pronoun after comparative should be the nominative case for example,
And Mary runs faster than me. Incorrect
Mary runs faster than I. Correct
Me and my family…. Incorrect
My family and I…. Correct
In addition, in proper English writing, one should never begin a sentence with and! Similarly one cannot
split an infinite like the following is considered incorrect.
To boldly go
This is so because it follows the Latin rules imposed on English, whereas in Latin ire (‘to go’) is
one word, and ‘audacter’ (‘boldly’) is another. Besides, the Latin word for infinite ‘ire’ is single word and
cannot be split. English structures are different from those of Latin.
Using a well-established grammatical description of Latin is a useful guide for some European
languages (e.g., Italian or Spanish), but is less useful for others (e.g., English). This last point became
clear to those linguists who were trying to describe the structure of the native languages of North America
toward the end of the nineteenth century. The categories and rules that were appropriate for Latin
grammar just did not seem to fit these languages. In twentieth century, a rather different approach was
adopted. The linguists took the samples of the language they were interested in and attempted to describe
the regular structures of the language. This is called the descriptive approach. A descriptive grammarian
would say that a sentence is ‘grammatical’ if a native speaker of the language would produce that
sentence in speaking. So, all prescriptive or normative rules of Latin grammar were considered to be
applicable to English.
One type of descriptive approach is called structural analysis and its main concern is to
investigate the distribution of forms in a language. The method involves the use of ‘test-frames’ that can
be sentences with empty slots in them. All the forms that fit in the same test-frame are the examples of the
same grammatical category. We can fill in the words like boy, girl or horse but not a pronoun like he, she,
it, in the following slot:
The ------------- drinks water.
---------- drinks water.
We can see that the pronouns fit in this second set of test-frames, and not in the first set (*The it
makes a lot of noise). In the older analysis, under the influence of Latin, pronouns were described as
‘words used in place of nouns’. We can now see that it is more accurate to say that pronouns are used in
place of noun phrases (not just nouns). By developing a set of test-frames of this type and discovering
which forms fit the slots in the test-frames, we can produce a description of aspects of the sentence
structures of a language.
At word level
An old man brought a shotgun to the wedding.
How do they go together to form constituent at phrase level?
(An old) ( man brought) (brought a) ( shotgun to)( to the)
The phrase-like constituents here are combinations of the following types:
an old man
a shotgun
the wedding
An alternative type of diagram is designed to show how the constituents in sentence structure can
be marked off by using labeled brackets.
Sentence are shown at the word level
[the] or [dog],
at the phrase level
[the dog] or [loved the girl],
and at the sentence level
We can then label each constituent using these abbreviated grammatical terms:
Art (= article) V (= verb) N (= noun) VP (= verb phrase) NP (= noun phrase) S (= sentence)
Constituent analysis is not only useful for describing the structure of English sentences, it helps us
understand each constituent at different levels.
Lesson-22
SYNTAX I
Topic- 123: Introduction
The word ‘syntax’ comes originally from Greek and literally means ‘a putting together’ or
arrangement. There was an attempt to produce an accurate description of the sequence or ordering
‘arrangement’ of elements in the linear structure of the sentence. In the more recent attempts to analyze
syntactic structure, there has been a greater focus on the underlying rule system that we used to produce
or ‘generate’ sentences.
A prepositional phrase in English consists of a preposition followed by a noun phrase and a noun
phrase consists of an article and a noun. For example, ‘near London’ is a correct prepositional phrase as
London is a proper noun and does not need an article; on the other hand, ‘with dog’ is not a correct
prepositional phrase as ‘dog’ should have article ‘a’ with it. So, the correct prepositional phrase is ‘a dog’.
A small and finite (i.e., limited) set of rules that will be capable of producing a large and
potentially infinite (i.e., unlimited) number of well-formed structures. The small and finite set of rules is
sometimes described as a ‘generative grammar’ because it can be used to ‘generate’ or produce sentence
structures and not just describe them.
This type of grammar should also be capable of revealing the basis of two other phenomena:
How some superficially different sentences are closely related?
How some superficially similar sentences are in fact different?
Generative grammar is a linguistic theory that regards grammar as a system of rules that
generates exactly those combinations of words that form grammatical sentences in a given language. The
generative school has focused on the study of syntax, but has also addressed other aspects of a language's
structure, including morphology and phonology. Early versions of Chomsky's theory were called
transformational grammar, which is still used as a general term that includes his subsequent theories.
Generativists have argued that many of the properties of a generative grammar arise from a universal
grammar that is innate to the human brain, rather than being learned from the environment. Noam
Chomsky opposed the earlier theories of structuralism by rejecting the idea that each language is different
from the other.
The basic concept sets forth the rules to recognize grammatical sentences in a language. These
rules differentiate the correct structures from improper sequences of words or ungrammatical sentences in
the same language. The sentence is represented as a tree having branches denoting the subordinate and
superordinate elements rather than just a sequence of words. Generative grammar attempts to formalize
the implicit rules that a person uses while speaking his native language. The rules of generative grammar
may appear to be useful only in language studies.
Noam Chomsky has argued that many of the properties of a generative grammar arise from an
‘innate’ universal grammar, which is common to all languages. The grammar must generate all the well-
formed syntactic structures (i.e., sentences) of the language and fails to generate any ill-formed structures.
The grammar will have a finite (i.e., limited) number of rules but will be capable of generating an infinite
number of well-formed structures. The productivity of language would be captured within the grammar.
Rules of this grammar also need the crucial property of recursion. The grammar will have to capture the
fact that a sentence can have another sentence inside it. Grammar should also be capable of revealing the
basis of two other phenomena:
1. How some superficially distinct sentences are closely related?
Charlie broke the window.
The window was broken by Charlie.
2. How some superficially similar sentences are in fact distinct?
The king is easy to please.
The king is eager to please.
Well-formedness is the quality of a clause, word, or other linguistic element that conforms to the
grammar of the language of which it is a part. Well-formed words or phrases are grammatical, meaning
they obey all relevant rules of grammar. A form that violates some grammar rule is ill-formed and does
not constitute part of the language. A word may be phonologically well-formed. A word, phrase, clause,
or utterance may be grammatically well-formed. A semantically well-formed utterance or sentence is one
that is meaningful. Grammatical well-formedness and semantic well-formedness do not always coincide,
e.g., colorless green ideas sleep furiously. This sentence is grammatically correct but semantically
incorrect. Sometimes, native speakers of a language do not agree whether a particular word, phrase, or
clause is well-formed. The problem of well-formedness is a problem for generative linguistics.
Grammatic generator follows some universal patterns that should not vary among speakers.
‘A small set of rules operating on a large but finite set of words generates an infinite number of
sentences.’ The problem with this definition is that it assumes a very bound and discrete view of all
elements: rules, lexical items, and sentences. Language is not organized in sentences and the difference
between words and rules is likely to be an artifact of dictionary making and grammar writing. Similarly,
there is no guarantee, that the actual number of possible sentences is infinite rather than just unimaginably
and practically inexhaustibly large (as was argued by Pullum and Scholtz in 2010). As a matter of
practical fact, the set of possible expressions in a given language may or may not be infinite; the actual set
of all expressions ever uttered is going to be finite.
The set of expressions actually produced by humans (or even machines) is going to be too large
to enumerate practically by current (and possibly any) technology but it is going to be finite. Therefore, it
really does not matter whether language is infinite or not. The thing that matters is that any language is
going to allow a set of expressions that is sufficiently large for any purpose a human language can be put
toward.
Recursive (‘repeatable any number of times’) rules have the capacity to be applied more than
once in generating a structure. For example,
The gun was on the table.
The above sentence has one prepositional phrase describing location i.e., ‘on the table’.
We can also add ‘near the window’ and ‘in the bedroom’ in this sentence. Then it will be
The gun was on the table near the window in the bedroom.
Sentences are put inside other sentences e.g., ‘Mary helped George.’ can become ‘Cathy knew
that Mary helped George.’ In addition, two sentences can be generated inside another sentence such as:
John believed that Cathy knew that Mary helped George.
Principally, there is no end to recursion. Grammar will have to capture the facts that:
A sentence can have another sentence inside it.
A phrase can be repeated as often as required.
Recursion is a feature of grammar.
It is an essential part of a theory of cosmic structure.
Lesson-23
SYNTAX II
In transformational and generative grammar, surface structure is the outward form of a sentence.
Surface structures are derived from deep structures by a series of transformations. Deep and surface
structures are often used as terms in a simple binary opposition, with the deep structure representing
meaning, and the surface structure being the actual sentence we see. The final stage in the syntactic
representation of a sentence provides the input to the phonological component of grammar. It corresponds
to the structure of the sentence we articulate and hear.
Charlie broke the window.
The window was broken by Charlie.
The distinction between them is a difference in their surface structure. The grammar must be capable of
showing how a single underlying abstract representation can become different surface structures.
The distinction between them is a difference in their surface structure. This superficial difference
in form disguises the fact that the two sentences are very closely related, even identical, at some less
superficial level. The ‘underlying’ level, where the basic components (Noun Phrase +Verb +Noun Phrase)
shared by the two sentences can be represented, is called their ‘deep structure’. The deep structure is an
abstract level of structural organization in which all the elements determining structural interpretation are
represented. That same deep structure can be the source of many other surface structures such as:
The grammar must be capable of showing how a single underlying abstract representation can become
different surface structures.
While describing syntactical categories some symbols are used as abbreviations for syntactic categories.
‘S’ (= sentence),
‘NP’ (= noun phrase), ‘N’ (= noun),
‘Art’ (= article),
‘V’ (= verb) and
‘VP’ (= verb phrase)
‘PP’ (= prepositional phrase),
Three more symbols that are commonly used in syntactic description are the following:
First: an arrow → typically used in the following type of rule:
NP → Art N The dog (→) an article (Art) the and a noun (N) dog
Second: a pair of round brackets ()
‘the dog’ and ‘the small dog’ (NP)
NP → Art (Adj) N
The above shorthand notation expresses the idea that a noun phrase rewrites as (→) an article (Art) and a
noun (N), with the option of including an adjective (Adj.) in a specific position between them.
Third:
Curly brackets {}
These indicate that only one of the elements enclosed within the curly brackets must be selected.
The list of common symbols and abbreviations is summarized here.
S sentence
NP noun phrase
PN proper noun
N noun
VP verb phrase
Adv. adverb
V verb
Adj. adjective
Prep preposition
Art article
Pro pronoun
PP prepositional phrase
ungrammatical sentence
→ consists of / rewrites as
() optional constituent
{} one and only one of these constituents must be selected.
The most common way to create a visual representation of syntactic structures is through tree
diagrams. We can use the symbols introduced (Art=article, N = noun, NP = noun phrase) to label parts of
the tree as we try to capture the hierarchical organization of those parts in the underlying structure of
phrases and sentences. At the top of the tree diagram, we begin with a sentence (S), and divide it into two
constituents (NP and VP). In turn, the NP constituent is divided into two other constituents (Art and N)
and VP into V and NP.
At the top of the tree diagram, we begin with a sentence (S) and divide it into two constituents
(NP and VP). In turn, the NP constituent is divided into two other constituents (Art and N).
Lesson-24
SYNTAX III (RULES OF SYNTACTIC DESCRIPTION)
These are the rules that form phrases of different types e.g., noun phrase, verb phrase, and
adjective phrase etc. A tree diagram can have two different ways: simply as a static representation of the
structure of the sentence shown at the bottom of the tree diagram. Every single sentence can have a tree
diagram. The other one is the dynamic format which is a way of generating not only that particular
sentence, but a very large number of other sentences with similar structures. This second approach is very
appealing because it would enable us to generate a very large number of sentences with what looks like a
very small number of rules. These rules are called phrase structure rules.
These rules state that the structure of a phrase of a specific type will consist of one or more
constituents in a particular order. Phrase structure rules present the information of the tree diagram in
another format.
S → NP VP
NP → {Art (Adj) N, Pro, PN}
VP → V NP (PP) (Adv)
PP → Prep NP
Phrase structure rules generate structures. To turn those structures into recognizable English, we
also need lexical rules. They specify which words can we rewrite constituents such as N. The first rule in
the following set states that ‘a proper noun rewrites as Mary or George’.
PN → {Mary, George}
N → {girl, dog, boy}
Art → {a, the}
Pro → {it, you}
V → {followed, helped, saw}
As a way of visualizing how the phrase structure rules form the basis of these sentences, we can draw the
tree diagrams for sentences (1) and (6).
The simple phrase structure rules listed earlier have no recursive elements. Each time we start to
create an S, we only create a single S (sentence structure). We actually need to be able to include sentence
structures within other sentence structures. In traditional grammar, these ‘sentence structures’ were
described as ‘clauses’.
Mary helped George.
Cathy knew that [Mary helped George].
Being tediously recursive, there are repeatable elements in these sentences:
John believed that [Cathy knew that [Mary helped George]].
Two new proper nouns and two new verbs have been used.
PN → {John, Cathy}
V → {believed, knew}.
The word ‘that’ introduces a complement phrase as;
Mary helped George.
Cathy knew that Mary helped George.
John believed that Cathy knew that Mary helped George.
Transformational rules (T-Rules) relate the spoken form of the sentence (surface structure) to their
underlying meaning (deep structure), for example,
These set contain s synonymous sentence. As the forms are different their phrase marker would
be different. Surface structure refers to the actual utterance that can be broken down by traditional
analysis. Different surface structure may have the same deep structure or vice versa.
Some Types of Transformations
Deletion: A sentence that undergoes the transformation must have the same meaning as the sentence from
which it was derived.
Imperative transformation: Transformation never changes meaning. The meaning remains same, e.g.,
You come home
Come home.
Insertion transformation
Substitution transformation
Pronoun substitution
Pronominalization Transformation
Tony thought that Tony was the best.
Tony thought that he was the best.
Particle movement takes place in a construction which is made up of a verb and a particle (e.g.,
‘look up the number’). The relocation of the particle to the right of the noun phrase that serves as the
object (e.g., ‘look the number up’) is an example of particle movement. .
The boy passed out the candy.
The boy passed the candy out.
Linguists often use large words.
Large words are often used by linguists.
Demonstrative Pronoun
Adverb of Manner
Immediate constituent analysis or IC analysis is a method of sentence analysis that was first
mentioned by Leonard Bloomfield and developed further by Rulon Wells. The principle of IC analysis is
to cut a sentence into two and then to cut those parts into two and to continue with the segmentation until
the smallest indivisible unit, the morphemes are reached. As a general principle the division is binary.
IC analyses have certain flaws. Firstly, it does not indicate what kind of elements those
constituent parts are; it does not even identify except implication. Secondly, it does not show clearly that
noun phrases are built on nouns, verb phrases on verbs, etc. Thirdly, IC analysis does not tell us how to
form new sentences, i.e., to produce sentences that have not already been attested in some corpus of data.
Lesson-25
SEMANTICS I
Topic- 140: Definition
The word semantics comes from Greece word sema (noun) which means ‘symbol’ or ‘sign’. The
verb is Semaino which means ‘signify’. The symbol of the synonymy of sema is a linguistic sign.
Saussure (1996) states that linguistic sign consists of the signifier, component, in sort of sounds and the
signified, the referent outside of language. Semantics is a term which is used in linguistics, which studies
the relation between linguistic sign and signified thing. In other words, semantics is a branch of
linguistics, which studies about the meaning.
Halliday (1985) states that the term “semantics” does not simply refers to the meaning of words;
it is the entire system of meanings of a language, expressed by grammar as well as by vocabulary.
Semantics brings in symbols use in the language and outside the language, but its primary concern is
human language. In semantics, one is trying to make explicit meanings, i.e., in which manner words and
sentences of various grammatical constructions are used and understood by native speakers of that
language.
Semantics is the study of meaning in language. There is more interest in certain aspects of
meaning than in others. There are different types of meanings. We can have the following types
of meaning:
Lexical meaning refers to the meaning of words that belong to one of the four lexical word
classes. It is the aspect of meaning usually given in a dictionary.
Grammatical meaning includes the meaning of grammatical items (e.g., function words and
inflectional affixes), grammatical functions (e.g., subject and object), and different sentence-types
(e.g., declarative and interrogative).
Taking into account certain non-linguistic aspects of meaning, Geoffrey Leech (1981) lists seven
different types of meaning.
Referential meaning (also called denotative meaning, descriptive meaning, conceptual meaning,
or sense) refers to the logical, cognitive, or denotative content of an expression.
Connotative meaning (associative meaning) denotes the associations and secondary meanings
the expression evokes.
Social meaning (stylistic meaning) is the information that the linguistic expression conveys about
certain social characteristics.
Emotive or affective component of the expression is referred to as its affective meaning. Social
meaning and affective meaning together are sometimes called connotation.
Reflected meaning refers to certain associations with another sense of the same expression,
whereas collocative meaning (collocation) is conveyed by characteristic word combinations.
Thematic meaning denotes the organization of a message in terms of information structure.
Conceptual meaning or denotative meaning covers those basic, essential components of meaning
that are conveyed by the literal use of a word. It is the type of meaning that dictionaries are designed to
describe. Some of the basic components of a word like ‘needle’ in English might include “thin, sharp,
steel instrument.” These components would be part of the conceptual meaning of needle. However,
different people might have different associations or connotations attached to a word like needle. They
might associate it with “pain,” or “illness,” or “blood,” or “drugs,” or “thread,” or “knitting,” or “hard to
find” (especially in a haystack), and these associations may differ from one person to the next. These
types of associations are not treated as part of the word’s conceptual meaning. In a similar way, some
people may associate the expression low-calorie, when used to describe a product, with “healthy,” but this
is not part of the basic conceptual meaning of the expression (i.e., “producing a small amount of heat or
energy”). Poets, song-writers, novelists, literary critics, advertisers and lovers may all be interested in
how words can evoke certain aspects of associative meaning, but in linguistic semantics we’re more
concerned with trying to analyze the conceptual meaning.
Connotative meaning is what people think about two words and find whether it is possible or
impossible for the word to have two different meanings from its denotative meaning. Based on it, the
meaning depends on personal interpretation. Sometimes, people have the same or different thought.
Sometimes when a word has both positive and negative sense value, the word is called a connotative
meaning word. It is also pointed out that connotation meaning is subjective, in notion that there is a shift
from common meaning because it has been added by sense and certain value, for example, bookworm is
used for a person who always read books, with a negative sense.
Connotative meaning is the communicative value that an expression has, by virtue of what it
refers to, over and above its purely conceptual content. It can vary from age to age, from society to
society, and from individual to individual.
Propositional meaning is the type of meaning that comes from the context within which the
sentence is used. Another distinction that has been made is called 'linguistic meaning' which is different
from a proposition, and does not carry truth-value. E.g., Mary loves Carl’ means the same as ‘Mary ama
Carl.’
The Spanish speaker then fully understands the linguistic meaning of ‘Mary loves Carl’ but
without needing to know any proposition, any truth or falsehood, which the English sentence has ever
expressed. The linguistic meaning of a declarative sentence is distinct from the proposition expressed by
the sentence on some occasion of the sentence’s use.
Propositions are statements about the world which can be true or false. They form the basis of
human reasoning and determine our views, selfhood, and actions. In linguistic behaviour, propositions
emerge in complete sentences (or clauses). It is the full sentence, in a context, that forms a proposition.
“A jeep crashed into a barrier” establishes a topic/subject (“a jeep”) and makes a conceptually verifiable
statement about it. Sarah realizes that a jeep crashed into a barrier.” “Sarah thinks that a jeep crashed into
a barrier.”
Each of these sentences contains an embedded clause, e.g., “[Sarah realizes [that a jeep crashed
into a barrier]]” The embedded content is dependent on the verb in the superordinate clause. Mental state
verbs can be categorized as factive (e.g., ‘realize’, ‘regret’, and ‘know’) or non-factive (e.g., ‘believe’,
‘think’, and ‘assume’). For a factive sentence such as ‘Sarah realizes that a jeep crashed into a barrier’ to
be true, the jeep must have crashed into a barrier and Sarah must be certain about it. For the non-factive
sentence, ‘Sarah thinks that a jeep crashed into the barrier’ to be true, It does not actually matter whether
the accident happened. Only Sarah’s representation of the world is important. Propositional meaning is
the type of meaning that comes from the context within which the sentence is used independent of the
context.
Prosody is the study of the tune and rhythm of speech, and the way these features contribute to
meaning. Prosody features apply to a level above that of the individual phoneme and very often to
sequences of words. Speech contains various levels of information that can be described as;
Linguistic - direct expression of meaning
Paralinguistic - may indicate attitude or membership of a speech community
Non-linguistic - may indicate something about a speaker's vocal physiology, state of health or
emotional state.
In linguistics, prosody is concerned with properties of syllables and larger units of speech. These
contribute to linguistic functions such as intonation, tone, stress, and rhythm. Prosody may reflect various
features of the speaker or the utterance: The emotional state of the speaker; the form of the utterance
(statement, question, or command); the presence of irony or sarcasm; emphasis, contrast, and focus or
other elements of language that may not be encoded by grammar or by the choice of vocabulary.
Lesson-26
SEMANTICS II (SEMANTIC FEATURES and SEMANTIC ROLES)
One way in which the study of basic conceptual meaning might be helpful would be as a means
of accounting for the ‘oddness’ we experience when we read sentences such as the following:
The hamburger ate the boy.
The table listens to the radio.
The horse is reading the newspaper.
The components of the conceptual meaning of the noun hamburger must be significantly different
from those of the noun boy. The kind of noun that can be the subject of the verb ate must denote an entity
that is capable of ‘eating’. The noun hamburger does not have this property and the noun boy does. The
crucial element or feature of meaning that any noun must have in order to be used as the subject of the
verb ate. Such an element may be as general as ‘animate being’.
Particular feature
Having (+) or not having (−)
The noun boy has is ‘+animate’ (= denotes an animate being) and the feature that the noun hamburger has
is ‘−animate’ (= does not denote an animate being).
This approach would give us the ability to predict which nouns make this sentence semantically
odd. Part of the problem seems to be that the approach involves a view of words in a language as some
sort of ‘containers’ that carry meaning components. There is clearly more to the meaning of words than
these basic types of features.
A semantic role is the underlying relationship that a participant has with the main verb in a
clause. Semantic role is the actual role a participant plays in some real or imagined situation, apart from
the linguistic encoding of those situations. Semantic roles are used to indicate the role played by each
entity in a sentence and are ranging from very specific to very general. If the situation is a simple event,
as in ‘The boy kicked the ball’, then the verb describes an action (kick). The noun phrases in the sentence
describe the roles of entities, such as people and things, involved in the action. We can identify a small
number of semantic roles (also called ‘thematic roles’) for these noun phrases. The major drawbacks of
the semantic role approach are; there is no agreement about which and how many roles are needed.
Agent is the semantic role of a person or thing who is the doer of an event. An agent is usually the
grammatical subject of the verb in an active clause. A prototypical agent is conscious, acts with volition
(on purpose), and performs an action that has a physical, visible effect.
The boy ran down the street.
He was chased by the dog.
Although we have changed an active clause into a passive one, and the boy is now the subject,
nothing has changed in the real world. Although agents are typically human (The boy), they can also be
non-human entities that cause actions, as in noun phrases denoting a natural force
(The wind), a machine (A car), or a creature (The dog), all of which affect the ball as theme.
The boy kicked the ball.
The wind blew the ball away.
A car ran over the ball.
The dog caught the ball.
Semantic roles indicate the parts played by participants in ‘a state of affairs’ or ‘a situation’.
Another role is taken by the ball as ‘the entity that is involved in or affected by the action’, which
is called the theme (or sometimes the ‘patient’). The theme can also be an entity (The ball) that is simply
being described (i.e., not performing an action), as in
The ball was red.
The theme is typically non-human, but can be human (the boy), as in the dog chased the boy.
The boy kicked the ball.
The wind blew the ball away.
A car ran over the ball.
The same physical entity can appear in two different semantic roles in a sentence, as in
The boy cut himself. The boy is agent and himself is theme. The theme may also be called ‘patient’ or
‘undergoer’.
If an agent uses another entity in order to perform an action, that other entity fills the role of
instrument.
The boy cut the rope with an old razor.
He drew the picture with a crayon.
In these examples with an old razor and with a crayon are ‘instrument’ with which the agent performed
the action.
Experiencer
Experiencer is the semantic role of an entity (or referent) which receives, accepts, experiences, or
undergoes the effect of an action.
We see something.
We know something.
We enjoy something.
No action is being performed by agents.
The boy feels sad.
The experiencer (The boy) is the only semantic role.
Did you hear that noise?
The experiencer is you and the theme is that noise.
Location: A number of other semantic roles designate where an entity is in the description of an event
where an entity is (on the table, in the room) fills the role of location.
Source: Where the entity moves from is the source (from Chicago)
Lesson-27
SEMANTICS III (LEXICAL RELATIONS)
Two or more words with very closely related meanings are called synonyms. They can often, though not
always, be substituted for each other in sentences. Other common examples of synonyms are the pairs:
almost/nearly, big/large,
broad/wide, buy/purchase,
cab/taxi, car/automobile, couch/sofa,
freedom/ liberty.
The idea of ‘sameness’ of meaning used in discussing synonymy is not necessarily ‘total sameness’.
Sandy had only one answer correct on the test.
Here the word reply would sound odd. Synonymous forms may also differ in terms of formal versus
informal uses.
My father purchased a large automobile.
My dad bought a big car.
The second version sounds much more casual or informal than the first.
Antonymy refers to the pair-wise relation of lexical items in context that are understood to be
semantically opposite (as discussed below).
Alive/dead
Big/small
Fast/slow
Happy/sad
Hot/cold
Long/short
Male/ female
Married/single
Old/new,
Rich/poor
Two forms with opposite meanings are called antonyms.
Two main types, ‘Gradable’ (opposites along a scale)
‘Non-gradable’ (direct opposites).
Gradable antonyms are like the following pair:
big/ small,
Non-gradable antonyms (also called “complementary pairs”), in these comparative constructions are not
normally used.
Someone as deader
More dead than another.
The negative of one member of a non-gradable pair does imply the other member.
My grandparents are not alive.
My grandparents are dead.
Other non-gradable antonyms in the earlier list are the pairs: male/female, married/single and true/false.
We usually avoid describing one member of an antonymous pair as the negative of the other.
They are reversives. Undress can be treated as the opposite of dress; it doesn’t mean ‘not dress’. It
actually means ‘the reverse of dress’. Other common examples are enter/exit, pack/unpack,
lengthen/shorten, raise/lower, tie/untie etc.
Animal/dog
Dog/poodle
Vegetable/ carrot
flower/rose
Tree/banyan
The meaning of one form is included in the meaning of another, the relationship is hyponymy.
rose is a hyponym of flower
In hyponymous connections, we are essentially looking at the meaning of words in some type of
hierarchical relationship.
Superordinate (= higher-level)
Two or more words that share the same superordinate term are co-hyponyms. Co-hyponymy
captures the concept of ‘is a kind of’, as ‘an asp is a kind of snake’.It is not only words for “things” that
are hyponyms. Words such as; punch shoot and stab, describing ‘actions’, can all be treated as co-
hyponyms of the superordinate term injure.
Pelican, robin
All birds are equally co-hyponyms of the superordinate bird. The most characteristic instance of
the category ‘bird’ is robin. The idea of ‘the characteristic instance’ of a category is known as the
prototype. The concept of a prototype helps explain the meaning of certain words, like bird, not in terms
of component features (e.g., ‘has feathers’, ‘has wings’), but in terms of resemblance to the clearest
example. Ostrich or penguin should be hyponyms of bird (technically they are), but have no trouble
deciding about sparrow or pigeon.
Category labels
There is some general pattern to the categorization process involved in prototypes and that it determines
our interpretation of word meaning. Individual experience can lead to substantial variation in
interpretation:
Avocado or tomato as fruit or vegetable.
They may be co-hyponyms of both fruit and vegetable in different contexts.
Two or more different (written) forms have the same pronunciation, are described as homophones:
bare/bear,
meat/meet,
flour/ flower,
pail/pale,
right/write,
sew/so
to/too/two.
Homonyms
One form (written or spoken) has two or more unrelated meanings. They have separate histories and
meanings. But they have exactly the same form.
bank (of a river)
bank (financial institution)
bat (flying creature) bat (used in sports)
mole (on skin)
mole (small animal)
pupil (at school)
pupil (in the eye)
race (contest of speed) race (ethnic group)
Polysemy: Polysemy is an interesting phenomenon that concerns cases in which a word or phrase enjoys
multiple, related meanings.
head the object on top of body,
froth on top of a glass of beer,
person at the top of a company or department
foot (of person, of bed, of mountain)
run (person does, water does, colors do)
Homonymy or Polysemy?
Polysemy is the phenomenon whereby a single word form is associated with two or several
related senses: face, foot, get, head and run are some examples of polysemy
Homonymy is characterized as the phenomenon where a single word form is associated with two or
several unrelated meanings, for examples, bank, mail, mole and sole, etc.
Two forms may be distinguished via homonymy and for one of the forms also to have various uses via
polysemy.The words date (a thing we can eat) and dates (a point in time) are homonyms. The ‘point in
time’ kind of date is polysemous in terms of a particular day and month (on a letter), an arranged meeting
time (an appointment), a social meeting (with someone we like), and even a person (that person we like).
Metonymy is another type of relationship between words based simply on a close connection in everyday
experience.
A container–contents relation (bottle/water, can/juice)
A whole–part relation (car/wheels, house/roof).
A representative–symbol relationship (king/crow.
The President/the White House).
Metonymy meanings are highly conventionalized and easy to interpret. However, making sense
of such expressions often depends on context, background knowledge and inference.
The strings are too quiet (music etc.).
I prefer cable (regarding TV channels).
Lesson-28
PRAGMATICS I
Introduction
Pragmatics is the study of meaning in context. This branch of linguistics is concerned with the
relationship of sentences to the environment in which they occur is categorized. The communication
depends on not only recognizing the meaning of the words in an utterance, but also to interpret what
speakers mean to say. The study of what speakers mean is called pragmatics.
Pragmatics is the study of “invisible” meaning, or how we recognize what is meant even when it
isn’t actually said or written. A lot of shared assumptions and expectations exist when people try to
communicate.
HEAT
ED
ATTEN
DANT
PARKI
NG
We can park a car in this place, that it’s a heated area, and that there will be an attendant to look
after the car. Our interpretation of the ‘meaning’ of the sign is not based solely on the words, but on what
we think the writer intended to communicate. We are actively involved in creating an interpretation of
what we read and hear.
There are some very common words in our language that cannot be interpreted at all if we do not
know the context, especially the physical context of the speaker. These are words such as here and there,
this or that, now and then, yesterday, today or tomorrow, as well as pronouns such as you, me, her, him,
it, and them. Some sentences of English are virtually impossible to understand if we do not know who is
speaking, about whom, where and when. Look at the following sentence:
You’ll have to bring it back tomorrow because she isn’t here today.
It contains a large number of expressions (you, it, tomorrow, she, here, today) that rely on
knowledge of the immediate physical context for their interpretation (i.e., that the delivery driver will
have to return on February 15 to 660 College Drive with the long box labeled ‘flowers, handle with care’
addressed to Ms. Ruby). Expressions such as tomorrow and here are obvious examples of bits of language
that we can only understand in terms of the speaker’s intended meaning.
There are different kinds of context. One kind is described as linguistic context, also known as
co-text. The co-text of a word is the set of other words used in the same phrase or sentence. The
surrounding co-text has a strong effect on what we think the word probably means. We identified the
word ‘bank’ as a homonym, a single form with more than one meaning; how do we usually know which
meaning is intended in a particular sentence?
We normally interpret on the basis of linguistic context. If the word bank is used in a sentence
together with words like steep or overgrown, we have no problem deciding which type of bank is meant.
Or, if we hear someone say that she has to get to the bank to withdraw some cash, we know from this
linguistic context which type of bank is intended.
The physical context is the location of the given word, the situation in which it is used, as well as
timing, all of which aid proper understanding of the word. (E.g., furniture and how it is arranged, size of
the room, colors, temperature, time of day, etc.) If we see the word ‘BANK’ on the wall of a building in a
city, the physical contexts will influence our interpretation. We should keep in mind that it is not the
actual physical situation ‘out there’ that constitutes the communication events rather the relevant context
in our mental representation of those aspects help to arrive us at an interpretation of the given word.
Socio-cultural context refers to the idea that language is closely linked to the culture and society
in which it is used. This means when language is learnt, the socio-cultural context in which it is used
needs to be taken into consideration as well. Social-Cultural context still includes factors such as illiteracy
rate, population geographic distribution, educational level and the populations’ ethnic composition. All of
these factors can influence the organization’s performance, affecting its productivity level and product’s
quality patterns.
Social context
Particular social background
Social status
Cultural context
cultural setting
cultural backgrounds
Style, subject matter, and attitudes
Activities that can raise awareness of socio-cultural context include using stories, analyzing
newspaper headlines, and looking at slang and idiomatic language.
Lesson-29
PRAGMATICS II
A deictic expression (or deixis) is a word or phrase (such as this, that, these, those, now, then)
that points to the time, place, or situation in which a speaker is speaking. The bits of language that we can
only understand in terms of the speaker’s intended meaning. They are technically known as deictic
(/daɪktɪk/) expressions, from the Greek word deixis, which means “pointing” via language.
Person deixis: To point to things (it, this, these boxes) and people (him, them, those idiots).
Spatial deixis: To point to a location (here, there, near that)
Temporal deixis:To a time (now, then, last week)
All these deictic expressions have to be interpreted in terms of which person; place or time the
speaker has in mind. We make a broad distinction between what is marked as close to the speaker (this,
here, now) and what is distant (that, there, then). Movement is away from the speaker’s location (go) or
toward the speaker’s location (come).
Here she comes!
There she goes!
People can actually use deixis to have some fun.
Free drink tomorrow
Deixis is the phenomena of requiring contextual information to create the meaning of a phrase.
The term of ‘deixis’ is used from the Greek word which means ‘to show’ or ‘to indicate’, used to denote
the elements in a language which refer directly to the situation. It stipulates what a deictic reference to the
participant role of a referent is such as: -
The Speaker: The utterer of a message. Deictic center of his/her own deictic references
The addressee: The listener of a message
The Referents: Neither speaker nor the addressee, might present there but not addresses directly
The deictic center is a reference point in relation to which a deictic expression is to be interpreted.
The deictic center is also most typically the present time, location, participant role and so forth of speaker.
So, the speaker, the actual location and actual time of the utterance are respectively, the deictic center for
the interpretation of ‘I’, ‘here’, ‘now’, e.g.,‘I am here now’.
What is a participant role? This highlights the relation that people have to each other with regards
to their involvement in a speech event, e.g.,What is an addressee? What is an audience? What is a
speaker? What is a target? etc. Person Deixis concerns with encoding of the role of participants in the
speech event in which the utterance in question is delivered.
A deictic reference indicates a referent not identified as the speaker or the addressee and usually
implies the gender that the utterance refers to. The term “deixis” becomes more and more metaphoric,
ambiguous and vague since it is used for many semantically different situations. Pragmatic meaning is
determined by the context; in this case deictic reference, the crucial contextual element is the point of
origin of the utterance. In an exchange of dialogue like:
A- When will you be back?
B- I should be back by eight but you know what buses are like.
These uses of language pick out a person, a place and a time which can only be determined by the context
in which it took place.
Place deixis are also known as space deixis, concerns itself with the spatial locations relevant to
an utterance. Similarly to person deixis, the locations may be either those of the speaker and addressee or
those of persons or objects being referred to. Similarly to person deixis, the locations may be either those
of the speaker and addressee or those of persons or objects being referred to. The most salient English
examples are the adverbs ‘here’ and ‘there’, and the demonstratives ‘this’ and ‘that’ - although those are
far from being the only deictic words. Some examples:
I enjoy living in this city.
Here we will place the statue.
She was sitting over there.
Place deictic terms are generally understood to be relative to the location of the speaker, as in: ‘The shop
is across the street.’ Where ‘across the street’ is understood to mean ‘across the street from where I am
right now’.
It is interesting to note that although ‘here’ and ‘there’ are often used to refer to locations near to
and far from the speaker, respectively, ‘there’ can also refer to the location of the addressee, if they are
not in the same location as the speaker.
Here is a good spot; it is too sunny over there. It exemplifies the former usage,
How is the weather there? It is an example of the latter.
Deictic Projection:
In some contexts, spatial deixis is used metaphorically rather than physically, i.e., the speaker is
not speaking as the deictic centre. For example:
I am coming home now.
The above utterance would generally be considered as the speaker's expression of his/her going
home, yet it appears to be perfectly normal for one to project his physical presence to his home rather than
away from home. Two-way referential distinction in their deictic system: proximal, i.e., near or closer to
the speaker; and distal, i.e., far from the speaker and/or closer to the addressee.
This and that, here and there, etc. as place deixis are the expression used to show the location relative to
the location of a participant in the speech event.
Time, or temporal, deixis concerns itself with the various times involved in and referred to in an
utterance. This includes time adverbs like ‘now’, ‘then’, ‘soon’, and so forth, and also different tenses.
The ‘tomorrow’ of a day last year was a different day from the ‘tomorrow’ of a day next week. Time
adverbs can be relative to the time when an utterance is made the ‘encoding time’ or ET or when the
utterance is heard ‘decoding time’, or DT.
Although these are frequently the same time, they can differ, as in the case of prerecorded broadcasts or
correspondence. For example, if one were to write:
It is raining now, but I hope when you read this it will be sunny.
Tenses are generally separated into absolute (deictic) and relative tenses.
He went.
He had gone.
The basic time of temporal deixis in English language is in the choice of verb tense.
English has only two basic forms, the present and the past:
I live here now.
I lived there then.
This/last/next Monday/week/month/year.
Now, then, ago, later, soon, before.
Yesterday, today, tomorrow.
Time deixis is an expression in relation to the certain point of time when the utterance is produced by the
speaker.
Words are used to refer to people, places and times. Reference is an act by which a speaker (or
writer) uses language to enable a listener (or reader) to identify something. To perform an act of
reference, we can use proper nouns, other nouns in phrases or pronouns. We sometimes assume that these
words identify someone or something uniquely, but it is more accurate to say that, for each word or
phrase, there is a ‘range of reference’. The words Jennifer or friend or she can be used to refer to many
entities in the world. Reference depends on who is using it. We can also refer to things when we are not
sure what to call them. We can use expressions such as the ‘blue thing’ and ‘that sticky stuff’ and we can
even invent names. A brand name for a motorcycle may be used to refer to a person who rides it.
A successful act of reference depends more on the listener’s ability to recognize what we mean
than on the listener’s ‘dictionary’ knowledge of a word we use.
It is clear that names associated with things (salad) may refer to people, and names of people
(Chomsky) to refer to things. The key process here is called inference. An inference is additional
information used by the listener to create a connection between what is said and what must be meant. The
listener has to operate with the inference:
‘If X is the name of the writer of a book, then X can be used to identify a copy of a book by that
writer’.
Similar types of inferences are necessary to understand someone who says that Picasso is in the museum
or we saw Shakespeare in London or Jennifer is wearing Calvin Klein.
Lesson-30
PRAGMATICS III
The use of a word referring back to a word used earlier in a text or conversation, to avoid
repetition, for example, the pronouns he, she, it, and they and the verb do.
I like it, and so do they.
We saw a funny home video about a boy washing a puppy in a small bath. The puppy started
struggling and shaking and the boy got really wet. When he let go, it jumped out of the bath and
ran away.
Referential relationship, the second (or subsequent) referring expression is an example of anaphora
(‘referring back’). The first mention is called the antecedent.
A boy, a puppy and a small bath are antecedents
The puppy, the boy, he, it and the bath are ‘anaphoric expressions’.
Anaphora can be defined as subsequent reference to an already introduced entity. The connection
between an antecedent and an anaphoric expression is created by the use of a pronoun (it), or a phrase
with ‘the’ plus the antecedent noun (the puppy) or another noun that is related to the antecedent in some
way (The little dog ran out of the room). The connection between antecedents and anaphoric expressions
is often based on inference.
We found a house to rent, but the kitchen was very small.
I caught a bus and asked the driver if it went near the downtown area.
If X is a house, then X has a kitchen.
What a speaker (or writer) assumes is true or known by a listener (or reader) can be described as a
presupposition. A presupposition is an implicit assumption about the world or background belief relating
to an utterance whose truth is taken for granted in discourse. Examples of presuppositions include:
When did you stop smoking?
Presuppositions: You used to smoke. You no longer do so.
Built-in presuppositions are very useful devices for interrogators or trial lawyers.
Okay, Mr. Buckingham, how fast were you going when you ran the red light?
Did you eat the cheese?
Presupposition: There was some cheese.
Your brother is waiting outside.
Presupposition: You have a brother.
Presupposition concerns inferences related to the use of linguistic expressions but also affected by the
context in which they are used.
One of the tests used to check for the presuppositions underlying sentences involves negating a
sentence with a particular presupposition and checking if the presupposition remains true.
My car is a wreck. (or the negative version)
My car is not a wreck.
The underlying presupposition (I have a car.) remains true despite the fact that the two sentences have
opposite meanings. This is called the ‘constancy under negation’ test for identifying a presupposition.
Your dog is lovely.
Your dog is not lovely.
Presupposition: You have a dog.
John does not regret having failed the exams.
John regrets having failed the exams.
Presupposition: John failed the exams.
I used to regret marrying her, but I do not regret marrying her now.
The presupposition (I married her) remains constant even though the verb regret changes from affirmative
to negative.
A speech act is an utterance that has performative function in language and communication.
"Almost any speech act is really the performance of several acts at once, distinguished by different
aspects of the speaker's intention. This is the act of saying something; what one is saying it, such as
requesting or promising, and how one is trying to affect one's audience". The term speech act is used to
describe actions such as ‘requesting’, ‘commanding’, ‘questioning’ or ‘informing’. We can define a
speech act as the action performed by a speaker with an utterance.
I’ll be there at six.
You are not just speaking; you seem to be performing the speech act of ‘promising’. Speech acts
can be analyzed on three levels:
A locutionary act: The performance of an utterance: the actual utterance and its ostensible meaning,
comprising phonetic, phatic and rhetic acts corresponding to the verbal, syntactic and semantic aspects of
any meaningful utterance.
An illocutionary act: The pragmatic 'illocutionary force' of the utterance, thus its intended significance
as a socially valid verbal action.
Perlocutionary act: Its actual effect, such as persuading, convincing, scaring, enlightening, inspiring, or
otherwise getting someone to do or realize something, whether intended or not.
A direct relationship between the structure and the communicative function of the utterance is called
direct speech act.
We do not know something.
We ask someone to provide the information.
Can you ride a bicycle?
It means that there is an indirect relationship between the form and the function of the utterance.
‘Can you pass the salt’? This structure is not really asking a question about someone’s ability. It is used to
make a request. An indirect speech act is a syntactic structure associated with the function of a question,
but in this case with the function of a request. Whenever one of the structures in the example above is
used to perform a function other than the one listed beside it on the same line, the result is an indirect
speech act. The sentence ‘You left the door open’ is a request for closing the door. Failing to recognize
another person’s indirect speech act can create confusion:
Visitor: excuse me. Do you know where the ambassador hotel is?
Passer-by: oh sure, I know where it is. (and walks away)
Indirect speech acts are based on some complex social assumptions. They were actually used as
requests for directions. Indirect speech acts seem to be that actions such as requests, presented in an
indirect way are generally considered to be gentler or more polite in our society than direct speech acts:
Lesson-31
DISCOURSE ANALYSIS I
The longer it takes them to get to it, the bigger the pain it is going to be. Some of the most
interesting observations are made, not in terms of the components of language, but in terms of the way
language is used, even how pauses are used. We were, in effect, asking how it is that language-users
successfully interpret what other language-users intend to convey. When we carry this investigation
further and ask the following:
How we make sense of what we read?
How we can recognize well-constructed texts as opposed to those that are jumbled or incoherent?
How we understand speakers who communicate more than they say?
And how we successfully take part in that complex activity called conversation?
We are undertaking what is known as discourse analysis. Discourse analysts not only study
language use ‘beyond the sentence boundary’ but also prefer to analyze naturally occurring language use,
not invented examples.
The term discourse analysis was first employed by Zelling Harris as the name for ‘a method for
the analysis of the connected speech or writing for continuing descriptive linguistics beyond the limit of a
single sentence at a time and for correlating culture and language’ (Harris, 1952). The word ‘discourse’ is
usually defined as ‘language beyond the sentence’ and so the analysis of discourse is typically concerned
with the study of language in texts and conversation.
As language-users, we are capable of more than simply recognizing correct versus incorrect
forms and structures. We can cope with fragments in newspaper headlines such as: Trains collide; two
die, and know that what happened in the first part was the cause of what happened in the second part.
Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) is a field that is concerned with studying and analyzing
written and spoken texts to reveal the discursive sources of power, dominance, inequality and bias. It
examines how these discursive sources are maintained and reproduced within specific social, political and
historical contexts. Fairclough (1993) defines CDA as discourse analysis, which aims to explore often
opaque relationships of causality and determination between (a) discursive practices, events and texts, and
(b) wider social and cultural structures, relations and processes.
Critical Discourse Analysis aims to help reveal some of the hidden and ‘out of sight’ values,
positions, and perspectives positions, and perspectives. CDA explores the connection between the use of
language and the social and political of language contexts in which it occurs. Some principles for CDA:
a. Social and political issues are constructed and reflected in discourse
b. Power relations are negotiated and performed through discourse.
c. Discourse both reflects and reproduces social relations
d. Ideologies are produced and reflected in in the use of discourse.
The key elements investigated in the study of discourse are: the effort to interpret (or to be
interpreted) and how we accomplish it. We certainly rely on what we know about linguistic form and
structure. As language-users, we have more knowledge than that.
Cohesion is the grammatical and lexical linking within a text or sentence that holds a text together
and gives it meaning. It is related to the broader concept of coherence. The structure depends on factors
quite different from those required in the structure of a single sentence. Some of those factors are
described in terms of cohesion, or the ties and connections within the texts.
‘My father once bought a Lincoln convertible. He did it by saving every penny he could. That car
would be worth a fortune nowadays. However, he sold it to help pay for my college education. Sometimes
I think I would rather have the convertible.’
Connections to maintain reference to the same people and things throughout: father – he – he –
he; my – my – I; Lincoln – it
Connections between phrases such as: a Lincoln convertible – that car – the convertible.
More general connections created by a number of terms that share a common element of
meaning,such as ‘money’ (bought–saving–penny–worth a fortune–sold– pay)
‘Time’ (once – nowadays – sometimes).
A connector (However) that marks the relationship of what follows to what went before.
The verb tenses in the first four sentences are all in the past. A different time is indicated by the
present tense of the final sentence. An appropriate number of cohesive ties may be a crucial factor in our
judgments on whether something is well written or not. Cohesive structure differs from one language to
the next. Cohesion alone is not sufficient to enable connectedness. There must be some other factors that
lead us to distinguish connected texts that make sense from those that do not.
Coherence is the key to the concept ‘everything fitting together well’. It is beyond the text that
exists in people, not in words or structures. It is people who ‘make sense’ of what they read and hear.
People arrive at an interpretation that is in line with their experiences, the way the world is. Coherence is
the own understanding of something based on personal experiences. It is a way to incorporate all the
disparate elements into a single coherent interpretation, and a process of filling the gaps that exist in the
conversation or in the texts. Coherence creates meaningful connections not actually expressed by the
words. The process not restricted to trying to understand “odd” texts. In conversational interactions a
great deal of what is meant is not actually present in what is said.
To understand the conversation one requires a reasonable analysis of what took place in the
conversation, then it is clear that language-users must have a lot of knowledge of how conversation works
that is not simply “linguistic” knowledge.
Lesson-32
DISCOURSE ANALYSIS II
Topic- 182: Discourse Typology: Spoken and Written, Formal and Informal
Spoken discourse is less planned and orderly in a conversation. It is more open to intervention by
the receivers. Some kinds of spoken discourses are lesson, lectures, interviews, court trials etc. These
spoken discourses are planned to some extent by the person who initiates the conversation, and the
possibility of subordinate participants can be limited.
In reading novel, one cannot influence its development. At times readers may affect the written
discourse, e.g., a person is writing something and the response of the market can influence his writing. A
teacher as a reader sends the essays back to the students to be rewritten. In the same way the editors ask
writers to edit something from written material. The traditional division of spoken and writing is based on
a difference in production. Fundamental distinction as far as discourse structure is concerned.
Formal discourse
Informal discourse
Formal discourse is planned discourse. It may be spoken and written.
Less formal
It is unplanned discourse either spoken or written. However, it is usually spoken. Informal spoken
especially by foreign language learner is informal and unpredictable.
There are two different kinds of languages as potential objects of the study: One abstracted to
teach a language or literacy or to study how the rules of language work, the other has been used to
communicate something and is felt to be coherent. The later kind of language for communication is called
discourse. The search for what gives discourse coherence is discourse analysis. Look at the following
stretches of language
John considers the analyst a lunatic.
Which of you people is a fish?
Please don’t throw me on the floor!
Cross since 1846.
Sentence are used or invented.
The two approaches are not mutually exclusive. Discourse may be composed of well-formed sentences
but it can have grammatical mistakes in it.
We thought it was right to come to a decision when I next met them last night.
Discourse treats the rules of grammar as a source, conforming to them when it needs to, but
departing from them when it does not. Discourse can be anything from a grunt or a single expletive up to
‘War and Peace’. The conformity to rules does not matter, but the fact that it communicates and is
recognized by its receivers as coherent text values much. There is a degree of subjectivity in identifying a
stretch of language as discourse.
Conversation is a discourse constructed and negotiated between the participants, following pre-
established patterns, and marking the direction in particular ways; with pauses, laughters, intonations,
filler words, and established formulae. These conventions enable the participant to orientate to what is
happening and to make sense of the interaction. Discourse analyst is accounting for sequences of
utterance. Language teacher considers powerful clues concerning the causes of sensation of floundering in
conversation. Culture-specific rules and procedures of turn-taking provide ample breeding ground for
misunderstanding just like entering and leaving conversation, bidding for a longer turn, refusing without
being rude, changing the topic etc. Such things are all difficult for foreign learners. Language class
hardly prepares students for the real life situations.
Developmentally, dialogue comes first, both for the human species, and for the human individual.
There is no hard evidence of the origins of language in prehistoric communities to assume that speech
preceded writing and dialogue preceded monologue. The earliest written texts of Western European
culture, the Socratic dialogues, present as conversation that modern writers would present as monologue.
Perhaps some of this preference remains in modern practices which favour face-to-face interaction:
lectures, job interviews, and news interviews. Turn-taking and interaction are among the first
communicative skills. Parents hold ‘conversations’, even with very young babies, as the following
‘dialogue’ between a mother and her two-month-old daughter clearly shows:
M: Whatcha gonna tell me?
B:(Gurgling noise)
M: Come on whatcha gonna tell me?
The prerequisite of the information is to divide a sentence into two. The clause has a bi-partite
structure. The choice is to which part of which information depends on differing degrees of prominence.
The ordering of information is determined by the sender’s hypotheses about what the receiver does and
does not know.
Given information
New information
Any unit of information may change its status as the discourse proceeds. Communication might
be defined as the conversation of new information into given information. A communicator assesses the
knowledge of his/her interlocutor. The ordering of Given and New is not always straightforward.
The role of knowledge in discourse production and comprehension has been a result of findings
in the field of artificial intelligence in order to program computers for producing and understanding
discourse. These programs need more than the language being used; it involves pre-existent knowledge of
the world. Artificial Intelligence tries to understand how this knowledge and language interact and to
reproduce the process in computers. For discourse analysis, the most important idea to come out of the
field of Artificial Intelligence (AI) is ‘knowledge schemata’.
Mental representations of typical situation used in discourse processing to predict the content of
the particular situation, which the discourse describes. Mind stimulated by key words or phrases in the
text, or by the context, activates a knowledge schema and uses it to make sense of the discourse. To
program a computer AI needs to reproduce the process and to give computers both the necessary language
knowledge and necessary schemata. This is difficult for the existing computers. How mental schemata
operate in discourse production and comprehension. When a sender judges his receiver’s schema to
correspond to a significant degree with his own, he only needs features which are not contained in it.
Other features need to be present by default.
Lesson-33
DISCOURSE ANALYSIS III
What is conversation? It is a less formal talk. Discourse analysis can be either vague or any kind
of talk as per discourse analysts’ definition of conversation. Talk may be defined as conversation when:
1. It is not primarily necessitated by a practical task.
2. Any unequal power of participants is partially suspended.
3. The number of participants is small.
4. Turns are quite short.
5. Talk is primarily for the participants and not for an outside audience.
Imprecise Definition: The boundary between conversation and other discourse types is fuzzy one. We
cannot precisely draw a line between formal and informal talk. There are certain intermediate possibilities
in between formal spoken discourse and informal conversation that is a ‘seminar’. Talk at conversation
end of the cline is difficult to mould to any overall structure. A part of the definition of conversation
might be its unpredictability and lack of structure.
Conversation analysis (CA) is a branch of study which sets out to discover what order there might
be in this apparent chaos. CA associated with ethno-methodologist, people who looks for a method when
people enter to discussion and make sense of it. They have tried to discover what methods people use to
participate in and make sense of interaction (Levinson, 1983, p.286).
A conversation is always based on turn taking. The ethno-methodologist tried to see how people
handle a conversation at local level, how they judge when to speak and when to be silent. They further
started to analyze with the bottom-up approach, i.e., study from word to sentence. They tried to
understand how it unfolds in time. They viewed discourse as a developing process rather than a finished
product, having planned beginning, middle and ending.
In conversation analysis, turn-taking is a term for the manner in which orderly conversation normally
takes place. Once a topic is chosen and a conversation initiated, then matters of conversational ‘turn-
taking’ arise. Knowing when it is acceptable or obligatory to take a turn in conversation is essential to the
cooperative development of discourse. This knowledge involves such factors as knowing how to
recognize appropriate turn-exchange points and knowing how long the pauses between turns should be.
Overlap of Turn-taking
Conversation analysis tries to describe how people make turns, and under what circumstances the
turns overlap. Turn-taking mechanisms vary between cultures and between languages. Efficient turn-
taking also involves certain non-linguistic factors. Eye contact, body position and movement, gaze,
intonation and volume the relative status of the speakers, or the role of speaker are also important. In
formal situations, the roles can give people special rights clearly. In conversation, where according to our
definition, unequal power is suspended. Students fall silent when the professor speaks - in the bar as well
as in the seminar.
According to Paul Grice (1975) we interpret language on the assumption that its sender is obeying four
maxims. We assume he or she is intending to:
be true (the maxim if quality)
be brief (the maxim of quantity)
be relevant (the maxim of relevance)
be clear ( the maxim of manner)
Combined with the general knowledge of the world, the receiver can reason from the literal,
semantic meaning of what is said to the pragmatic meaning , and induce what the sender is intending to
do so with his or her words. For example, I hear my neighbour saying:
There's a cat stuck under the gate at number 67.
The above sentence has all four maxims. We have no doubt about its truthfulness.
People do not consciously and explicitly formulate the co-operative principle. Co-operative principle does
not fit in all situations. For example,
Did you like Algeria?
The question may be relevant but it does not have all four maxims.
Legal and scientific discourses often sacrifice the maxim of quantity to the maxim of quality. To be clear
one sometimes needs to be long-winded.
I have got millions of books in my college library. Or my car breaks down every five minutes.
Neither is true. They are perceived as figures of speech, hyperbole, and a way of making the point more
forceful rather than it lies. These are deliberate violation or floating, as Grice calls them, of the
cooperative principle.
Metaphor , irony, sarcasm
Politeness principle, like co-operative principle, may be formulated as a series of maxim, which
people assume are being followed in the utterances of others. Any flouting of these maxims will take on
meaning, provided it is perceived for what it is. Robin Lakoff (1973) formulated the following maxims:
Don’t impose
Give option
Make your receiver feels good
These maxims explain many of those utterances with no new information
I'm sorry. I saw you were home.
In English requests or pleas are made in the form of elaborate question.
‘Could you possible ’
‘May I ask you to ’
‘I am sorry to bother you’
‘You know much more about cars than I do’
Clearly, the cooperative and politeness principles are in conflict with each other whereas politeness and
truth are mutually incompatible with each other.
‘How is my new hairstyle’?
These conflicting demands of the two principles are something which people are aware of, for example, ‘a
white lie’.
Lesson-34
CRITICAL DISCOURSE ANALYSIS
Critical discourse analysis (CDA) is a problem-oriented and trans-disciplinary set of theories and
methods widely used in educational research. Many areas of commensurability exist between educational
research and critical discourse analysis. First, educational practices are considered communicative events;
discourse studies (DS) is useful to analyze the ways in which the texts, talk, and other semiotic
interactions that learning comprises are constructed across time and contexts.
A third area of commensurability is that discourse studies and educational research are both
socially committed paradigms that address problems through a range of theoretical perspectives. Critical
approaches to discourse analysis recognize that inquiry into meaning making is always an exploration into
power. Many of the problems that are addressed, particularly in a globalized world system, have to do
with power and inequality. CDA provides the tools for addressing the complexity of movement across
educational sites, practices, and systems in a world where inequalities are global in scope. The reflexive
tendencies of critical discourse studies are rooted in the constitutive relationship between discourse and
the social world. The field continues to grow and change, responding to problems with different ways of
looking, understanding and, as its practitioners hope, acting.
The CDA as a network of scholars emerged in the early 1990s, following a small symposium in
Amsterdam, in January 1991 by scholars such as Dijk, Norman Fairclough, Gunther and others. The
meeting made it possible to confront with the distinct and different approaches, which have, of course,
changed significantly since 1991 but remained relevant, in many respects.
In this process of group formation, the differences and sameness were laid out; differences with
regard to other theories and methodologies, and sameness in a programmatic way, both of which frame
the range of theoretical approaches (Wodak, 2004). Some of the scholars previously aligned with CDA
have chosen other theoretical frameworks. Many approaches were created and integrated with the more
traditional theories. CDA as a school or paradigm is characterized by a number of principles, for example,
all approaches are problem-oriented, and thus necessarily interdisciplinary and eclectic. CDA is
characterized by the common interests in de-mystifying ideologies and power through the systematic
investigation of semiotic data (written, spoken or visual). New journals have been created, multiple
overviews have been written, and nowadays CDA is an established paradigm in linguistics.
Power is a central concept in critical discourse studies. It tends to be defined in terms of negative
uses of power, articulated through and within discourses and resulting in domination and oppression.
Blommeart writes, “the deepest impact of power everywhere is inequality, as power differentiates and
selects, includes and excludes”. “Power is not a bad thing—those who are in power will confirm it”. This
suggests that critical discourse studies should offer an analysis of the effects of power, the outcomes of
power, of what power does to people/groups/ societies and how this impact comes about.’
Critical Social Theory (CST) provides a theoretical foundation for critical approaches to
discourse analysis. CST is a trans-disciplinary knowledge base structured by the dual agendas of
critiquing and resisting domination and creating a society free of oppression (Anyon, 1997).
Critical social theory and research rests on the rejection of naturalism (that social practices,
labels, and programs represent reality),
Rationality (the assumption that truth is a result of science and logic)
Neutrality (the assumption that truth does not reflect any particular interests), and individualism
CST’s intellectual heritage draws on philosophy, literature, legal scholarship, cultural studies,
critical race scholarship, political economy studies, ethnic studies, and feminist studies, and has
been influenced by schools such as the Frankfurt School and the British Cultural Studies.
Critical social theory assumes that oppression and liberation are twin pillars of concern that
include material, historical, and discursive dimensions and are enacted across time, people, and context.
At the heart of critical social theory is a commitment to work with heart, head, and hands.
People seek to make meaning with every aspect of who they are and what they are doing:
How they use their bodies?
Integrate objects, artifacts, and technology.
Use gestures, time, and space.
Adjust their tone of voice when they speak.
Choose the words they use.
Interact in particular ways with others.
Meanings are made through representational systems—language being used of the sign systems
to create meanings. Meanings are always embedded within social, historical, political, and ideological
contexts. The discourse has been assigned many meanings located between the linguistic and the social
perspectives.
From a linguistic point of view, systemic functional linguistics (Halliday and Hasan, 1976;
Halliday, 1978) is the representational system—the theory of language—that is perhaps the most
embedded in critical discourse studies. Systemic functional linguistics as a theory of language is oriented
toward choice and privileges meaning makers (language users) as agents making decisions about the
social functions of their language use. Discourses both construct and represent the social world and thus
can be referred to as constitutive, dialectical, and dialogic. Discourse is never just an artifact but a set of
consumptive, productive, distributive, and reproductive processes that exist in relation to the social world.
Discourses are social practices, processes, and products. Yule (1983) wrote, ‘The analysis of discourse is
necessarily the analysis of language in use. It cannot be restricted to the description of linguistic forms
independent of the purposes or functions that these forms are designed to serve in human affairs.’
There are, as many different approaches to analyse within critical discourse analysis, as there are
theories and problems to be studied (e.g., Titscher, Meyer, Wodak, & Vetter, 2000; van Dijk, 2001). The
important is the analyses, connected to a theory of the social world and a theory of language that is
coherent. Beyond that, procedures and methods vary.
In general, the view of methods of analysis is that one finds a research topic, applies a set of
theoretical frames (or allows the frames to emerge from the data) to that research topic, and then selects
appropriate methods, depending on the questions being asked and theories being used. Some analysts
draw on extensive fieldwork; others collect large corpuses of texts from archives, websites or news
sources. Some methods are less linguistically focused and more focused on the context in which the
discourse arises. Some foreground micro-level issues, others the impact of global issues on local
discourses. Other methods are interested in the historical emergence and evolution of a concept or
narrative. Most influential traditions of critical approaches are James Gee (1986; 1991; 1996; 2004),
Norman Fairclough (1989; 1992; 1995; 2003), and Gunther Kress (1979; 1993; 1996; 2001; 2003; 2009).
We cannot assign each scholar only one approach to critical discourse analysis because each
scholar has developed and drawn on different theories and methods over time, many of them are
overlapped. These researchers would all embrace the concept of methodological hybridity; they freely
admit that their methods are drawn from a wide range of scholarship.
An integrated approach to discourse analysis is the analysis of spoken and written language as it
is used to enact social and cultural perspectives and identities. Assuming no prior knowledge of
linguistics, James Paul Gee presents both a theory of language-in-use, as well as a method of research.
Norman Fairclough developed a three-dimensional framework for studying discourse, where the aim is to
map three separate forms of analysis onto one another. For example, analysis of (spoken or written)
language texts, analysis of discourse practices (processes of text production, distribution and
consumption) analysis of discursive events as instances of sociocultural practice.
Gunther Kress is one of the people credited with developing the branch of scholarship referred to
as critical linguistics. He uses a social semiotic approach to contemporary communication, and brings
visual communication by applying social semiotics a theory based on meaning, social context, and
developing multimodality phenomenon. He equates with understanding of communication but not the
style or meaning of that communication. A social semiotic approach is concerned with how meanings are
made—in both the outward and inner interpretation of signs.
Both of these approaches provide a set of tools and resources for understanding social events and
practices that are taken up depending on the question. Our work is to apply these tools—and design new
ones—in a context that is meaningful for our own work.
Lesson-35
APPLIED LINGUISTICS
Since late 1950s with the advent of generative linguistics, applied linguistics has always
maintained a socially-accountable role, demonstrated by its central interest in language problems. In the
1960s, it was expanded to include language assessment, language policy, and second language
acquisition. In 1970s, it became a problem-driven field rather than theoretical linguistics, including the
solution of language-related problems in the real world. In 1990s, it broadened and included critical
studies and multilingualism. Research in applied linguistics was shifted to "the theoretical and empirical
investigation of real world problems in which language is a central issue. The ‘applied linguistics’ refers
to a broad range of activities which involve solving some language-related problem or addressing some
language-related concern.
A large and open-ended number of quite disparate activities to which applied linguistics is
relevant. The scope of applied linguistics
Language and education
First-language education
Additional-language education/second language education
Clinical linguistics
Language testing
Guy Cook (2005) writes, ‘like Odysseus, applied linguistics has steered a difficult course between
a rock and a whirlpool and has been in constant danger of hitting one or disappearing down the other’.
Historically, there have been two main views on applied linguistics and they've been called linguistics
applied and applied linguistics.
Linguistics Applied was the initial understanding of the discipline in the 1970s and assumed that
anyone working within this field simply took insights from theoretical linguists. Applied Linguistics, as
rethought in the 1980s, wanted to establish applied linguistics as a complete discipline in its own right – a
complete and autonomous self that could also contribute to theory. The theoretical and applied disciplines
could now coexist in an equal and mutually beneficial relationship.
The distinction has been proposed by Widdowson (2000) in his seminal article: "On the
limitations of Linguistics Applied" published in Applied Linguistics Journal, OUP. He suggests that
Applied Linguistics is a mediating activity which seeks to accommodate a linguistic account to other
partial perspectives on language to reformulate real world problems. Though in Linguistics Applied, as
Widdowson argues, the assumption is that the problem can be reformulated by direct application of
concepts and terms deriving from linguistic enquiry itself.
Lesson-36
PSYCHOLINGUISTICS I
Psycholinguistics reviews in some detail the various features of language that people use to
produce and understand linguistic messages. The psycholinguist questions that where is this ability to use
language located? The obvious answer is “in the brain.” However, it cannot be just anywhere in the brain.
The study of the relationship between language and the brain is called ‘Neurolinguistics’. The
field of study dates back to the nineteenth century when the location of language in the brain was an early
challenge. The accident of Mr. Gage made it clear to the scientists that language may be located in the
specific parts of the brain; it is not clearly situated right at the front.
A number of discoveries have been made about the specific parts in the brain that are related to
language functions. The most important parts are in areas above the left ear. We need to look more
closely at some of the gray matter. So, if we observe a head, remove hair, scalp, skull, then disconnect the
brain stem (connecting the brain to the spinal cord) and cut the corpus callosum (connecting the two
hemispheres). If we disregard a certain amount of other material, we will basically be left with two parts,
the left hemisphere and the right hemisphere. If we put the right hemisphere aside for now, and place the
left hemisphere down so that we have a side view, we’ll be looking at something close to the
accompanying illustration.
The shaded areas in this illustration indicate the general locations of those language functions
involved in speaking and listening. We have come to know that these areas exist largely through the
examination, in autopsies of the brains of people who, in life, were known to have specific language
disabilities. We have tried to determine where language abilities for normal users must be by finding areas
with specific damage in the brains of people who had identifiable language disabilities.
Broca's area or the Broca area is a region in the frontal lobe of the dominant hemisphere of the
hominid brain with functions linked to speech production. Language processing has been linked to
Broca's area. Since Pierre Paul Broca reported impairments in two patients. The part shown as in the
illustration is technically described as the “anterior speech cortex” or, more usually, as Broca’s area.
Paul Broca, a French surgeon, reported in the 1860s that damage to this specific part of the brain
was related to extreme difficulty in producing speech. It was noted that damage to the corresponding area
on the right hemisphere had no such effect. This finding was first used to argue that language ability must
be located in the left hemisphere and since then has been treated as an indication that Broca’s area is
crucially involved in the production of speech.
Wernicke’s Area
A region of the brain concerned with the comprehension of language, located in the cortex of the
dominant temporal lobe. Damage in this area causes Wernicke's aphasia, characterized by superficially
fluent, grammatical speech but an inability to use or understand more than the most basic nouns and
verbs. This finding confirmed the left hemisphere location of language ability and led to the view that
Wernicke’s area is part of the brain crucially involved in the understanding of speech.
Motor Cortex is the part of the cerebral cortex in the brain which originates the nerve impulses
that initiate voluntary muscular activity. The part shown as in the illustration is the motor cortex, an area
that generally controls movement of the muscles (for moving hands, feet, arms, etc.). Close to Broca’s
area is the part of the motor cortex that controls the articulatory muscles of the face, jaw, tongue and
larynx.
The arcuate fasciculus (Latin: curved bundle) is a bundle of axons that forms part of the superior
longitudinal fasciculus, an association fiber tract. The arcuate bidirectionally connects caudal temporal
cortex and inferior parietal cortex to locations in the frontal lobe. Close to Broca’s area is the part of the
motor cortex that controls the articulatory muscles of the face, jaw, tongue and larynx. Evidence that this
area is involved in the physical articulation of speech comes from work reported in the 1950s by two
neurosurgeons, Penfield and Roberts (1959).
These researchers found that, by applying small amounts of electrical current to specific areas of
the brain, they could identify those areas where the electrical stimulation would interfere with normal
speech production. The part shown in the illustration is a bundle of nerve fibers called the arcuate
fasciculus.
This was also one of Wernicke’s discoveries and is now known to form a crucial connection between
Wernicke’s and Broca’s areas.
The localization view tempts to conclude that specific aspects of language ability can be accorded
specific locations in the brain, and the brain activity involved in hearing a word, understanding it, then
saying it, would follow a definite pattern. The word is heard and comprehended via Wernicke’s area.
This signal is then transferred via the arcuate fasciculus to Broca’s area where preparations are made to
produce it, the signal is sent to part of the motor cortex to physically articulate the word. Certainly, it is an
oversimplified version of what may actually take place, but it is consistent with much of what we
understand about simple language processing in the brain. It is probably best to think of any proposal
concerning processing pathways in the brain, as some forms of metaphor that may turn out to be
inadequate once we learn more about how the brain functions. The “pathway” metaphor seems quite
appealing in an electronic age when we’re familiar with the process of sending signals through electrical
circuits. In an earlier age, dominated more by mechanical technology, Sigmund Freud subtly employed a
“steam engine” metaphor to account for aspects of the brain’s activity when he wrote of the effects of
repression “building up pressure” to the point of “sudden release”. In an even earlier age, Aristotle’s
metaphor was of the brain as a cold sponge that functioned to keep the blood cool. In a sense, we are
forced to use metaphors mainly because we cannot obtain direct physical evidence of linguistic processes
in the brain. Because we have no direct access, we generally have to rely on what we can discover
through indirect methods. Most of these methods involve attempts to work out how the system is working
from the picked up clues when the system has problems or malfunctions.
Lesson-37
PSYCHOLINGUISTICS II
We have all experienced difficulty, on some occasion(s), in getting brain and speech production
work together smoothly. There are possible clues to how our linguistic knowledge is organized within the
brain, ‘the tip of the tongue phenomenon’. We feel that some word is just eluding us, which we know, but
it just would not come to the surface. Studies of this phenomenon have shown that speakers generally
have:
an accurate phonological outline of the word,
can get the initial sound correct
and mostly know the number of syllables in the word.
This experience also mainly occurs with uncommon words and names. Our ‘word-storage’
system may be partially organized on the basis of some phonological information. Some words in the
store are more easily retrieved than others. We make mistakes in this retrieval process because there are
often strong phonological similarities between the target word and what we actually produce; e.g., fire
distinguisher (for ‘extinguisher’) transcendental medication (instead of ‘meditation’).
Such types of mistakes are referred to ‘malapropisms’ after a character, Archie Bunker, who once
suggested that; we need a few laughs to break up the monogamy. Here some examples of slip of tongue:
Make a long shory stort (instead of ‘make a long story short’); Use the door to open the key, and a fifty-
pound dog of bag food.
Many scientists provide some clues to how the brain tries to make sense of the auditory signal it
receives. For example, the phrase ‘great ape’ may be heard ‘gray tape’. A similar type of
misunderstanding seems to be behind the child’s report that in Sunday school every one was singing
about: a bear called ‘Gladly’ that was cross-eyed for ‘Gladly the cross I’d bear’.
In this case, malapropisms (e.g., transcendental medication) originate as slips of the ear. Some of
these humorous examples of slips may give us a clue to the normal workings of the human brain as it
copes with language. However, some problems with language production and comprehension are the
result of much more serious disorders in brain function.
All of us experience ‘slips’, but there are people who live with it constantly. Certain types of
language disorders are generally described as ‘aphasia’. Aphasia is defined as an impairment of language
function due to localized brain damage that leads to difficulty in understanding and/or producing
linguistic forms. The most common cause of aphasia is a stroke; traumatic head injuries from violence or
an accident may have similar effects. Those effects can range from mild to severe reduction in the ability
to use language. Someone who is aphasic often has interrelated language disorders, and the difficulties in
understanding can lead to difficulties in production.
The classification of different types of aphasia is usually based on the primary symptoms of
someone having difficulties with language. Following are some of the types of aphasia:
Agrammatic: In this type the speech consists entirely of lexical morphemes (e.g., nouns, verbs)
whereas there are frequent omissions of functional morphemes (e.g., articles, prepositions) and inflections
(e.g., plural -s, past tense -ed). Here is an example. I eggs and eat and drink coffee breakfast my cheek …
very annoyance … main is my shoulder … aching’ all round here. The patient faces difficulty in
articulating single words. However, comprehension is typically much better than production.
Wernicke’s Aphasia or Sensory Aphasia: The person with it has difficulties in auditory
comprehension. He produces very fluent speech but feels difficulty to make sense. He uses very general
terms. ‘I can’t talk all of the things I do, and part of the part I can go alright, but I cannot tell from the
other people’. He finds difficulty in finding the correct word, sometimes referred to as anomia.
Conduction Aphasia: This aphasia is less common, as it is associated with damage to the arcuate
fasciculus and is called conduction aphasia. In its symptoms, the person mispronounces words, but
typically do not have articulation problems. He is fluent, but may have disrupted rhythm because of
pauses and hesitations. His comprehension of spoken words is normally good. He produces words like the
following: vaysse and fosh for ‘base’ and ‘wash’. Language disorders described above are almost always
the result of injury to the left hemisphere.
An Experimental Technique: Left hemisphere dominance for syllable and word processing is
called the dichotic listening test. This technique uses the generally established fact that anything
experienced on the right-hand side of the body is processed in the left hemisphere, and anything on the
left side is processed in the right hemisphere.
Right Ear Advantage: The right hemisphere appears to have primary responsibility for
processing a lot of other non-linguistic incoming signals. In the dichotic listening test, it can be shown
that non-verbal sounds (e.g., music, coughs, traffic noises, and birds singing) are recognized more often
via the left ear, meaning they are processed faster via the right hemisphere. The right hemisphere is first
choice for non-language sounds (among other things) and the left hemisphere specializes in language
sounds (among other things too). These specializations may actually have more to do with the type of
processing, rather than the type of material, that is handled best by each of the two hemispheres. Analytic
processing, such as recognizing the smaller details of sounds, words and phrase structures in rapid
sequence is done with the ‘left brain’ . The holistic processing is done with the ‘right brain’.
The apparent specialization of the left hemisphere for language is usually described in terms of
lateral dominance or lateralization (one-sidedness). Since the human child does not emerge from the
womb as a fully articulate language-user, the lateralization process begins in early childhood. It coincides
with the period during which language acquisition takes place. During childhood, there is a period when
the human brain is most ready to receive input and learn a particular language. This is sometimes called
the ‘sensitive period’ for language acquisition, but is more generally known as the ‘critical period’.
Though some think it may start earlier, the general view is that the critical period for first
language acquisition lasts from birth until puberty. If a child does not acquire language during this period,
for any reason, then it is almost impossible for him/her to learn language later on. Many unfortunate well
documented cases provide us insight about what happens when the critical period passes without adequate
linguistic input.
Lesson-38
SOCIOLINGUISTICS
The way that people talk depends on personal and social backgrounds. It also depends on the
details of a particular speech situation. The study of variation in speech depends on such matters is called
the domain of sociolinguistics, variation in the form of language, especially as the result of social
categories.
Sociolinguistics, thus, can be defined as the descriptive study of the effects of different aspects of
society, including cultural norms, expectations, and context, on the way language is used, and society's
effect on language. There are certain social variables that are vital to the discipline such as: e.g., ethnicity,
religion, status, gender, level of education, age, etc. The adherence to these rules is used to categorize
individuals in social or socioeconomic classes.
Varieties of Language
A standard language is a variety of language that is used by governments, in the media, in schools
and for international communication. There are different standard varieties of English in the world:
British English
North American English,
Australian English
Indian English, etc.
Standard Variety
Vernacular Language
A vernacular language is the native language or native dialect (usually colloquial or informal) of
a specific population, especially. It is distinguished from a literary, national or standard variety of the
language, or a lingua franca. It is used in the region or state inhabited by that population, and is spoken by
the ordinary people of a country or region.
Whether we speak a standard variety of English or not, we all have certain accents, they can be
distinct or less noticeably recognised accents. It is a myth that some speakers have accents while others do
not have.
Dialect: Dialect includes the features of grammar and vocabulary as well as the aspects of
pronunciation. You don’t know what you’re talking about. For example, ‘Ye dinnae ken whit yer haverin’
aboot.’ (by a speaker of Scottish English might say)
Differences in vocabulary are often easily recognised. However, dialect variations in the meaning
of grammatical constructions are less frequently documented.
One of the criteria used in the study of dialects, or dialectology is to distinguish between two
different dialects of the same language and two different languages.
A simplified speech used for communication between people with different languages. In some
areas, the standard chosen may be a variety that originally had no native speakers in the country. For
example, Tok Pisin, an English-based creole, used as a commercial and administrative language by over
2 million people in Papua New Guinea which began many years earlier as a kind of “contact”. A pidgin
is a variety of a language that developed for some practical purpose, such as trading among people not
knowing each other’s languages. It may be a Chinese version of the English word ‘business’.
It will be described as an ‘English pidgin’ if English is the lexifier language, that is, the main
source of words in the pidgin. No same pronunciation or meaning as in the source is used. The word gras
has its origins in the English word ‘grass’, in Tok Pisin for ‘hair’. It is part of mausgras (‘moustache’) and
gras bilong fes (‘beard’). Several English pidgins are still used today. They are characterized by an
absence of any complex grammatical morphology and have a somewhat limited vocabulary. Inflectional
suffixes such as -s and -’s on nouns in Standard English are rare in pidgins. Common Structures are like
tu buk (‘two books’), di gyal place (‘the girl’s place’). Functional morphemes often take the place of
inflectional morphemes found in the source language. For example the English phrase your book, is like
buk bilong yu.
Between six and twelve million people still use pidgin languages and between ten and seventeen
million using descendants from pidgins called ‘creoles’. When a pidgin develops beyond its role as a
trade or contact language and becomes the first language of a social community, it is described as a
creole.
Tok Pisin is now a creole. Although still locally referred to as ‘Pidgin’, the language spoken by a
large number of people in Hawai’i is also a creole, technically known as Hawai’i Creole English. A creole
initially develops as the first language of children growing up in a pidgin-using community and becomes
more complex as it serves more communicative purposes. There are large numbers of native speakers and
are not restricted at all in their uses. A French creole is used in Haiti. English creoles are used in Jamaica
and Sierra Leone.
This is a situation in which two distinct varieties of a language are spoken within the same speech
community, ‘high’ or special variety, learned in school and used for important matters. In Arabic-
speaking countries ‘the high variety’ (Classical Arabic) is used in formal lectures, serious political events
and especially in religious discussions. The low variety is the local version of the language, such as
Egyptian Arabic or Lebanese Arabic.
The classic diglossic situation is the one in which two varieties of a language, such as standard
French and Haitian Creole French, exist alongside each other in a single society. Each variety has its own
fixed functions—one a 'high,' prestigious variety a 'low,' or colloquial, one. Using the wrong variety in the
wrong situation would be socially inappropriate.
Polydiglossia
The coexistence of two or more languages or distinct varieties of the same language, within a
speech community is known as Polydiglossia. According to Lindsay (2007), Polydiglossia is a term that
refers to a person's ability to communicate in more than two languages. Polydiglossia situations involve
two contrasting varieties (high and low). The concept of polyglossia can be explained in the Singapore
Chinese speaking community. Three languages are used by Singaporean Chinese namely Mandarin,
Cantonese and Hokkien. Singaporean Chinese people will use Mandarin for their job; Cantonese and
Hokkien are for daily conversation among the family used as Informal language.
Language and culture is the study of language which originates in the work of anthropologists
who have used language as a source of information in the general study of ‘culture’. Culture can be
defined as ‘shared beliefs, values and behaviours of a social group’, where social group can be a family at
a micro level and a nation at a macro level (Byram, 2008).
Language is ‘socially acquired knowledge’. ‘Language is used not just as a tool for the exchange
of information, but as a symbolic system with the power to create and shape symbolic realities, such as
values, perceptions, identities through discourse’ (Kramsch, 2002). Our first language is initially acquired
without conscious awareness. We develop awareness of our knowledge, and hence of our culture, only
after having developed language. The particular language we learn through the process of cultural
transmission provides us, at least initially, with a ready-made system of categorising the world around us
and our experience of it. With the words we acquire, we learn to recognise the types of category
distinctions that are relevant in our social world. Very young children may not initially think of ‘dog’ and
‘horse’ as different.
In native cultures of the Pacific, there were no horses so no words for them. We must have a
conceptual system that includes these people, things and ideas as distinct and identifiable categories such
as dog or horse, rain or snow, father or uncle, week or weekend, etc. The relation of culture and language
is the way they share human values, realities and behaviours of a social group. According to Kramsch,
language expresses, embodies and symbolizes cultural reality.
Lesson-39
FIRST LANGUAGE ACQUISITION I
The acquisition of first language is remarkable for the speed with which it takes place. A child
long before he/she starts school, becomes an extremely sophisticated language user operating a system for
self-expression and communication. The human child cannot be compared to any other creature or
computer. The learning generally occurs without any overt instruction, regardless of great differences in
their circumstances. The idea behind it is, there is an innate predisposition in the human infant to acquire
language - special capacity for language with which each newborn child is endowed. There are many
different ways to characterize the developmental sequence. The stages of language production by the
children focusing primarily on the unfolding of lexical and syntactic knowledge are mentioned as follows:
It is observed in researches that the inborn language capacity is not enough. The child must be
physically capable of sending and receiving sound signals in a language. Same as hearing language
sounds is not enough because a crucial requirement appears as the opportunity to interact with others via
language.
The earliest use of speech-like sounds has been described as cooing e.g., sequences of vowel-like
sounds, particularly high vowels similar to [i] and [u]. ‘cooing’ or ‘going’. By four months the child
brings the back of the tongue into regular contact with the back of the palate allowing velar consonants
[k] and [ɡ] to produce. Speech perception studies have shown that by the time they are five months old,
babies can already hear the difference between the vowels [i] and [a] and discriminate between syllables
like [ba] and [ɡa].
Babbling
Between six and eight months, the child starts sitting up and producing a number of different
vowels and consonants, as well as combinations such as ba-ba-ba and ga-ga-ga. In the later babbling
stage, around nine to ten months, there are recognizable intonation patterns to the consonant and vowel
combinations being produced, as well as variation in the combinations such as ba-ba-da-da can be
observed.
Nasal Sounds
Common and certain syllable sequences such as ma-ma-ma and da-da-da are inevitably
interpreted by parents as versions of “mama” and “dada” and are repeated back to the child. This
“paralanguage” use of sound provides the child with some experience of the social role of speech because
adults tend to react to the babbling, however incoherent, as if it is actually the child’s contribution to
social interaction. Development stages are taken as approximate and are subject to variation in individual
children such as ‘by six months’ or ‘by the age of two’.
Between twelve and eighteen months the child produces a variety of recognizable single-unit
utterances. This stage is characterized by speech, in which single terms are uttered for everyday objects
like ‘Cookie’, ‘Cat’, ‘Cup’ ‘Spoon’ (usually pronounced [pun]).
Other forms such as [ʌsæ]: A version of ‘What’s that’, so the label ‘one-word’ for this stage
may be misleading, the term such as ‘single-unit’ would be more accurate.
Holophrastic
During this stage a single form functions as a phrase or sentence to describe an utterance that
could be analyzed as a word, a phrase, or a sentence. Holophrastic utterances seem to be used to name
objects; they may also be produced in circumstances that suggest the child is already extending their use.
An empty bed may elicit the name of a sister who normally sleeps in the bed, even in the absence
of the person named. During this stage the child may be capable of referring to Karen and bed, but is not
yet ready to put the forms together to produce a more complex phrase. It is over expectation from a
toddler to expect such thing. The child can only walk with a stagger and has to come downstairs
backwards.
This stage is dependent on what we count as an occurrence of two distinct words used together. It
begins around eighteen to twenty months. The child’s vocabulary moves beyond fifty words. By two
years old, the child starts uttering a variety of combinations, similar to: Baby chair, mommy eat, cat bad
etc.
The adult interpretation of such combinations is very much tied to the context of their utterance.
The expression depends on different circumstances: ‘Baby chair’ an expression of possession, (This is
baby’s chair), or as a request, (Put baby in chair), or as a statement (Baby is in the chair).
Whatever it is that the child actually intends to communicate through such expressions, the
significant functional consequences are that the adult behaves as if communication is taking place. The
child not only produces speech, but also receives feedback confirming that the utterance worked as a
contribution to the interaction. By the age of two, the child may producing 200 or 300 distinct ‘words’,
and is capable of understanding five times as many. Typically he/she is treated as an entertaining
conversational partner by the principal care giver.
Between two and two-and-a-half years old, the child starts a large number of utterances that could
be classified as “multiple-word” speech. The salient feature of these utterances ceases to be the number of
words, but the variation in word forms that begins to appear. This is the stage characterized by strings of
words (lexical morphemes) in phrases or sentences such as:
While this type of telegram-format speech is being produced, a number of grammatical inflections begin
to appear, the word forms and simple prepositions (in, on).
By the age of two-and-a-half, the child’s vocabulary is expanding rapidly and the child is
initiating more talk while increased physical activity includes running and jumping. By three, the
vocabulary has grown to hundreds of words and pronunciation has become closer to the form of adult
language. At this point, it is worth considering what kind of influence the adults have in the development
of the child’s speech.
effects of cultural differences in children's linguistic environment and socio-economic status differences
in language learning.
Lesson-40
FIRST LANGUAGE ACQUISITION II
The linguistic repertoire of the child increases with the passage of time. The question arises
whether the child is being taught or not. The idea is that a child is not really supported by what the child
actually does. In the vast majority of children; no one provides any instruction about how to speak the
language nor should we picture a little empty head gradually being filled with words and phrases. A more
accurate view highlighted the children actively construct from what is said to them, possible ways of
using the language. The child’s linguistic production appears to be mostly a matter of trying out
constructions and testing whether they work or not. A child is not simply imitating adult speech but a
child hears and repeats versions of sayings on different occasions. Adults simply do not produce many of
the expressions that turn up in children’s speech. Look at the following two examples:
NOAH: (picking up a toy dog) This is Woodstock. (He bobs the toy in Adam’s face)
ADAM: Hey Woodstock, don’t do that. (Noah persists)
ADAM: I’m going home so you won’t Woodstock me.
CHILD: My teacher holded the baby rabbits and we patted them.
MOTHER: Did you say your teacher held the baby rabbits?
CHILD: Yes.
MOTHER: What did you say she did?
CHILD: She holded the baby rabbits and we patted them.
MOTHER: Did you say she held them tightly?
CHILD: No, she holded them loosely.
One factor that seems to be important in the child’s acquisition process is the actual use of sound and
word combinations, either in interaction with others or in wordplay, alone.
By two-and-a-half years old the child is beyond telegraphic speech forms. He/she incorporates
some of the inflectional morphemes that indicate the grammatical function of the nouns and verbs used.
First, the child uses is the -ing form in expressions such as: cat sitting, mommy reading book etc.
Secondly, -s form is used; for example, boys and cats
Not long after the plural –s, the possessive inflection -’s also occurs in expressions like the
following:
girl’s dog
Mummy’s book
At the same time, different forms of the verb “to be,” such as are and was are started to be used.
The appearance of forms such as was and, at about the same time, went and came should be noted. The
irregular past-tense forms that we would not expect to hear before the more regular forms, the appearance
of the -ed inflection. Once the regular past-tense forms (walked, played) begin appearing in the child’s
speech, the irregular forms may disappear for a while, replaced by overgeneralized versions such as goed
and comed. Such oddities as walkeded and wented do not disappear till after the age of four when the
child start distinguishing which forms are regular and which are not. The regular-s marker on third person
singular present-tense verbs appears. It occurs first with full verbs like comes, looks etc. and then with
auxiliaries like does, has etc.
A great deal of variability is observed at this stage. Individual children may produce ‘good’ forms
one day and ‘odd’ forms the next. The evidence suggests that the child is working out how to use the
linguistic system while focusing on communication and interaction rather than correctness. The parents
who insist that the child didn’t hear such things at home are implicitly recognize that ‘imitation’ is not the
primary force in first language acquisition.
Similar evidence against ‘imitation’ as the basis of the child’s speech production has been found
in studies of the syntactic structures used by young children. One child, specifically asked to repeat what
she heard, would listen to an adult say forms such as:
The owl who eats candy runs fast
Owl eat candy and he run fast.
The child understands what the adult is saying but just has her own way of expressing it. There
are numerous studies of the development of syntax in children’s speech. We will look at the development
of two structures that seem to be acquired in a regular way by most English-speaking children. In the
formation of questions and the use of negatives, there appear to be three identifiable stages. The ages at
which children go through these stages can vary quite a bit.
Stage 1: occurs between 18 and 26 months
Stage 2: between 22 and 30 months
Stage 3: between 24 and 40 months
The overlap in the periods during which children go through these stages is a natural effect of the
different rates at which different children normally develop these and other structures.
The child’s first stage has two procedures in forming questions. Simply add a Wh-form (Where,
Who) to the beginning of the expression, or utter the expression with a rise in intonation towards the end.
Examples
Where kitty?
Doggie?
Where horse go?
Sit chair?
In the second stage, more complex expressions can be formed, but the rising intonation strategy continues
to be used.
More complex expressions the rising intonation strategy continues to be used. It is noticeable that more
Wh-forms come into use, as in these examples:
What book name?
You want eat?
Why you smiling?
See my doggie?
In the third stage, the required movement of the auxiliary in English questions (I can have … ⇒
Can I have …?) is seen. It does not automatically spread to all Wh-question types In fact, some children
beginning school in their fifth or sixth year may still prefer to form Wh-questions (especially with
negatives) without the type of inversion found in adult speech (e.g., Why kitty can’t …? instead of Why
can’t kitty …?). Apart from these problems with Wh-questions and continuing trouble with the
morphology of verbs is found as in the following examples:
(e.g., Did I caught …? instead of Did I catch … ?), at stage 3 the child forms questions close to
the adult model, as in these examples:
Can I have a piece?
Did I caught it?
Will you help me?
How that opened?
What did you do?
Why kitty can’t stand up?
The Stage 1percieves, in the case of negatives, the child seems to involve a simple strategy of
putting No or Not at the beginning, as in these examples:
no mitten
In the second stage, the additional negative forms are added and so don’t and can’t appear, with
no and not, as they are increasingly used in front of the verb rather than at the beginning of the sentence,
as in these examples:
He no bite you
I don’t want it
That not touch
You can’t dance
The third stage sees the incorporation of other auxiliary forms such as didn’t and won’t while the
typical Stage 1 forms disappear. A very late acquisition is the negative form isn’t, with the result that
some Stage 2 forms (with not instead of isn’t) continue to be used for quite a long time, as in the
examples:
I didn’t caught it
He not taking it
She won’t let go
This not ice cream
The study of the developing use of negative forms has produced some delightful examples of
children operating their own rules for negative sentences. One famous example (McNeill, 1966) also
shows the futility of overt adult ‘correction’ of children’s speech.
CHILD: Nobody don’t like me
MOTHER: No, say ‘nobody likes me.’
CHILD: Nobody don’t like me. (Eight repetitions of this dialog)
MOTHER: No, now listen carefully; say ‘nobody likes me.’
CHILD: Oh! Nobody don’t likes me.
The anecdotes that parents retell about their child’s early speech (to the intense embarrassment of
the grown-up child) usually involve examples of the strange use of words. Having been warned that flies
bring germs into the house, one child was asked what “germs” were and the answer was “something the
flies play with.” It is not always possible to determine so precisely the meanings that children attach to the
words they use. It seems that during the holophrastic stage many children use their limited vocabulary to
refer to a large number of unrelated objects.
One child first used bow-wow to refer to a dog and then to a fur piece with glass eyes, a set of
cufflinks and even a bath thermometer. The word bow-wow seemed to have a meaning like ‘object with
shiny bits.’ Other children often extend bow-wow to refer to cats, cows and horses. This process is called
overextension and the most common pattern is for the child to overextend the meaning of a word on the
basis of similarities of shape, sound and size, and, to a lesser extent, movement and texture. Thus the
word ball is extended to all kinds of round objects, including a lampshade, a doorknob and the moon. Or,
a tick tock is initially used for a watch, but can also be used for a bathroom scale with around dial.On the
basis of size, presumably, the word fly was first used for the insect and then came to be used for specks of
dirt and even crumbs of bread. Apparently due to similarities of texture, the expression sizo was first used
by one child for scissors, and then extended to all metal objects.
One interesting feature of the young child’s semantics is the way certain lexical relations are
treated. In terms of hyponymy, the child will almost always use the ‘middle’-level term in a hyponymous
set such as animal – dog – poodle. It would seem more logical to learn the most general term (animal), but
all evidence indicates that children first use dog with an overextended meaning close to the meaning of
“animal.” This may be connected to a similar tendency in adults, when talking to young children, to refer
to flowers (not the more general plants, or the more specific tulips). It also seems that hyponymous
relations are acquired fairly late (after the age of five). In one study, a large number of kindergarten
children pointed to the same heavily laden apple tree when asked which tree has more apples. And also
when asked which tree has less apples. They just seem to think the correct response will be the larger one,
disregarding the difference between more and less. The distinctions between a number of other pairs such
as before/after and buy/sell also seem to be later acquisitions.
Despite the fact that the child is still to acquire a large number of other aspects of his or her first
language through the later years of childhood, It is normally assumed that, by the age of five, the child has
completed the greater part of the basic language acquisition process. According to some linguists, the
child is then in a good position to start learning a second (or foreign) language. However, most people
don’t start trying to learn another language until much later. The question that always arises is: if first
language acquisition was so straightforward and largely automatic, why is learning a second language so
difficult?
Lesson-41
Some children grow up in a social environment where more than one language is used and are
able to acquire a second language in circumstances similar to those of first language acquisition. Those
fortunate individuals are bilingual. Most of us are not exposed to a second language until much later.
Even after years of study, our ability rarely matches our ability in our first language. There is something
of an enigma in this, since there is apparently no other system of “knowledge” that we can learn better at
two or three years of age than at thirteen or thirty. A number of reasons have been suggested to account
for this enigma, and a number of different approaches have been proposed to help learners become
communicator in a second language.
The term acquisition is used to refer to the gradual development of ability in a language by using
it naturally in communicative situations with others who know the language whereas learning is a more
conscious process of accumulating knowledge of the features, such as vocabulary and grammar, of a
language, typically in an institutional setting. (Mathematics, for example, is learned, not acquired.)
Those individuals whose L2 exposure is primarily a learning type of experience tend not to
develop the same kind of general proficiency as those who have had more of an acquisition type of
experience.
Acquisition Barriers
The experience with an L2 is fundamentally different from that of L1 experience, and it is hardly
conducive to acquisition. They usually encounter the L2 during their teenage or adult years, in a few
hours each week of school time rather than via the constant interaction experienced as a child with a lot of
other things going on and with an already known language available for most of their daily
communicative requirements. Despite the fact that insufficient time, focus and incentive undermine many
L2 learning attempts; some individuals who seem to be able to overcome the difficulties and develop an
ability to use the L2 quite effectively learn the language fast. However, sounding like a native speaker is
difficult. Even in ideal acquisition situations, very few adults seem to reach native-like proficiency in
using an L2. There are individuals who can achieve great expertise in the written language, but not the
spoken language. One of the greatest examples of this is Joseph Conrad. He wrote a lot of English novels
but whenever he used to speak English, he had his Polish accent.
This might suggest that some features of an L2, such as vocabulary and grammar, are easier to
learn than others such as pronunciation. Without early experience using the sounds and intonation of the
L2, even highly fluent adult learners are likely to be perceived as having an “accent” of some kind.
This type of observation is sometimes taken as evidence that, after the critical period for language
acquisition has passed, around the time of puberty, it becomes very difficult to acquire another language
fully. The optimum age for learning is ten to sixteen when the flexibility of our inherent capacity for
language has not been completely lost.
Yet even during this proposed optimum age for L2 learning, there may be an acquisition barrier
of quite different kind. Teenagers are typically much more self-conscious than younger children. If there
is a strong element of unwillingness or embarrassment in attempting to produce the different sounds of
another language, then it may override whatever physical and cognitive abilities there are. If this self-
consciousness is accompanied by a lack of empathy with the other culture, then the subtle effects of not
really wanting to sound like a Russian or a German or an American may strongly inhibit the learning
process. This type of emotional reaction, or ‘affect’, may also be caused by dull textbooks, unpleasant
classroom surroundings or an exhausting schedule of study and/or work. All these negative feelings or
experiences are affective factors that can create a barrier to acquisition.
If the learner is stressed, uncomfortable, self-conscious or unmotivated, they are unlikely to learn
very much. Children seem to be less constrained by affective factors. Descriptions of L2 acquisition in
childhood are full of instances where young children quickly overcome their inhibitions as they try to use
new words and phrases. Adults can sometimes overcome their inhibitions too.
Despite the barriers, the need for instruction in other languages has led to a variety of educational
approaches and methods aimed at fostering L2 learning. Caxton (1483) wrote:
The first to compile exercise material for L2 learners and his phrase-book format with customary
greetings:
Syre, god you kepe.
I haue not seen you in longe tyme
More recent approaches designed to promote L2 learning have tended to reflect different
theoretical views on how an L2 might best be learned.
The most traditional approach is to treat L2 learning in the same way as any other academic
subject. Vocabulary lists and sets of grammar rules are used to define the target of learning. It focuses
more on memorization. Written language rather than spoken language is emphasized. It has its roots in the
traditional teaching of Latin and is described as the grammar–translation method.
Communicative Approaches
More recent revisions of the L2 learning experience can best be described as communicative
approaches. They were partially a reaction against the artificiality of ‘pattern practice’. It was against the
belief that consciously learning the grammar rules of a language will necessarily result in an ability to use
the language. However there are different versions of how to create communicative experiences for L2
learners. This approach is based on a belief that the functions of language should be emphasized rather
than the forms of the language. These changes have coincided with attempts to provide more appropriate
materials for L2 learning that has a specific purpose, as in ‘English for medical personnel’ or ‘Japanese
for business people’.
Focus on learner is the most fundamental change in the area of L2 learning. It is a shift from
concern with the teacher, the textbook and the method to an interest in the learner and the acquisition
process. For example, one radical feature of most communicative approaches is the toleration of “errors”
produced by students.
Traditionally, “errors” were regarded negatively and had to be avoided or eradicated. The more
recent acceptance of such errors in learners’ use of the L2 is quite normal. Rather than consider a Spanish
(L1) speaker’s production of ‘in the room ‘there are three womens’ as simply a failure to learn correct
English; the utterance is taken as an indication of the natural L2 acquisition process in action. An “error,”
then, is not something that hinders a student’s progress but a clue to the active learning progress being
made by the student just as children acquiring their L1 produce certain types of ungrammatical forms at
times. L2 learner may produce similar forms at certain stages. The example of ‘womens’ might be seen as
a type of overgeneralization.
Transfer means using sounds, expressions or structures from the L1 when performing in the L2.
For example, a Spanish (L1) speaker who produces ‘take it from the side inferior’ may be trying to use
the Spanish adjective inferior (=lower in English) and placing it after the noun, as is typical in Spanish
constructions.
Positive Transfer
If the L1 and L2 have similar features (e.g., marking plural on the ends of nouns), then the
learner may be able to benefit from the positive transfer of L1 knowledge to L2.
Negative Transfer
Transferring an L1 feature that is really different from the L2 (e.g., putting the adjective after the
noun) results in negative transfer and it may make the L2 expression difficult to understand. The negative
transfer (sometimes called ‘interference’) is more common in the early stages of L2 learning and often
decreases as the learner develops familiarity with the L2.
Interlanguage
The language produced by L2 learners contains a large number of ‘errors’ that seem to have no
connection to the forms of either the L1 or L2. Following is an example: ‘She name is Maria.’
Motivation
There are several factors that combine in a profile of a successful L2 learner. Obviously, the
motivation to learn is important. Many learners have an instrumental motivation. .That is, they want to
learn the L2 in order to achieve some other goal, such as completing a school graduation requirement or
being able to read scientific publications, but not really for any social purposes. In contrast, those learners
with an integrative motivation want to learn the L2 for social purposes, in order to take part in the social
life of a community using that language and to become an accepted member of that community.
Communicative competence can be defined as the general ability to use language accurately,
appropriately, and flexibly. The first component is grammatical competence, which involves the accurate
use of words and structures. Concentration on grammatical competence only, however, will not provide
the learner with the ability to interpret or produce L2 expressions appropriately. The ability to use
appropriate language is the second component, called sociolinguistic competence. It enables the learner to
know when to say according to the social context. For example: Can I have some water? versus give me
some water.
Much of what was discussed in terms of pragmatics has to become familiar in the cultural context
of the L2 if the learner is to develop sociolinguistic competence. The third component is called strategic
competence. This is the ability to organize a message effectively and to compensate, via strategies, for
any difficulties. In L2 use, learners inevitably experience moments when there is a gap between
communicative intent and their ability to express that intent. Some learners may just stop talking, whereas
others will try to express themselves using a communication strategy. For example, a Dutch L1 speaker
wanted to refer to een hoefijzer in English, but didn’t know the English word. So, she used a
communication strategy. She created a way of referring to the object by using vocabulary she already
knew, saying ‘the things that horses wear under their feet', the iron things’ and the listener understood
immediately what she meant. This flexibility in L2 use is a key element in communicative success. In
essence, strategic competence is the ability to overcome potential communication problems in interaction.
Lesson-42
HISTORICAL LINGUISTICS
Historical linguistics is the field of investigation of the features of older languages, and the ways
in which they developed into modern languages. It involves using the study of language and change, also
known as philology and also called diachronic linguistics. In the nineteenth century, philology dominated
the study of language and one result was the creation of “family trees” to show how languages were
related. Principal concerns of historical linguistics include:
Jones (1786) made the following observation about Sanskrit, the ancient language of Indian law:
a number of languages from very different geographical areas must have some common ancestor. The
discovery brought forth Proto-Indo-European group of languages. Scholars set out to identify the
branches of the Indo-European family tree, tracing the lineage of many modern languages.
Thirty such language families containing more than 6,000 different individual languages (actually
6,912 languages) were established. These languages are in danger of extinction while a few are
expanding. In terms of number of speakers:
Chinese (about 1 billion)
English (about 350 million
Grimm (1822) gave the concept of a systematic correspondence holding between the consonants
of Germanic languages, on the one hand and of the other Indo-European on the other.
p f
Latin English German
pedem foot Fuss
Grimm’s Law: These differences were first originally observed by Danish scholar, Rasmus Rask.
However, Grimm’s work was readily accessible to international scholars. Grimm's Law consists of three
parts which form consecutive phases in the sense of a chain shift. The phases are usually constructed as
follows:
The asterisks indicate the sounds in question are reconstructed rather than being directly attested.
The PIE and PGmc are hypothetical constructs. [p] of English in spit, spew corresponds to a [p] in other
languages is in apparent violation of Grimm’s Law as in Latin spuo, etc. Similarly Gmc [t] is same as Gk
[t]. and Skt [t]. Each sound occurs as second segment of the two-consonantal cluster. The preservation
can be seen as a regular development in English spit, spew, stand etc.
The words in table related not only in forms- but also in meaning.
Words can change their meaning in the course of time.
Latin word ‘horse’ was not ‘caballus’ ( more specific mean of peck horse) also meant ‘nag’ not
‘equus’ become a general and neutral word in place of ‘equus’
The words do not cause problem semantically.
The words may not change meaning but fall into disuse and be replaced.
During the 20th century the wave model has had little acceptance as a model for language change
overall. It has recently gained more popularity among historical linguists due to the shortcomings of the
Tree model. The wave model was originally presented by Johannes Schmidt.
In this diagram, the circles are to be regarded as diachronic; that is, they increase in diameter over
time, like the concentric waves on a water surface struck by a stone. The circles are stable dialects;
characters or bundles of characters that have been innovated and have become more stable over an
originally small portion of the continuum for socio-political reasons. These circles spread from their small
centers of maximum effectiveness like waves, becoming less effective than dissipating at maximum time
and distance from the center. Languages are to be regarded as impermanent sets of speech habits that
result from and prevail in the intersections of the circles.
There are also semantic changes. Modern English differs in the number of borrowed words that
have come to language since Old English. Many words have ceased to be used like the following:
Foin ‘the thrust of sword’
Were for man is only werefolf
Lesson-43
COMPUTATIONAL LINGUISTICS
There has been a dream of human science fiction in recent years that computer could use
language like humans. At present scientists have developed programs that can understand and learn
aspects of human language both written and spoken. Varying degrees of translating between languages is
possible. Computational linguistics seeks to develop the computational machinery needed for an agent to
exhibit various forms of linguistic behaviour. Agent means human being and artificial agents such as
computer program. Machinery mean computer programs as well as linguistics knowledge that they
contain. Computers have no intelligence. Their linguistic capabilities derive from programs that are
written for them. Computational understanding of language also provides insight into thinking and
intelligence.
The connection between these two fields is hardly accidental. Language involves complex
symbols system and computers are very fast mechanical symbol-processor. Computational linguistics
draws upon the involvement of linguists, computer scientists, and experts in artificial intelligence,
mathematicians, logicians, philosophers, cognitive scientists, cognitive psychologists, psycholinguists,
anthropologists and neuroscientists, among others. ‘Human knowledge is expressed in language. So,
computational linguistics is very important.’ (Mark Steedman)
The methods employed in theoretical and practical research in computational linguistics have
often drawn upon theories and findings in theoretical linguistics, philosophical logic, cognitive science
and of course computer science. Early work from the mid-1950s to around 1970 was theory-neutral. The
primary concern has been the development of practical techniques for such applications as MT and simple
QA.
By the mid-1960s with the increasing power and availability of general-purpose computers, the
dream of human-level artificial intelligence began to be fulfilled. Since the 1970s, the scientists have had
the aim of encoding the bulk of linguistic and world knowledge in more understandable, modular, re-
usable forms, with firmer theoretical foundations. With the emergence of comprehensive syntactico-
semantic frameworks such as Generalized Phrase Structure Grammar attention was given to the
computational tractability of parsing, and the mapping from syntax to semantics. Language is a mirror of
mind, a computational understanding of language also provides insight into thinking and intelligence.
Computational morphology deals with the processing of words and word forms, in both their
graphemic, i.e., written form, and their phonemic, i.e., spoken form. The task of an automatic
morphological analyzer is to take a word in a language and break it down into its stem form along with
any affixes that it may have attached to that stem. In processing a sentence such as:
Hussain reads well,
The analysis should be:
Hussain as a proper name
reads as the third person singular present form of the verb read (read+s)
well as either an adverb or a singular noun
The morphological analyzer will not be able to identify the syntactic roles of words. The role is the
subsequent task of a syntactic parsing program.
Tokenization
Usually, the first step in morphological analysis is to identify separate words. This can be fairly
simple in languages like English, where words are delimited by space and punctuation characters, and
where sentence start with capital letters. But even in English ambiguous punctuation can cause
tokenization problems: periods may be part of an abbreviation UK. However it is very challenging in
synthetic languages.
A simple stemming algorithm is used which strips off suffixes to arrive at the stem form. The
most basic task in computational morphology is to take a string of characters or phonemes as input and
deliver an analysis as output.
How can a computer characterise the grammatical structure of a sentence? A syntactic parser
tries to find the best grammatical analysis of a sentence. However, there are ambiguous sentence with
more than one possible grammatical structure like the following:
I can fish.
Context-free grammars
S V
→ NP VP → can
V V
P → Aux V → fish
V V
P → V NP → dance
V Au
P→V x → can
V D
P → Aux V NP → the
N N
P→DN → fish
N N
P→N → dance
N Pro
P → Pronoun noun → I
For this purpose we use ‘Toy grammar’. This toy grammar recognizes:
Four different kinds of VPs: (Aux V, V NP, V, and Aux V NP)
Three kinds of NPs (D N, N, and Pronoun)
Terminals categories and non-terminals categories
Our toy grammar covers only three different verbs, one auxiliary verb, one determiner, two
nouns, and one pronoun, but even so it can describe quite a variety of sentences. Grammars written in this
format are called context-free grammars.
Parsing
There is another question. How can we get a computer to analyze the syntactic structure of a
sentence like the following?
I can fish.
A parser takes an input sentence and produces one syntactic representations of it. But more than
one representation if there is syntactic ambiguity as in: I can fish. One way to represent the hierarchical
syntactic structure of a sentence is called a parse tree. There are several types of parsers. A top-down
parser, as you might expect, builds the parse trees from the top to down.
Word-sense Disambiguator: It uses the context of neighboring words in the sentence as well as
other words in the document to figure out which meaning of a given word is most likely. It uses rules that
depend on context, and these rules can be derived by human intuition or by training a machine learning
program. A word’s syntactic and semantic properties are represented in the computer’s digital lexicon. A
word’s syntactic and semantic properties are represented in the computer’s digital lexicon.
Cook (v)
A verb’s meaning includes:
Syntactic sub-categorization (the syntactic elements, or “arguments,” it combines with)
Thematic roles (the semantic relations between a verb and its arguments).
a. COOK (Theme NP)
Husain cooked meatloaf
b. COOK (Recipient NP, Theme NP)
Husain cooked Mary a great dinner
c. COOK (Theme NP, Recipient for-PP)
Husain cooked a great dinner for Mary,
Computational semantics is largely concerned with representing these kinds of semantic functions, the
rules for assembling the semantics of larger phrases from smaller ones.
The impact of computational linguistics on society depends on the applications it makes possible.
Computers have for many years been using more computational linguistics tools in applications such as:
multilingual word processing,
spelling correction,
grammar checking.
The increase in speed and storing vast amounts of information online have resulted in an
exponential increase in the amount of information available to computers, with a lot of it being in natural
languages.
Since computers can search through documents in different languages and find information much
faster than humans can, Search engines that troll through web pages have become extremely useful. With
the wide use of email and cellular phones, speech enabled applications have started to become a presence
in flight information and hotel reservation systems. It does the following tasks as well:
Information extraction
Speech recognition
Speech synthesis
Machine translation
These and other technologies provide opportunities to embed and apply computational linguistic methods.
Lesson-44
LEXICOGRAPHY
There are many types of dictionaries and in up-to-date definition all types are not included.
A Prototypical Dictionary
The prototypical dictionary has the form of a static (book) or dynamic product (e-dictionary) with
an inter-structure that establishes links between the various components (e-dictionary) and is usually
alphabetically structured. A dictionary provides many useful things.
A reference book
Record of lexicon of language
Quick to find information
Serves as a guardian of purity of that language provides information on
Spelling, form, meaning, usages of words and fixed collocation
A broad distinction is made between general and specialized dictionaries. Specialized dictionaries include
words in specialist fields, rather than a complete range of words in the language.
Who invented the dictionary? Which dictionary came first? Was the first dictionary bilingual or
monolingual? The oldest dictionary dates back to 2600 BC. The Akkadian or Babylonian wrote on clay
tablet to make Sumerian language accessible. In medieval Europe, glossaries with equivalents for Latin
words in vernacular or simpler Latin were in use (e.g., the Leiden Glossary).The first edition of A Greek-
English Lexicon by Henry George Liddell and Robert Scott appeared in 1843.The earliest dictionaries in
the English language were glossaries of French, Spanish or Latin words along with their definitions in
English. The word ‘dictionary’ was invented by an Englishman called John of Garland in 1220.The first
purely English alphabetical dictionary was A Table Alphabetically, written by an English schoolteacher
Robert Cawdrey in 1604. It was not until Samuel Johnson's A Dictionary of the English Language (1755)
that a more reliable English dictionary was produced. Many useful dictionaries are available now.
The vocabulary of English contains words from more sources than any other language as a
consequence of its history and contacts with any other language. The substratum of English is Anglo-
Saxon. Overlaid on this stratum is a Stratum of Latinate vocabulary. The invading Germanic tribes, the
Angles, Saxon and Jutes also contributed to its richness. English has imported words from countless
languages around the world. Two basic methods by which a language may increase its vocabulary:
Use of material available
Import world from another language
All new words are added to the word class: nouns, verbs, adjectives, with the majority being
nouns. Other ways of forming words:
The data from which lexicographers draw their information have to be chosen to suit the type of
dictionary they are planning. The sources of lexicographers are:
Since 1960 lexicologists and lexicographers have become more and more convinced that
dictionaries have to be designed for special user groups in response to specific needs. A dictionary is not a
resource containing all sort of interesting facts of data about a language.it should be a tool for the solution
of problem that people may have when using a language. Throughout research was done to have
information about user+ uses of dictionaries on the bass of self-evaluation. Subject were given
questionnaire how often they use the dictionary, what they look up, for what purpose they open dictionary
and how satisfied they were with the result.
Varantola (2002:33) divides dictionary users into three broad categories: language learners, non-
professional users, and professional users; the last being those who ‘normally use a dictionary to perform
a task that they get paid for.
Other user variables that affect behaviour are; age, mother tongue, second or foreign language,
language proficiency level, educational level, skill level in dictionary use etc. Much research has been
done over the last twenty years. Nevertheless uses and users of dictionaries remain for the moment
relatively unknown.
A dictionary describes the vocabulary of a language or a coherent subset of a language. For each
language and subset a set of texts can be assembled which provides evidence of the choices and
combinations of choices that are made by users of the language. Such a set of text is called corpus almost
always in electronic form nowadays. The adequacy of the corpus depends on its size, its diversity and
skill of those who assemble it. A corpus is close to the centre of dictionary project. The lexicographer
should formulate a policy concerning the way in which the corpus will be used.
An electronic dictionary is a dictionary whose data exists in digital form and can be accessed
through a number of different media. Electronic dictionaries can be found in several forms, including:
as dedicated handheld devices
as apps on smartphones and tablet computers or computer software
as a function built into an E-reader
As CD-ROMs and DVD-ROMs, they are typically packaged with a printed dictionary to be
installed on the user’s own computer. As free or paid-for online products most of the early electronic
dictionaries were print dictionaries made available in digital form. The content was identical. But the
electronic editions provided users with more powerful search functions. But soon the opportunities
offered by digital media began to be exploited.
Electronic dictionary databases, especially those included with software dictionaries are often
extensive and can contain up to 500,000 headwords and definitions, verb conjugation tables, and a
grammar reference section. Bilingual electronic dictionaries and monolingual dictionaries of inflected
languages often include an interactive verb conjugator, and are capable of word stemming and
lemmatization. Electronic dictionaries are also available in logographic and right-to-left scripts, including
Arabic, Persian, Chinese, Devanagari, Greek, Hebrew, Japanese, Korean, and Thai. Several developers of
the systems that drive electronic dictionary software offer API and SDK – Software Development Kit
tools for adding various language-based functions to programs, and web services such as the AJAX API
used by Google.
The drastic improvement in the field or computer technology has made a lasting impact on the
diversified growth and expansion of a corpus and made it an indispensable resource for work of
linguistics and language technology. The computer has provided corpus designers a massive storage
facility and impressive test processing power, which they can access quite easily for their work. Some
major English dictionaries were compiled from corpora in electronic form. People realized that corpus
based electronic dictionaries are far more exhaustive, authentic and reliable. The printed dictionaries are
compiled manually with lexical databases obtained from secondary sources.
The electronic dictionaries contained information about the meaning, the usage of headwords
long with elaborate information of their lexical information, contextual usage and polysemous
connotations directly obtained from corpora. Besides, they contained etymological, phonological and
morphological information normally found in standard printed dictionaries.
Language corpora are utilized to develop multilingual monological, bilingual dictionaries (in both
printed and electronic versions) machine readable dictionaries and multilingual lexical resource. In some
attempts introspective analysis of corpora established the fact that most of the hard words are never used
as part of actual vocabulary of people although they occupy important place in dictionaries.
This led scholars to argue for their removal because people never used them in normal linguistic
expression and interaction. Reference to the history of corpus-based studies in lexicology has an explicit
significance. It implies that both historical and diachronic corpora are available for excessive use in
lexicology for making a significant contribution to historical semantic and lexicology.
Lesson-45
Linguistics is an important field of study which was introduced as a regular discipline in the
universities of Europe as later as 1960s (Crystal, 1985).With the turn of the present century, this branch of
knowledge further developed and many specializations were offered in various branches of linguistics in
the well-known universities of the world (ibid). Research is one of the most important jobs of universities
in the modern world. Universities keep on encouraging their students to conduct research studies in the
neglected areas of various disciplines. It is a need of time to study the work of universities to evaluate
their performance and for determining the existing research trends in various disciplines.
There is no solid research to determine research trends in Linguistics in Pakistan. It may be a very
important study to find out research trends in linguistics in Pakistan. A key strand of linguistic research
evolved from the writings of Noam Chomsky (1965), who argued that the goal of linguistics should be to
study underlying linguistic competence‘: the rules that inform the production of grammatical sentences.
For Chomsky, the focus of study was the abstract system: the underlying structure of language.
Actual utterances were regarded as disorderly, chaotic and of no value in offering an understanding of
language as a system. A significant challenge to Chomsky‘s theories was made by the applied linguist,
Hymes(1972) who offered the term communicative competence in deliberate contrast to linguistic
competence’. As Hymes observes, a person who has only linguistic competence would be quite unable to
communicate – a social monster ‘producing grammatical sentences disconnected from the context in
which they occurred. Later on, however, a compromising attitude emerged in the world of linguistics and
the latest research trends show an interdisciplinary approach towards socio- and psycholinguistics. The
study and analysis of discourse is also one of the emerging areas of linguistics in the current era.
In the past quarter of the century, research in the field of SLA has grown enormously with the
quantity of published research increasing annually. It is striking, however, that the main thrust of research
has been towards establishing how language learners are similar and how processes of language learning
are universal. That is, traditionally, the majority of the research in SLA and applied linguistics looked for
phenomenon that would presumably affect all the individual language learners. In studies concerned with
SLA, researchers have tried to identify universal sequences in development or common processes, such as
transfer, cross-linguistic interference, and so forth that would affect everyone in the same way.
In the field of psychology two contrasting approaches to the study of human functioning have
long been recognized – the experimental and the differential approaches. The former focuses on
identifying structures and processes common to everyone – similarities between individuals. In contrast,
the latter approach emphasizes differences between people, seeking to identify the most relevant major
ways that people vary. In the field of applied linguistics, with the researcher’s awareness of the potential
impact of learners’ differences on L2 learning, an era of research with focus on the L2 learners’ variables
was marked in the 1970s. Concern about the learner variables resulted in an increasing number of studies
that accounted for the learner’s differences from different perspectives in ESL/EFL contexts. Learners’
differences can generally be divided into three categories: personality, cognitive, and affective. A basic
question concerned has been why all individuals with normal faculties successfully acquire their first
language but meet with different degrees of success when they attempt to master a second language. The
answer to this fundamental question, as the literature shows, concerns the individual L2 learner and lies in
his/her personality, cognitive, and affective construct.
Neurolinguistics is the study of the neural mechanisms in the human brain that control the
comprehension, production, and acquisition of language. As an interdisciplinary field, neurolinguistics
draws methodology and theory from fields such as neuroscience, linguistics, cognitive science,
neurobiology, communication disorders, neuropsychology, and computer science.
Forensic linguistics is the application of linguistic knowledge, methods and insights to the
forensic context of law, language, crime investigation, trial, and judicial procedure. It is a branch of
applied linguistics. According to Rastegar (2006), the research work using simple linear model of
correlation was more in quantity while that using complex casual modelling, although less in quantity,
was promising and of qualitatively high calibre and importance. The researcher concludes that casual
modelling-pathway analysis is an effective tool of data analysis in the field of applied linguistics.
Lazarton (2000) studied trends in research methodology and use of statistics for data analysis in
Applied Linguistics. She attempted to find out if the current research trends in empirical studies published
in journals of Applied Linguistics matched with the research models recently discussed in the same field.
Thus, the aim of this research was to know how latest models of data analysis were adopted by
researchers in the field of Applied Linguistics. For the purpose, the researcher analyzed and classified 332
articles published in four well-known journals of Applied Linguistics during the period 1991-1997.
The articles were classified into qualitative and quantitative etc. categories, sub-classified into
various categories on the basis of research methodology, data analysis techniques and research models
used in the articles. The classification was based on the claim of researchers without further evaluation.
For example, if a researcher claimed that s/he had used regressive analysis method in the study, the article
was included in the subclass of regressive analysis without evaluating whether the regressive analysis
technique as claimed by the researcher was used properly or not. According to the findings, almost 88%
of research articles in the selected journals were quantitative studies. Statistical research methods were
used in the quantitative research.
On the other hand, a limited number of qualitative studies published in the four research journals
understudy had followed ethnography and oral and written analysis models. In the quantitative research
which used statistics for analysis, techniques of descriptive statistics were used in most articles published
in the selected journals. According to the author (Lazarton, 2000), almost 50% of the authors applied
ANOVA for data analysis in the research studies of quantitative nature. The remaining half used other
statistical methods like Pearson Correlation, t-test, regressive analysis, chi-square test, MANOVA etc. in
their research papers. The researcher thinks it ‘troubling’ that use of ANOVA is so common in empirical
research in Applied Linguistics because, according to the author, it is not an easier test (ibid). Finally, she
recommends future researchers to combine both qualitative and quantitative research.
Young, Lichun and Jun (2001) analyzed contents of four Chinese journals of Applied Linguistics
and equal number of journals of the West for comparative study of research trends in Applied Linguistics.
The aim of the study was to compare research trends in linguistics in China with those of the West. The
focus of this study was research methods used in applied linguistic studies published in the journals of
both groups. The top research journals from both groups were selected. Articles published in the selected
journals were analyzed with focus on research methodology used in the studies published during last two
decades. The data were categorized into classes like qualitative, quantitative, classroom interaction
analysis and non-empirical studies, etc. The findings were presented in two (decade-wise) pools.
According to the findings, utter dominance with gradual decrease of non-empirical studies
marked main trends in the field of Applied Linguistics in China. Besides, quantitative research method
was adopted more than qualitative research methods. On the other hand, in the West, qualitative and
empirical research was more liked than non-empirical quantitative research, while ‘personal experiences
and reviews were virtually absent’ (Young et. al, 2001, p.7). Argument-based opinions, although existed
in the West, were not confused with research articles. A wider gap between qualitative and quantitative
research which existed in China had been bridged up by the West. Ethnography as a method of research
was the latest phenomenon of the 80s decade. The analysis of data was always statistical and scientific.
Nature and relation between research and language, SLA, (in) dependence of practice on theory and
Chomskyan influence on linguistic theories were topics which emerged as prominent theoretical issues in
the research scenario of the West during the period under study. The favourite topics of study for Chinese
researchers included language policy, language teaching, correlation between national ideology and
language teaching, translation studies, significance of research in China and theories of language. One of
the significant findings of this research is that there was an utter difference between research trends in the
first and second decade of the study period in China in the field of applied linguistics.
The lack of inferential statistics in applied linguistic research and that of experimental designs
was found to be a vital deficiency in research work of first decade of the study period. But the next
decade saw a significant change in the approach of Chinese researchers towards research methodology.
The areas which were neglected in the previous decade became foci of attention in the next decade. The
neglected areas of research and major lacunae in research methodology were pointed out in the first
decade of the study period. As a result, an utter change in the attitude of researchers was noted in the next
decade regarding the use of research methods. The study shows vigilant nature of the Chinese towards
research. Constant improvement in the field of research speaks of the dynamic process of evolution in
research in China. One of the important developments noted by the researchers was that subjective
research was replaced by objective research and the number of studies based on only ‘personal
experiences and views’ decreased. Memory based research reports were replaced by empirical studies.
Izui (1962) studied research trends in Japanese linguistics. The article is divided into four parts.
The first part is about vowels of Japanese, the second about research studies on the origin of Japanese
language, the third on various research studies in Japan and the last part is about the dominant theories
and research methodology in Japanese linguistics.
In the first part, the researcher gives history, origin and development of the vocalic system of
Japanese. The writer enumerates efforts of Japanese researchers during past centuries to study and
analyze nature of vowels of Japanese language. It is pointed out that most of the efforts of researches to
understand the nature of Japanese vowels were focused on ancient Japanese and Chinese scripts and
distribution of occurrence of vowels with other phonemes.
In the second part of the article, the researcher describes efforts of Japanese researchers and the
problems faced by them in the way to determine origin of their language. In this section, the writer
summarizes efforts of various researchers to find out the origin of Japanese language in different (families
of) languages like Altaic, Ural, Austronesian or Korean etc.
The third part of the article is about study of languages of the East and West. In this section, the
researcher summarizes very briefly efforts of Japanese linguists and researchers for decipherment of the
ancient script and its comparison with the existing scripts. The writer particularly describes efforts of the
researchers to explain the script and grammar of Sihia. Among other important works published in Japan
are those about various languages and dialects of the world. Of special importance, in the opinion of the
writer, are studies on the origin and grammar of languages which may help to understand the origin of
Japanese language. The researcher particularly points out the rarity of studies on Australian, American
and African languages and strongly recommends the Japanese researchers to pay special attention to these
languages ‘to achieve broader base’ in Japanese linguistics (Izui, 1962, p. 54).The last part of this survey
is about the theories and methodologies used in research in the field of linguistics in Japan.
The writer finds no significant difference in linguistic theories and research methods prevalent in
Japan and the world. Most of the research in Japan is, in the opinion of the writer, under influence of
Saussure’s thought. In the field of research methodology, significant achievement in Japanese linguistics
is the activities of the Mathematical Society of Linguistics in Japan which works for ‘mathematical
management of linguistic facts’ (ibid, p.54). Another prevalent theory in Japanese linguistics is modern
stylistics.
Jha (2003) studied current trends in linguistics in India. The study surveys progress in the field of
information technology developed for linguistic purposes. It also gives passing remarks on the current
status of languages and attitude of speakers in Indian society and politics. Depicting the linguistic
scenario of India, Jha (2003) describes, that there are over a thousand languages with well-defined
grammars, of five language families namely, Indo-Aryan, Dravidian, Austro-Asiatic, Tibeto-Burman, and
Andamanese.
According to the claim of the writer, considerable development in the field of information
technology enabled India to use IT for linguistic purposes by ‘preserving data of the dying languages.
Different public and private organizations, Universities and IT institutes are constantly working for
finding ways to use IT in linguistics. According to the researcher (ibid), Indian organizations are working
for creation and analysis of corpora, integration of language technology into curricula, development of
speech databases, speech engines, machine translation, speech to speech translation and many other
internet related programmes. The researcher concludes with a comment on the issue of funding in
research. The researcher claim that the funding provided by the government of India is enough for
development of various research projects for integration of IT and linguistics; however, the writer feels
that the funding provided by private sector organizations to the researchers is not enough.
Applied linguistics is an interdisciplinary subject and has wide development prospect. It occupies
an irreplaceable important position in contemporary linguistic researches to a large extent and owns great
practicability value. So, applied linguistics study has developed to the stage of cognitive theory and social
constructivist theory. Cognitive theory school plays an important promotion role for development of
applied linguistics. It advocates learners’ learning subjectivity and creativity and considers language study
is an active activity process. But, cognitive theory neglects researched on nonintellectual factors. Social
constructivist theory makes up for this shortcoming. It stresses equal importance of social environment
and cultural knowledge and holds knowledge acquisition is the result of learners’ contact and interactions
in specific social environment. It has great enlightenment on linguistics teaching practice and theoretical
teaching and provides a new opportunity for applied linguistics development.
The development process of applied linguistics is human socialization process. Because social
constructivist theory regards language as an important constituent part of social semantic system,
language learners are important members in whole social group. Besides, it will make research fields of
applied linguistics become wide, continuously update foreign language teaching idea and teaching mode
and make foreign language teacher face larger teaching pressure.