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Drawing on the growing literature on Muslim women’s activism, this paper explores grammars of action that frame political mobilizations of Muslim women in the UK. By taking a broad view of political activism, we identify acts and... more
Drawing on the growing literature on Muslim women’s activism, this paper explores grammars of action that frame political mobilizations of Muslim women in the UK. By taking a broad view of political activism, we identify acts and practices of citizenship through which Muslim women activists engage with, reinterpret and challenge social norms. The article critically engages with dominant readings of post-migration minorities’ political mobilization through the lens of citizenship regimes and draws attention to more processual and agency-centred perspectives on citizenship. We focus on two salient themes that Bristol-based Muslim activists were concerned with: mobilizing against violence against women, manifested in the anti-FGM campaign by Integrate Bristol, and attempts to re-negotiate the terms of participation in religious
spaces, manifested in claims for more inclusive mosques. In both instances, mobilization was not confined to the local community or national level, but supported by and embedded in related transnational struggles.
In this article, we consider how engagement with Muslims by the state has been conducted under the UK government's counter-radicalisation ‘Prevent’ agenda. New Labour's ‘hearts and minds’ approach to Prevent emphasised, and... more
In this article, we consider how engagement with Muslims by the state has been conducted under the UK government's counter-radicalisation ‘Prevent’ agenda. New Labour's ‘hearts and minds’ approach to Prevent emphasised, and innovated, engagement with Muslim ‘communities’. This approach was widely criticised, however, particularly in the way it merged Prevent with ‘Community Cohesion’. By contrast, the current Coalition government's new Prevent strategy operates with a much thinner conception of engagement and stipulates that in future, Prevent and cohesion work will be kept separate. This new strategy signals less community engagement and a hardened line on the types of Muslim groups that can be engaged with. However, local actors driven by operational or normative concerns are pursuing somewhat different objectives, often outside of central funding streams. Such unintentional localism may sustain more participatory and inclusive modes of engagement with Muslims.
ABSTRACT Research Highlights and AbstractThis articleContributes to theoretical debates about the significance of group identity and political representation;Contributes to academic research into the shift from formal and hierarchical to... more
ABSTRACT Research Highlights and AbstractThis articleContributes to theoretical debates about the significance of group identity and political representation;Contributes to academic research into the shift from formal and hierarchical to more informal and network-based styles of governance;Contributes to research on the integration of Muslims in Britain by elucidating the emergence and diversification of Muslim representative organisations in Britain since 1970;Demonstrates the multifaceted and dynamic nature of Muslim representative claims-making in contemporary UK governance by identifying and analysing a range of modes of Muslim representation.Since the turn of the century Britain has seen a proliferation of Muslim civil society organisations and an increase in the number of points of contact between Muslim spokespersons and government. Yet, this increased participation in UK governance has been a source of fierce controversies centring on the role of conservative male leaderships and the influence of radical Islamic groups. Drawing on interviews with 42 national elites who have engaged in UK Muslim–government relations in the past decade, this article charts the emergence of national-level Muslim representation and assesses its relationship to democratic participation and accountability. Building on the work of Michael Saward, we argue that unelected civil society representatives can act as an important supplement to elected representatives. We show how four modes of Muslim representation have emerged in the last decade—‘delegation’, ‘authority’, ‘expertise’ and ‘standing'—creating dynamic competition among representative claims.
ABSTRACT The Government and public debates tend to see young people as politically apathetic free-riders, taking the benefits of citizenship without voting. In this context, apathy is seen as an outcome of low political literacy or as... more
ABSTRACT The Government and public debates tend to see young people as politically apathetic free-riders, taking the benefits of citizenship without voting. In this context, apathy is seen as an outcome of low political literacy or as resolvable through technocratic reforms of voting procedures. Thus, the Government aims to encourage participation by introducing compulsory citizenship lessons in schools and making voting easier. This book critically engages with these views, asking how young people themselves understand and live politics. Using an innovative methodology, it argues that young people live age, class, gender and ethnicity in ways that are political. Based on this broader understanding of politics, it concludes that young people are not apathetic but feel their interests and concerns are not addressed by politicians. Indeed, they are highly sensitive towards the limited nature of their political citizenship and this plays a key role in their disinclination to participate in mainstream politics.
In this article, we consider the implications of the ‘Prevent’ strand of the government’s counter-terrorism strategy for the UK state’s engagement with Muslims. We argue that the logics of Prevent have been highly problematic for... more
In this article, we consider the implications of the ‘Prevent’ strand of the government’s counter-terrorism strategy for the UK state’s engagement with Muslims. We argue that the logics of Prevent have been highly problematic for state–Muslim engagement. Nevertheless, we suggest that the characterisation of state approaches to engaging Muslims as a form of discipline is incomplete without an analysis of: first, differences in practices, habits and perspectives across governance domains; second, variations in approach and implementation between levels of governance; and third, the agency of Muslims who engage with the state. Through this approach we show how attention to the situated practices of governance reveals the contested nature of governing through Prevent.
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Abstract Despite public and media attention to ethnic minority young people's political engagement in recent times, often expressed in crisis narratives about disengagement, disaffection or extremism, there has been little consideration... more
Abstract Despite public and media attention to ethnic minority young people's political engagement in recent times, often expressed in crisis narratives about disengagement, disaffection or extremism, there has been little consideration of the range, or distinctive forms, of political action among ethnic minority young people. The purpose of this article is to address this by presenting qualitative research on political activism among ethnic minority young people in Birmingham and Bradford.
In this article, we consider the implications of the ‘Prevent’ strand of the government’s counterterrorism strategy for the UK state’s engagement with Muslims. We argue that the logics of Prevent have been highly problematic for... more
In this article, we consider the implications of the ‘Prevent’ strand of the government’s counterterrorism strategy for the UK state’s engagement with Muslims. We argue that the logics of Prevent have been highly problematic for state–Muslim engagement. Nevertheless, we suggest that the characterisation of state approaches to engaging Muslims as a form of discipline is incomplete without an analysis of: first, differences in practices, habits and perspectives across
governance domains; second, variations in approach and implementation between levels of governance; and third, the agency of Muslims who engage with the state. Through this approach we show how attention to the situated practices of governance reveals the contested nature of
governing through Prevent.
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
There has been widespread concern about young people's political participation in the United Kingdom. For example, there was consternation over the turn-out rate among 18-24 year-olds in the 2001 General Election, which was estimated... more
There has been widespread concern about young people's political participation in the United Kingdom. For example, there was consternation over the turn-out rate among 18-24 year-olds in the 2001 General Election, which was estimated at only 39%, compared to an overall ( ...
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In what ways is the meaning and practice of politics changing? Why might so many people feel dissatisfied and disaffected with electoral politics? What approaches do political activists use to raise issues and mobilise people for action?... more
In what ways is the meaning and practice of politics changing? Why might so many people feel dissatisfied and disaffected with electoral politics? What approaches do political activists use to raise issues and mobilise people for action? What role does the internet and social media play in contemporary citizenship and activism? This book brings together academics from a range of disciplines with political activists and campaigners to explore the meaning of politics and citizenship in contemporary society and the current forms of political (dis)engagement. It provides a rare dialogue between analysts and activists which will be especially valuable to academics and students across the social sciences, in particular sociology and political science. See more at: http://www.policypress.co.uk/display.asp?K=9781447317012&sf1=keyword&st1=Manning&m=1&dc=5#sthash.6PF0UdFe.dpuf
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