National and Social Movements

This chapter focuses on the role of social media in galvanizing street protests, demonstrations, and other forms of democratic participation associated with the Iranian Green Movement, and examines how Iranian activists framed relevant events, norms, values, ideologies, issues, narratives, and symbols on Twitter, Facebook, YouTube, and other websites.  The political, social, economic, and technological circumstances in Iran that triggered the Green Revolution and eventually contributed to its apparent demise are investigated.  In particular, the chapter explores how movement activists utilized social media to enunciate their political demands and mobilize supporters – both within Iran and around the world.  Attempts by activists to achieve a frame alignment between the Green Movement and relevant indigenous (national) and transnational discursive concepts are examined.  The chapter proposes that the use of collective action frames in social media was instrumental initially in mobilizing the Green Movement and contesting the dominant frames of the regime, but ultimately proved to be insufficient and even counterproductive at times in sustaining the necessary levels of popular support to topple the regime from power.

Empowerment women have the strong correlation to sustainable development goals: Gender Equality, with one of its global goals, is reduce the violence against women and children. The implementation is focusing on the regional level because of Regency and City Government are the spearhead of SDGs realization. In the study, it was found that local governments already have legal products and some efforts to empower and protect women and children. This was in accordance with Presidential Instruction No. 5 of 2014 on the National Movement of Anti-Crime against Children. In addition, cooperation between stakeholders such as women crisis center, police department, hospital, philanthropy and also mass media help to implement, monitor and evaluate the course of SDGs. Without their active role, SDG will only fail or can be achieved no more than 50%. Because success at the regional level can be a benchmark of the country's success in running SDGs.

Keywords: Sustainable development, gender equality, violence, women crisis center, local
governments, Indonesia

Il 30 gennaio 1933, mentre Hitler veniva nominato cancelliere, alcuni «nazionalisti socialrivoluzionari» distribuivano nelle strade di Berlino un libretto intitolato Il manifesto nazionalbolscevico. Sulla copertina, sotto il titolo in caratteri gotici, c'era uno strano simbolo composto da una falce e un martello che incrociavano una spada. Quel simbolo rappresenta il cuore del progetto po-litico del nazionalbolscevismo, un movimento che si sviluppò durante la Repubblica di Weimar e giunse a contare qualche migliaio di militanti e un pugno di giornali, circoli e case editrici. Il suo obiettivo era la rigenerazione politica, economica e spirituale della Germania, che avrebbe dovuto recuperare la sovranità persa con il trattato di Versailles attraverso l'alleanza con la Russia bolscevica e con il Partito comunista tedesco. Questo libro prende in esame le sue vicende politiche e ideologiche, rimaste finora tra le pieghe della storia.

In the study we look at the aspects that caused that the Bishop of Roman Catholic Diocese of Banská Bystrica Štefan Moyzes became a chairman of Matica slovenská. We also try to interpret the relevance of his journey to Turiec, which have been writen in the memory of the nation as exultantly. By analyzing Moyzes´ speeches at general assemblies, we try to get a closer look at his idea how this scientific and cultural institution should work. We try to show how the picture of Moyzes and his position was created in the national movement in the last third of the  19th century, and what made him a national hero.

This research uses a resource mobilization analytic framework to undertake an empirical assessment of central and controversial claims of new social movements (NSM) theory.  Key dimensions of organizational style along which social movement organizations (SMOs) among the "new" social movements are expected to differ significantly from those within "old" social movements are specified.  These include degree of bureaucracy, (de)centralization of power and organizational operating strategy, whether participatory or professionalized.  The rich organizational level data assembled here from separate national samples of "new" and "old" SMOs enable each dimension of organizational style to be examined empirically.  Multiple regression analyses of cross-movement differences and intra-movement variation over time in these indicators of organizational style constitutes the empirical basis for assessing new social movements theory.
NSM data comes from 411 peace movement organizations (PMOs) that responded to a nationally representative 1988 mail survey of "groups working for peace" in the United States.  The PMO sample of 803 was drawn from among the 7,700 groups listed in the 1987 edition of the Grassroots Peace Directory.  "Old" movement data comes primarily from 177 poor people's empowerment organizations that responded to a 1987 mailed survey of 482 groups that received grant funding from the Campaign for Human Development (CHD) between 1982-1986.  The strengths and limitations of this unique cross-movement data set are described and its appropriateness for assessing specific claims of NSM theory claims discussed extensively.
Results of the cross movement analyses generally contradict or fail to confirm relevant expectations of NSM theory and undermine confidence in it as an explanation of the distinctiveness of the so called new social movements.  Generally only the smallest SMOs regardless of their social class base, social change goals or the broader movement to which they belong fit the NSM organizational profile.  Similarly, the age related expectations of NSM theory regarding the persistence of the NSM organizational style over time find no support in this assessment.  NSM theory undervalues the importance of meso level social structures in understanding the reflexive relationship between social movements and social change, and oversimplifies the dynamics related to the distribution, persistence, and transformation of SMO forms over time.

After conquering large swaths of Syria and Iraq, the IS undertook an aggressive sectarian campaign in which they not only enacted horrific violence against the Shia people, but also damaged or destroyed several key Shia mosques and shrines. Drawing on Social Movement Theory (SMT), this article analyzes the response by various Shia nonstate actors—militia leaders, religious clergymen, populist preachers, and seminal poets. It argues that they used the IS threat to Shia holy sites to develop and deploy a mobilization frame that has come to be referred to as the “shrine protection narrative.” The article also documents the manifold consequences of the shrine protection narrative: it underpinned a mass recruitment drive that saw tens of thousands enlist; it legitimized foreign Shia militias to enter the conflicts in both Syria and Iraq; it justified the formation of entirely new militias who declared the centrality of shrine protection to their mandate; and it mobilized them to enact political violence. In doing so, this article extends existing studies of SMT to demonstrate that “sacred spaces”—and particularly the need to protect religious sites from specific threats—can serve as a powerful mobilization frame towards political violence.

Moments of mass mobilization astound us. As a sea of protesters fills the streets, observers scramble to understand this extraordinary political act by 'ordinary' citizens. This study presents a paired comparison of two 'moments' of mass mobilization, in Ukraine and Argentina. The two cases are compared and analyzed on a cross-temporal and an inter- regional basis, thereby offering two critical cases in response to assumptions that the processes and patterns of mobilization, and democratization politics more broadly, are region specific. This study challenges political science's focus on elites and structural factors in the study of political participation during democratization.

The conclusion applies the model of mass-mobilization developed from the two cases to the Arab Spring (Egypt) and EuroZone Sovereign Debt Crisis (Greece) protests. The epilogue assesses the EuroMaidan Revolution in Ukraine in comparative context.

Contents:

PART I

1. Introduction: The Shock and Awe of Moments of Mass Mobilization

2. Theoretical Framework for Comparative Analysis of Mass Mobilization


PART II

3. Mapping Moments and Movements in Ukraine and Eastern Europe 1920-2004

4. Mapping Moments and Movements in Argentina and Latin America 1920-2001

PART III

5. Setting Precedents: Medium-term Structural Factors in the Mobilization Process

6. Context is Only Part of the Puzzle: Short-term Structural Factors in the Mass Mobilization Process

PART IV

7. The Activist and Elite Interaction and Information Exchange Game

8. The Duty to Protest: Participation of 'Ordinary' People in Mass Mobilization

9. Conclusions: Understanding Revolutionary Moments and Movements

Epilogue: It Happened Again: The 2014 EuroMaidan Mass Mobilization in Ukraine

This article adopts a microhistorical lens to study the social dynamics that accompanied the eruption of the 1891 protest in Qajar Iran. Utilizing spatial and temporal limits, and a historical narrative technique, it disentangles the often overlooked or confounding aspects of popular claim-making practices in what came to be known as the Tobacco Movement in Iranian and Middle Eastern historiography. In using a bottom-up approach, the article provides ample evidence for the historical agency of the local actors on the ground and several historiographical interventions in areas such as the key social groups that partook in the protest, the tactics and strategies used throughout the agitations, and the dynamics of the Iranian public sphere at this point in time. In showing how the southern city of Shiraz experienced the earliest popular unrest in the country, the paper makes use of new archival evidence to contend that it also articulated the Tobacco Movement’s principal strategy (that of collective strikes and embargoes). The protest leaders in Shiraz never operated in isolation. They were in regular contact with fellow agitators in other parts of the country and in the neighboring Ottoman Empire. In explaining these national and transnational connections, the article makes the case that the Tobacco Protest marks an important phase in the development and maturation of what eventually came to be known as activist or political Islam.

Resumen: Desde 1955 hasta la última dictadura militar, Argentina atravesó un período de creciente conflictividad social y política. Las organizaciones armadas fueron actores destacados en ese proceso. Entre ellas, las Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias (FAR) condensan dos problemáticas claves del período: la identificación con el peronismo de vastos sectores de izquierda y la reivindicación de la violencia como forma de intervención política.
Este artículo reconstruye los orígenes y la historia de las FAR entre 1960 y 1973 considerando dos ejes analíticos: 1) el proceso de identificación de las FAR con el peronismo desde una perspectiva marxista y un proyecto socialista y 2) su dinámica de funcionamiento como organización político-militar. En relación con ellos, se fundamentan tres hipótesis. 1) Que los fundadores de las FAR atravesaron un proceso de doble ruptura (política e ideológica) respecto de sus partidos políticos de origen. 2) Que, sin embargo, las nuevas posturas conservaron ciertas huellas de origen que le imprimieron a las FAR su perfil distintivo. Y 3) que hacia 1972 tal perfil experimentó sustantivas variaciones que explican su acercamiento a Montoneros.
El trabajo está basado en una estrategia metodológica cualitativa y se sustenta en fuentes documentales escritas y en entrevistas a ex-miembros de la organización.

From 1955 until the last military dictatorship, Argentina went through a period of growing social and political conflictivity. Armed organizations were prominent actors in this process. Among them, the Revolutionary Armed Forces (FAR) summarize two key issues of the time: identification with Peronism of vast sectors of the left and the legitimization of violence as form of political intervention.
This article reconstructs the origins and history of the FAR between 1960 and 1973 considering two analytical axes: 1) the process of identification the FAR with Peronism from a Marxist perspective and a socialist project and 2) its dynamics of functioning as a political-military organization. In relation to them, three hypotheses are proposed. 1) That the founders of the FAR went through a process of double rupture (political and ideological) with respect to their political parties of origin. 2) That, however, the new positions maintained certain traces of origin that gave the FAR its distinctive profile. And 3) that by 1972 this profile experienced substantive variations that explain its approach to Montoneros.
The work is based on a qualitative methodological strategy and is supported by written documentary sources and interviews with former members of the organization.

Resumen: El trabajo analiza los posicionamientos de las Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias en el marco de las OAP (Organizaciones Armadas Peronistas), una instancia de coordinación entre FAR, Fuerzas Armadas Peronistas (FAP), Montoneros y Descamisados que existió entre 1971 y 1972. El trabajo organiza las discusiones de las OAP considerando dos ejes centrales: las visiones sobre el movimiento peronista y el rol
de su líder, y los modos de pensar las relaciones entre las
organizaciones armadas y el movimiento de protesta social más amplio. Cuestiones que, a su vez, estaban estrechamente vinculadas con una tercera: la necesidad de fijar una postura frente al desafío del “Gran Acuerdo Nacional” planteado por Lanusse a principios de 1971. A partir de dicho análisis el artículo se propone, por un lado, mostrar de modo comparativo el perfil distintivo de las FAR en el marco de las OAP y, por el otro, los cambios que la organización atravesó en ese período, prefigurando su posterior convergencia con Montoneros.

Instead of waiting for revolution this paper argues for  the power of the everyday, where our collective undoing of capitalism is an ongoing process of subversion. Such an evolutionary politics of insurrection, a protean “spirit of revolt”, is located as a politics of immanence entwined within our very being in the world. It is an ontology of rebellion, rather than an epistemology of deferral. Everyday conversations and mundane practices can embody this ethos of insurrection through the principles of continual reflexivity and revision. Since geography is ultimately a politics of process it bespeaks evolution rather than revolution, and so we need to consider what it might mean to drop the “r”. Although the ordinary story that such a philosophy of transformation implies is less alluring than the grandiose idea of revolution, it has greater potential to bring results, as it is more in tune with how social change actually happens.

DUPKALA, R., PERNÝ, L. Štúrovci a Hegel. K problematike slovenského hegelianizmu  a anti-hegelianizmu. Prešov: Prešovská univerzita v Prešove. 3. vyd. 2021, 160 s., ISBN 978-80-555-2717-8

The leitmotiv of the publication is a reflection of Hegel’s philosophy in works of Slovak literary romanticism representatives, Štúr’s generation. The authors assume that there are two ways in which Hegel’s  philosophy is reflected in Štúr’s generation, which correspond to two relatively compact ideological and philosophical platforms: 1. the generational diversity of Slovak Hegelianism (Ľ. Štúr, J. M. Hurban, A. Sládkovič) and 2. the generational diversity of Slovak Anti-Hegelianism (M. M. Hodža, S. B. Hroboň, P. K. Hostinský).
The authors emphasize that the main sources of reflection in the Štúr’s generational diversity of Slovak Hegelianism are especially Hegeľs works “Phänomenologie des Geistes”, “Vorlesungen zur Geschichte der Philosophie”, “Wissenschaft der Logik” and “Grundlinien der Philosophie des Rechtes”. Štúr’s generational diversity of Anti-Hegelianism was inspired especially by anti-Hegel works of late Schelling (“Philosophische Untersuchungen über das Wesen menschlichen Freiheit”, “Zur Geschichte der neueren Philosophie”, “Philosophie der Mythologie”, “Philosophie der Offenbarung”).
The work consists of three ambivalent chapters: The first one includes three subchapters: 1. Hegelianism of Ľ. Štúr, 2. The reception of Hegeľs philosophy in thoughts of J. M. Hurban, 3. Hegelian motives in work of A. Sládkovič. The second chapter contains an analysis and interpretation of 1. Anti-Hegelianism of M. M. Hodža, 2. messianist-theist negation of Hegel’s philosophy in work of S. B. Hroboň, 3. “Philosophy of seeing” ("Filozofia videňja") by P. K. Hostinský. The third chapter focuses on the  reception of the young Hegel anti-theism in the work of Janko Kráľ and the socio-philosophical dimension of Slovak romantic utopianism. In some cases, Štúr’s generation varieties of Hegelianism and Anti-Hegelianism are compared to analogous concepts in Czech, Polish, Ukrainian and Russian 19th century philosophy. The authors reject the one-way negative perception of the philosophical thinking of Štúr’s generation (A. Pražák, M. Hodža, etc.). They emphasize that Štúr’s generation reflection of Hegel and Schelling was original in its own way and its “creativity” lies in the application level. The aim of this work is to contribute to the research of dominant traditions in Slovak philosophical thinking. At the same time, it tries to analyse and interpret Slovak literary romanticism, which is also atypical for specific ways of Štúr’s generation reflection on contemporary European philosophy. Philosophical thinking of Štúr’s generation is presented in this work as a component of the spiritual culture of the Slovak nation, formed in the contexts of European spiritual and cultural development.

Following the relative democratization of African societies in the 1990s, several countries found themselves caught in the grip of po litical instability, rising ethno-nationalist claims, and ethnically-based insurgent movements calling for autonomy or independence. Thus, the advent of democracy in these countries paradoxically sparked a new wave of nationalist conflicts that are being waged along the lines of ethnic or clan-based loyalties. The very expression of democratic participation is now being corroded by the rise of ethno- nationalist and separatist discourses. In Niger, since the advent of democracy in 1991, the ethnicization of political life has often taken a violent form, both by way of the emergence of autonomous, independent Tuareg armed rebellions who directly challenge the authority of the state, its republican structure and democratic, centralized model, and by way of ethnically-based Tuareg political parties who oppose this same authority’s jacobin structure. In this paper, it is argued that these claims, in their various forms, show that democratization does not automatically result in the inclusion of minorities or the automatic acceptance by minorities of democratic participation or even of democratic ethno-pluralism within the boundaries of a unified state.

In the Western Thrace region of Greece, there is a Muslim-Turkish Minority that has had a series of problems with the Greek government and with the local Greek Majority. After a period of increasing tensions and deterioration in government-minority and minority-majority relations in Western Thrace (1974-1990) -- and when there were signs that the conflict was going to turn violent -- the situation began to de-intensify gradually but substantially. The period of deterioration was then followed by a period of improvement (1990-2003/4) in the situation of the Minority, and in its relations with the Government and the Majority.

This dissertation examines the dynamics that led to the deterioration in the first period, the reasons behind the shift from deterioration to improvement, and the dynamics that made the improvement long-lasting, uninterrupted and significant. To understand these dynamics and the changes, I have used a modified version of the Political Systems Analysis model, developed by David Easton. The data was collected from primary and secondary sources on the conflict from these two periods, and from interviews with individuals from the Minority, the Majority, and the Greek government.

This research shows that the Political System Analysis model can be very useful in explaining why and how the Government changed its policies, and how the situation in Thrace first deteriorated and then improved. The most important conclusion of the dissertation is that it was the change of the inputs from the actors and the addition of new actors that contributed to the Greek Government's pro-Minority shift in its policies. Another conclusion of this research is that in a democratic political system where the government is responsive to inputs from actors in its political environment, the freedom to peaceful protest is respected, the inputs from transnational and international actors (such as the European organizations) are important, ethnic conflicts, though a major problem, can be dealt with peacefully and constructively.

The dissertation ends with recommendations for further research and with suggestions as to what each of the key actors in the W. Thrace conflict should do to improve the situation in the region even further.

Scholarly work on the nexus of religion, nationalism, and violence is currently fragmented along disciplinary and theoretical lines. In sociology, history, and anthropology, a macro-culturalist approach reigns; in political science, economics, and international relations, a micro-rationalist approach is dominant. Recent attempts at a synthesis ignore religion or fold it into ethnicity. A coherent synthesis capable of adequately accounting for religious-nationalist violence must not only integrate micro and macro, cultural and strategic approaches; it must also include a meso level of elite conflict and boundary maintenance and treat the religious field as potentially autonomous from the cultural field.

1990 წლის 28 ოქტომბერს, საბჭოთა საქართველოში უზენაესი საბჭოს პირველი მრავალპარტიული არჩევნები ჩატარდა, რომელშიც გაიმარჯვა საარჩევნო ბლომა "მრგვალი მაგიდა - თავისუფალი საქართველო". ცხადია, არჩევნებს თან მრავალი პრობლემა და დაპირისპირება სდევდა. აღნიშნულ სტატიაში განხილულია ეროვნულ-განმათავისუფლებელი მოძრაობის სხვადასხვა ფრთის დამოკიდებულება არჩევნებისადმი, მათი წინასაარჩევნო სამზადისი. აგრეთვე, სტატიაში ვეხებით ეროვნულ კონგრესსაც და ამ ორი ფრთის (კონგრესისტებისა და უმაღლესი საბჭოს მომხრეებისა) ერთმანეთთან ურთიერთობის სხვადასხვა მომენტებს.

On October 28, 1990, the very first multi-party elections of the Supreme Council were held in Soviet Georgia, in which the "Round Table - Free Georgia" block won. Obviously, the elections were accompanied by many problems and confrontations. The following article discusses the views of different wings of the national liberation movement towards the elections and also their pre-election preparations. The article also touches on the National Congress and the various moments of the relationship between these two wings (Congressmen and supporters of the Supreme Council).

Secular arabic traditions have emphasized the potential of dreams to foretell the future.  Sometimes the prediction is seen as obvious and on other occasions elaborate systems of symbolic translations were consulted such as the tenth century Oneirocriticon of Achmet.
    In Islam, many of the foundations of the Koran were revealed to Muhammad in dreams. Muhammad ordered the practice of adhanthe daily call to prayer from the minarets and a central ritual of Islam to this day after one of his followers dreamed of it. The split of Islam into the conflicting factions of Sunni and Shi'ite was based partly on a dream of Mohammed, which the Sunnis used to justify their rights as his successors.
    The autobiographies of Muslim rulers often contain extensive dream diaries and examples of decisions obstensibly based on dreams.  When the Shah of Iran was deciding whether to seek a loan from Russia, he dreamed that a famous theological figure dressed in primitive Muslim garb approached the Shah and threw at his feet a sack containing gold and silver.  The interpretation of this dream was that the Shah shouldn't make any new loans with unbelievers but should trust that fellow servants of the faith would restore his finances. Sadam Hussein reported dreaming that Allah told him to enter and take back Kuwait just before the first Gulf War. Before the second Gulf War, he reported a dream that a snake came upon his path but he chopped off it’s head with a sword which he interpreted to mean western invaders would be vanquished.
    Because of this emphasis on dreams as foretelling the future rather than arising from the past, Arabs who are having PTSD nightmares of an event occurring each night--such as Kuwiati survivors of the Iraqi invasion or Iraqi survivors of the American invasion--experience even more anxiety over whether this will indeed occur again than dreamers in other cultures.
    The positive side to this emphasis on dreams foretelling the future happens when oppressed people dream of positive outcomes.  These are a source of much inspiration in arab society, while in western traditions they would be dismissed as "wish fulfillment" without the beneficial impact.
    We  collected dreams associated with events of the Arab Spring and discuss how they inspired and guided those taking part, and what dreams right now may have to offer the reshaping of the Arab world.

We recently spoke with Thomas Nail, an associate professor at the University of Denver, to talk about his recent book “The Figure of the Migrant.” In it, Nail develops a theory of what he calls kinopolitics and argues that the migrant has become the “political figure of our time.”

Buen Vivir, a political paradigm at work in Bolivia and Ecuador that underpins the state and social regeneration after a prolonged and devastating period of neoliberalism, has become a hotly contested subject within academia and politics. Although it has been categorized as decolonial, post-neoliberal, and post-developmentalist, recent developments suggest that the Ecuadorian government is turning toward a highly extractivist and modernist model based on bureaucratic and technocratic logics. This article focuses on the debate spurred around Buen Vivir, arguing that it has been employed as a cultural representation by many academics, politicians, and social agents, thus foreclosing the possibility of engaging in more grounded and pragmatic discussions and hindering the articulation of alternative political configurations. Accordingly, it seeks to shift the debate from epistemological questions about the conditions of knowledge to thinking the nature of the world ontologically from the perspective of Buen Vivir

Resumen: El presente artículo recupera algunas consideraciones de una tesis doctoral recientemente concluida sobre las "Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias". Si bien sus grupos fundadores se perfilaron a lo largro de la década del sesenta, la organización emergió a la luz pública en 1970 y asumió al peronismo como identidad política propia a comienzos de 1971. Lo hizo a través de un famoso reportaje que se convirtió en una referencia de gran atractivo para el activismo interesado en tender puentes entre la izquierda marxista y el peronismo. En el marco de las disputas por lograr su reconocimiento dentro del movimiento, dicho proceso de identificación con el peronismo fue presentado como una suerte de tránsito "natural", quedando ocluidos los debates que lo antecedieron durante 1970. En este trabajo nos proponemos analizar esas discusiones previas, relacionándolas con la perspectiva crítica desde la cual las FAR asumieron al peronismo como identidad política propia en 1971. Para ello apelaremos a documentos públicos de la organización, a otros de circulación interna, y a entrevistas a sus ex militantes.