CGC Amman-New York

Richard Seymour
Kapitalizmin en ağır kriziyle yüzleşen solun “‘stratejik kafa karışıklığı”nı göz ardı etmek bir hayli zor.[1] Bu süreçte, sosyal demokrasi, sosyal liberalizmin yolunda gitmeye devam ederken; aşırı sol da egemen sınıfın dağınıklığından yararlanmaya çalışıyor. Bir durgunluk dönemine giren radikal sol oluşumlarınsa iyimser bakmak gerekirse konumlarını koruma eğiliminde oldukları söylenebilir. ...... Devamı..
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http://www.birikimdergisi.com/guncel/yunanistan-ve-syriza-uzerine-bir-yorum

Charlie Post, Author,

Ekonomi değişiyor ve iş daha da güvencesizleşiyor. Bu yeni koşullarda, radikaller nasıl örgütlenebilir?

Neoliberalizm, yeni bir kavram olmaktan çıktı. 1970’lerden bu yana kavramın “Sanayisizleşme” ile birlikte merkez ekonomiler yaşanan değişimleri tanımlamak için kullanıldığı herkesin bildiği bir şey. Ancak, yakın zamanlarda aktivistler bu türden bir sermaye rejiminin sınıf yapısı üzerine olası sonuçlarının ne olacağını üzerine düşünmeye başladı: ve onlara göre, bu bahsedilen durum özünde yeni ve farklı bir şey miydi? Sendikacılık ve reform stratejilerini geçersiz kılan güvencesizlik ve emeğin bölündüğü bu –yeni- koşullar, emek hareketi konusunda radikal perspektifleri değişime zorlar mıydı?
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http://halkci.org/artik-hepimiz-guvencesisiz/

Temel problemimiz kadınla özdeş kılınan 'beden’dir. Herşeyden önce belirtilen özdeşlik, modern kartezyenci perspektifin ikili karşıtlıklarıyla sağlanır. Doğa/toplum, eril/dişi, içerisi/dışarısı, yerli/yabancı, sağlıklı/hasta …vb. karşıtlarının yanı sıra özellikle akıl/beden ikili karşıtlığı bu karşıtlıkların bir örneği olarak verilir. Bu durumda ilki, ikincisini ‘öteki’ kılar. Bu ikili karşıtlıkların temel özelliğidir. Bu noktada ‘öteki’, ilki tarafından dışlanan, aşağılanan, küçümsenen ve iğdiş edilendir. Bu yüzden ‘öteki’ güvenilmez ve anarşik olduğu için kontrol edilmeli ve tahakküm altına alınmalıdır. Bu bağlamda, kadın modern paradigmanın kabul edilemez olarak gördüğü ‘farklı olma’ biçimlerinden biridir. Kadın, farklı olduğu için eril bakış açısıyla şekillenmiş modern paradigmanın var olan düzenine bağımlı ve uyumlu kılınmalıdır. Kadın üzerinde hegemonya ve tahakküm inşa etmenin en önemli yollarından biri akıl ve beden arasında bu tür bir ilişki kurmaktır. Bu ilişki biçiminde, modern düşüncede akıl erkek cinsiyetiyle özdeşleştirilirken, ‘beden’ kadın cinsiyetiyle ilişkilendirilir. Modern düşünce erkek-egemen bir anlayış olması nedeniyle akıl, ‘beden’in karşına yerleştirilir. Buna göre, akıl mutlaklık, kararlılık, hakikat, kültür, düzen, iktidar ve aktif olma…vb. temsil edilir; ‘beden’ duygusal, irrasyonel, düzensiz, kararsız, zayıf ve pasif olma…vb şeklinde sembolize edilir. Bu temsil veya semboller, temel olarak, dilin ürünü olan kavram veya kategorilerdir. Bunlar dil, toplumsal cinsiyet ve yeniden üretim alanı açısından merkezi temalardır. Çünkü dil, toplumsal cinsiyet ve yeniden üretimin hegemonik bir alanını oluşturma süreci bu kavram ve/veya kategorilere bağlıdır. Sonuç olarak dil, toplumsal cinsiyet ve yeniden üretim birbirlerine yakından bağlantılıdır. Bu, ancak dilin ürünü olan kavram ve/veya kategoriler ile eril bakış açısıyla inşa edilen ‘beden’ ve akıl arasındaki ilişki ortaya çıkartılarak mümkündür. Sosyolojik bir yaklaşımla, toplumsal cinsiyetin dilin ürünleri ve ‘beden’le nasıl yeniden üretildiğini göstermeye çalışacağım.

Islamist communities are among leading agencies of overwhelming socio-economic, cultural and political changes more than other groups in Turkey and Bosnia-Herzegovina (BİH) as in all worlds. However, we would essentially study how and why political and economic relations between these two countries have developed by considering regional, historical and cultural legacy remaining from Ottoman Empire and emergence of Islamic capital in these countries. These relations are defined as dependent on many distinct factors that point out economically these groups’ new class positions, and ways of capital, culturally their religious and Islamic roots, their ways of consumptions and lifestyle, and politically their political tendencies, and the changing choices of political party. At bottom, the fundamental changes that we are concerned about are economic and political ones in case of BİH and of Turkey. What is meant by economic change is Islamic-based ways of capital in both country and new middle classes in Turkey, creating and maximizing these ways of Islamic capital. By political change, we would mention from the coming of JDP, being an Islamist political party, to power in 2002 in Turkey. Adopting andhighlighting Islamist-conservative tendencies in domestic and foreign policies, JDP is an Islamist political party that claims to have differentiated from previous Islamist parties in Turkey and had no longer any ties with them. This party would also be one of political parties trying to develop economic, cultural and political relationships with BİH. In this study, we will attempt to analyze both emergence of Islamic capitals in BİH and Turkey and an Islamist political party (JDP), endeavoring to found close relations with BİH.

This paper fundamentally deals with J. G. Fichte’s philosophical views, which reshapes intellectual-philosophical bases of the post-Enlightenment era and makes a strong criticism of Kantian thinking. Philosophically, Fichte’s philosophy, more representing a return to romanticism, will be debated on the basis of some concepts, among of which has been reason, science, tradition, religion, state, individual, and community. From his viewpoint, it will interrogate relationships among ego, morality and moral order.

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https://iafor.org/journal/iafor-journal-of-ethics-religion-and-philosophy/volume-4-issue-1/article-2/

This article embarks on making a political analysis of Islamist politics by criticizing the hegemonic approach in the field and considering a number of the institutions or structures, composing of either state and its ideological-repressive apparatuses, political parties and actors, intellectual leadership and ideology, and political relations, events, or facts in political sphere. The aforesaid approach declares that the social and economic factors, namely class position, capital accumulation, market, education, and culture, have been far better significative for apolitical study in examining any political movement, party, and fact or event. However, our study will more stress on political structures, events and struggles or conflicts produced and reproduced by the political institutions, the relationships and the processes in question. Taking into account all these, it will be argued that they have been more significant as compared to class position, capital accumulation, market in economic structure, or culture and education, in a political study.

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http://www.ijpt.ca/issues.html

This study discusses two religious elements of culture emerging within various religiously conservative groups in Turkey. The first is concerned with the building of a religious work ethic, framing work life with Islamic morals and norms. The second involves religiously oriented consumption patterns among these groups, which generate a faith-driven dimension of culture in capitalist consumer society....  To continue, please click the link:  https://www.mdpi.com/2077-1444/10/10/541

This paper deals with the AKP’s religious-political propaganda in the 7 June and the 1 November election processes. It forms a frame for this propaganda by focusing on some ideological-political formulations appearing in Turkish political history. It argues that these formulations are the product of two significant political interventions by the Turkish right-politics, including the 1960s and 1970s’ nationalist-conservative composition and the post-1980s’ Turkish-Islam synthesis.  To continue, please click the link: http://jsri.ro/ojs/index.php/jsri/article/view/1350

This study discusses two religious elements of culture emerging within various religiously conservative groups in Turkey. The first is concerned with the building of a religious work ethic, framing work life with Islamic morals and norms. The second involves religiously oriented consumption patterns among these groups, which generate a faith-driven dimension of culture in capitalist consumer society. The study deals with how and why these two religious-cultural dimensions arose, and what forms they take in contemporary Turkey. These forms operate in the background of dress and fashion concerns of the aforesaid groups, influencing clothing styles and consumption patterns, as well as being linked to the capitalist-Islamic work ethic. The study demonstrates how consumption styles have changed in line with transformations in the class structure of the groups in question. It examines the extent to which, with the development of new religious ethic and consumption styles compatible with c...

This paper deals with the AKP’s religious-political propaganda in the 7 June and the 1 November election processes. It forms a frame for this propaganda by focusing on some ideological-political formulations appearing in Turkish political history. It argues that these formulations are the product of two significant political interventions by the Turkish right-politics, including the 1960s and 1970s’ nationalist-conservative composition and the post-1980s’ Turkish-Islam synthesis. From a historical-political standpoint, it introduces how they have shaped and framed religion as an instrument of political propaganda. For this, the paper concentrates on the 7 June and 1 November elections hold in 2015 in Turkey, and discusses the AKP case to have put such propaganda into practice in the elections mentioned, by quoting the statements and views by the leading political actors of the party (AKP). It presents a historical-political framework, and tries to unveil the historical-political lin...

This article embarks on making a political analysis of Islamist politics by criticizing the hegemonic approach in the field and considering a number of the institutions or structures, composing of either state and its ideological-repressive apparatuses, political parties and actors, intellectual leadership and ideology, and political relations, events, or facts in political sphere. The aforesaid approach declares that the social and economic factors, namely class position, capital accumulation, market, education, and culture, have been far better significative for a political study in examining any political movement, party, and fact or event. However, our study will more stress on political structures, events and struggles or conflicts produced and reproduced by the political institutions, the relationships and the processes in question. Taking into account all these, it will be argued that they have been more significant as compared to class position, capital accumulation, market ...