A few papers in our corpus explicitly noted that agency and autonomy had “many different facets” [
64, p. 12]. In line with this we identified a variety of facets of autonomy and agency in the reviewed works. By analysing the corpus as a whole we found that these facets, and author’ approaches to them, could be usefully organised around four broad aspects: (1) A focus on
self-causality or
identity. (2) A focus on the
experience, or
material aspects of agency and autonomy. (3) The
time-scale over which autonomy and agency play out. (4) The degree to which either
independence or
interdependence are emphasised. These aspects are summarised and defined in Table
1 and discussed in detail in the subsections below.
4.4.1 Self-causality and Identity.
Accounts of autonomy and agency in our corpus contained elements of both causality (related to the level and directness of the user’s causal involvement), and identity: (related to the user’s self and values). Nearly all discussions of autonomy and agency (n=159) dealt with causal issues to some degree, while just under one third (n=54) also dealt with issues of identity. We discuss these separately below.
Causality. Causal aspects of agency and autonomy divided into cases of
execution: concerning active and direct material involvement in tasks and outcomes, and
decision: concerning choice and decision making. Discussions in terms of
execution varied considerably in complexity, and were found in the majority of papers (n=122). Some papers focused on very limited interactions, for example, the users’ sense of having caused individual events by simple interaction gestures such as pushing a button, with no element of personal choice or decision [e.g.
90,
89,
154,
134]. Most papers focusing on execution approached agency and autonomy in a less atomistic manner: focusing, for example, on narrative choice [e.g.,
30] and control of action in video games [e.g.,
17,
96,
147,
88], people’s involvement in everyday personal activities [
23,
162], or data analysis [
116].
Roughly two thirds of papers (n=99), discussed not only execution but also
decision and choice. Often the nature of the activity under study made it hard to separate decision and execution (for example, agency in movement, directing attention, and sense-making in a museum [
74]), but there were notable exceptions to this. Lazar et al., for example, distinguished “the capacity to act” from “role in decisions” [
102, p. 1]. Similarly, Inman and Ribes linked these aspects of agency with different approaches to design, suggesting that "seamless" designs “[grant] agency to users by lowering technical barriers of entry, [and] facilitating quick access to common operations” [
78, p. 2], while "seamful" designs “allow users to make up their own minds” [
78, p. 3]. Meanwhile 36 papers focused significantly on decision or choice, giving little or no attention to execution. In some of these cases the tasks under study (such as giving consent [
85]) were decisional in nature, but others discussed tasks with more substantial executional components, including gaming [
42,
44], and use of assistive technologies [
64,
77].
Finally, some works clearly distinguished between executional or decisional factors and saw each as having a different impact. Two papers, for example, dealt with multiplayer games where decisional and executional roles were split between players, with one directing and the other acting. In both cases there was some ambiguity in how these aspects differently supported or undermined agency and autonomy [
62,
88]. Karaosmanoglu et al., for example, stated both that “agency/control [was] transferred to the” player in charge of decision making [
88, p. 10] and that in the executional role “agency increased as they had a way to noticeably affect the game world” [
88, p. 12]. A number of other papers suggested that having a role in decision without involvement in execution resulted in diminished agency: Performing activities for oneself was seen to support agency and sense-of-self for people in supported living [
102,
169]. Loss of executional agency was associated with loss of flexibility and adaptation both during supported communication [
162], and in interaction with intelligent technologies [
108,
155,
176].
Identity. Some papers addressed agency and autonomy primarily in terms of identity. Again, these divided into two further categories:
self-congruence (n=41) which concerns the alignment of outcomes with users’ values and goals, regardless of their involvement in decision or execution; and
self-construction (n=24) concerning effect on user’s identity, values, and goals. Deterding [
44], for example, distinguished self-congruence from both decision and execution, stating that Self-Determination Theory “does not equate autonomy with [...] the presence of choice [...] Choice is ‘merely’ a facilitating condition that makes it more likely that individuals find a self-congruent activity” [
44, p. 3932]. However, despite this theoretical distinction, all but three [
4,
12,
164] of the papers which emphasised autonomy in these terms also retained some focus on executional and decisional aspects. One paper explicitly distinguished between aspects of causality and self-congruence of outcomes, and emphasised that the former supported the latter: “as individuals express
technical agency by participating they can then advance their objectives in conversation, [...]
colloquial agency” [
162, p. 2, our emphasis]. Often self-congruence of outcomes was emphasised in cases of active self expression by the user [e.g.,
108,
94,
49,
5], or action and decision in pursuit of values and goals [e.g.
102,
30,
129].
Some papers suggested potential difficulties in ascertaining when activities and outcomes were self-congruent, since multiple conflicting goals and values might weigh on the same activity for a single user. Three papers referred to cases like this as “paradoxes” of agency [
14,
110,
113]. In a study of how contexts support autonomy in gaming [
44] one participant reported playing multiplayer game sessions a regular competitive gaming group (or “clan”) during which he could not “decide voluntarily to leave” [
44, p. 3935]. The author related this to autonomy by emphasising that this outcome was not congruent with their “spontaneous desire” [
44, p. 3935]. However, given the player’s wider commitment to social and competitive gaming, it seemed likely that the alternative outcome would not be congruent with
longer term values and goals. Here both choices might be self-congruent, and different time-scales seemed important in distinguishing the impact of the different motives at play (see section
4.4.3 below for more discussion of these issues).
In 24 papers discussion of agency and autonomy concerned the genesis of users’ values and goals — what we termed issues of
self-construction. As one paper put it: Autonomy is the ability “to be one’s own person, to be directed by considerations, desires, conditions, and characteristics that are not simply imposed externally upon one” [
66, p. 9]. Such papers focused on how technologies can “shape the identity” [
117, p. 3] of users, whether or not this is intentional, or desired. Mentis et al. suggested that assistive technologies which neglect psychological, cultural, and emotional aspects, risk “reifying [disabled peoples’] dependency and their loss of self” [
117, p. 3]. Other papers discussed more positive examples of self-definition and self-change: Discussing, for example, the autonomous integration of social values in the context of self-control apps for children’s video viewing [
70], or how self-tracking systems for chronic health conditions could support agency by supporting users’ reflection, self-appraisal, and self-awareness [
14,
71].
4.4.2 Material and Experiential.
Papers in our corpus also addressed
material and
experiential aspects of agency and autonomy. We use “material” here to refer to both the material expression of autonomy and agency (e.g., as Coyle et al. note: “ the fact of controlling an action” as distinct from “the immediate sense or experience of having done so” [
37, p. 2026].), and also wider material factors which may impinge on this (e.g., being subject to coercion, lacking economic means, power or influence). Papers across our corpus discussed both material and experiential aspects, though few explicitly distinguished between them. Many papers (n=80) focused exclusively on material aspects of agency and autonomy. Such papers discussed, for example, the material ability of people to act independently or under their own volition (e.g., support for personal mobility [
23,
128], communication [
45,
102,
170], or everyday living [
114,
157,
169]), or the material ability to pursue one’s own preferences and choices (e.g., at work [
8,
29,
61,
79,
140,
166], in social engagements [
85], or with respect to health [
50,
53,
123]). A smaller number of papers (n=46) focused exclusively on experiential aspects — for example, the sense-of-agency when triggering an event [
178], or the experience of autonomy while playing computer games [
17]. Some papers discussed examples of material agency or autonomy with no clear experiential component: These papers focused on the autonomy and agency of organisations rather than individuals [e.g.,
175,
18], and others drew on Actor Network Theory’s account of agency — a network effect of relations between human and non-human actors, sharply distinguished from intentionality [
4,
58,
80,
107,
151].
Finally, 33 papers discussed both material and experiential aspects. Here, it was sometimes emphasised that these aspects might not align with one another. A number of papers indicated that the sense-of-agency in quite minimal interactions could be manipulated, by manipulating sense-of-ownership [
89], haptic feedback [
152], or the timing of events [
89,
90]. Some noted that users can exhibit sense-of-agency with respect to situations where they have no causal influence [
36,
89,
90]: Two papers showed that when the electrical stimulation of muscles was used to initiate the user’s response to an event, the user’s experience of agency was increased by delaying the stimulation slightly (while still pre-empting the user’s own response) [
89,
90] Several other papers drew on Self-Determination Theory, which (as discussed above) emphasises that sense of autonomy is supported by outcomes congruent with values [
135,
139], raising the
possibility that it may be manipulated without material change in the user’s independence, range of choice, or influence on events [
44]. However as noted above,
in practice in all these cases, material and experiential aspects of agency or autonomy did not diverge.
4.4.3 Time-scales.
Aspects of autonomy and agency were often differentiated by the time-scales of activities and experiences. We found that papers addressed three broad time-scales:
micro-interactions (autonomy and agency experienced or exercised over a few seconds or less),
episodes of interaction (seconds to hours), or autonomy and agency at longer time-scales in
life (days to years). The character of autonomy and agency, and authors’ approaches to them differed significantly between these three time-scales. While some features — such as a focus on self-causation — were consistent across all scales, other features differed significantly. While these differences were apparent over the corpus as a whole, only a few papers
explicitly addressed time-scales distinctions, or addressed issues of autonomy and agency at more than one time-scale. Some however, did address issues of time-scale, noting for example that “immediate autonomy... can have an effect on events in in the distant future; and vice versa, long-term decisions can have an impact on the very present.” [
64, p. 3]. Such works pointed to a range of tensions, trade-offs, and synergies across time-scales.
72 papers focused purely on
episodes of interaction — shorter than a day in length. All of these addressed issues of self-causality (i.e., execution of actions (n=60) and decision or choice (n=42)). Relatively few (n=13) also discussed identity-related aspects of agency and autonomy. Substantial discussion of self-congruence and identity was mostly limited to a few studies in which users were interviewed about their daily lives, or which made use of observations and experiments in the field [e.g.,
78,
40,
153,
70]. While these papers still focused on episode-level aspects of autonomy and agency, the studied episodes were embedded in participants’ everyday lives, allowing results to be informed by this. For example, Deterding discussed how individual episodes of life-situated video-game play were impacted by contextual factors, such as the need to “make time” for play by clearing other tasks [
44]. Other examples deployed apps for emotional communication to families and couples [
108] for a number of weeks, or combined lab-based experiments on the use of assistive communication-devices with user interviews [
162].
Meanwhile, 35 papers focused solely on time-scales in wider
life. Again, all these papers focused to some degree on issues of self-causation, whether executional (n=25) (e.g., “re-interpreting [a generated conversational prompt] to take the lead in a conversation” [
51, p. 8]) or decisional (n=20) (e.g., decisions about parenting in divorced families [
18]). Half of these papers (17) also discussed identity-related aspects of autonomy, such as how assistive technologies “shape the identity of the very people they are to help” [
117, p. 3]. Some of these papers indicated that length of engagement might have implications for agency and autonomy; via the potential to imbue technologies and places with meaning over time [
4], or via habit formation and reflective self-change [
6].
Finally, a number of papers addressed “micro-interactions”, under a few seconds in length (n=13) dealing with the
experience of self-causality while triggering individual events [
89,
90,
134,
154]. This work focused exclusively on this very short time-scale, isolating agency in
execution from issues of
decision,
self-congruence, and more generally from any wider interaction context. Six of these papers [
15,
16,
35,
36,
37,
106] focused on the specific neuro-scientific construct
sense-of-agency, which refers to the
implicit sense of authorship of an action. The operationalision of this via millisecond-level variations in a reaction-time metric — so-called
intentional binding — was seen as promising for understanding “the awareness of owning the actions’ outcomes” [
35, p. 2426], and “how people experience interactions with technology” [
37, p. 2025]. However, two recent papers in this group noted the uncertain relationship of this measure to other constructs of agency, and their results indicated that the relationship of temporal binding to conscious user experience remained unclear [
15,
16].
Relationships between time-scales. Just under a quarter of papers (n=41) discussed autonomy and agency in both short
episodes of interaction, and also on longer time-scales. In most examples, one time-scale or the other received only cursory discussion. Wan et al. [
169], for instance, focused on day-to-day agency of people with dementia, though in the course of this they described some shorter episodes in which agency was at issue. However, some works addressed tensions and trade-offs between agency and autonomy at different time-scales. Three papers described apparent “paradoxes” [
14,
110,
113] whereby restricting agency or autonomy also seemed to increase agency or autonomy. These cases spanned a range of contexts — from digital self-control [
110] to spousal surveillance in dementia care [
113], and in all cases, the restricted and supported aspects of agency were characterised by different time-scales: participants accepted restrictions in
episodes of interaction in order to gain agency or autonomy in their wider life. For example, users blocked immediate access to digital distractions to achieve longer-term personal goals [
110], and people with mild cognitive impairment accepted blocks or vetos on access to risky websites to retain their longer-term freedom to browse the web independently [
113].
As well as trade-offs and tensions, some papers indicated synergies across different time-scales. Several papers described how episodes of executional agency in crafting, caring for others, or simply performing everyday activities independently, could support agency in self-definition in wider life. For example, in the context of digital social sharing for people with dementia, Lazar et. al referenced arguments that “low-level, proprioceptive control over one’s environment is part of the creation of agency” [
102, p. 2157] in wider life.
4.4.4 Independence or Interdependence?
Lastly, several papers placed individual independence at the centre of their discussions of autonomy and agency (n=50). In line with a statement by Güldenpfennig et al., we found that “autonomy” was often “translated to “independence” without any further differentiations” [
64, p. 13]. Meanwhile, we found that other papers emphasised
interdependence (n=54): focusing on how social contexts support agency and autonomy, and provide the necessary horizon against which these ideas must be understood. This tension between independence and interdependence was most notable in discussions of “autonomy”, though also present in some discussions of “agency”. In some work “autonomy” appeared as a near synonym for “independence”. For example, Garg noted that “autonomy-related changes occur in the relationship between parents and children..., as teenagers try to assert their independence” [
59, p. 1], and Partala defined autonomy as “to actively participate in determining own behavior without external influence” [
130, p. 788]. Along similar lines a number of papers addressed
trade-offs between independence and interdependence: emphasising how the role of others could undermine independence and thereby agency or autonomy. In a cooperative gaming scenario, for example, it was suggested that “tight dependence on each other led some players... to report a lack of autonomy” [
62, p. 11] (note though that no comparison was made to a version of the game in which these roles were more independent).
Other works discussed independence with regards to barriers to agency and autonomy which followed from health conditions, or other material factors. Here, independence was emphasised insofar as there was a risk that it could be lost, as subjects were impeded in some way from acting independently for themselves, resulting in meaningful impacts on their lives. One paper, for example described work “to make board games accessible, ensuring the autonomy of players with visual impairment” [
39, p. 2], and other papers discussed autonomy of mobility [
119,
169]. However, such focus on independence was often situated against a wider backdrop of interdependence [
44,
60,
64,
82]. Characteristic of this, one paper noted that while people might wish to “accomplish as much independence as possible... social networks contribute significantly to every person’s autonomy and welfare” [
64, p. 10], and that “the liberal-individualist account of autonomy over-emphasizes physical independence and does not sufficiently recognize the inter-dependency of all people” [
64, p. 128]. Elsewhere, papers described ways in which interdependence might support agency and autonomy: one paper found that individuals’ sense of agency in online posting was boosted when they saw evidence of others’ online activity [
94], and several papers noted the crucial role played by contexts-of-living in determining the autonomy outcomes produced by deployed technologies [
49,
50,
58,
60,
77,
169].