Houda Abadi

Tens of thousands of detainees of various backgrounds
remain in the al-Hol camp in north-east Syria, 90 per
cent of whom are estimated to be women and children,
although the demographic profile at al-Hol is diverse
and evolving. Some residents have unwillingly come into
contact with the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant
(ISIL) because of family members joining. Others simply
happened to live in areas seized by ISIL. According to ex-
perts, the number of residents who genuinely subscribe
to the ideology of ISIL is “unclear but not small” while
“extremist leanings” appear to be strongest among non-
Iraqi and non-Syrian residents (Robinson, 2023). Howev-
er, as time goes by without repatriation, the problem of
radicalization grows, because psychological vulnerabilities
increase the longer residents stay. The makeup of the
camp has changed over time, it is increasingly made up
of radicalized residents, as the more non-radicalized in-
dividuals are repatriated. Among the residents at al-Hol,
there are 24,854 Iraqis whom the Government of Iraq
intends to repatriate.
Iraq therefore faces a disproportionately heavy burden of
repatriation. Fortunately, it is also one of the most proactive
States in building a platform for successful repatriation. The
need for the comprehensive rehabilitation and reintegration
of returnees is at the core of this endeavour. This process
will entail identifying the individual and collective needs, chal-
lenges, limitations and opportunities associated with return-
ees at both the individual and group levels. Equally important
are the needs and reactions of the host communities to this
process of rehabilitation and reintegration. The Government
of Iraq and all relevant stakeholders, will face a myriad of
challenges, including community stigma, relationship-building
(institutional, interpersonal and communal), capacity-build-
ing, monitoring and evaluation dilemmas and identifying the
intersectional needs of individuals among a diverse range
of returnees. This analysis aims to help prepare and inform
stakeholders on the nature of these challenges and to assist
them in designing and implementing interventions from an
evidence-based research perspective.
In partnership with IOM Iraq, this comparative analysis of
rehabilitation emerging practices in Muslim-majority coun-
tries is intended to support and empower the platform for
rehabilitation and reintegration in Iraq through the provi-
sion of an evidence-based research foundation for multilevel
programming. After a brief introduction to the paper, the
paper’s underlying methodology is described. Next, the
paper delves into the Iraqi context to provide some back-
ground on what features are unique to Iraq. This paper is a
comparative analysis; therefore, the analysis begins with case
studies on rehabilitation programmes in four Muslim-majori-
ty countries, Morocco, Saudi Arabia, Pakistan and Indonesia,
followed by a discussion on the similarities and differences
among the case studies to help inform conversations on
emerging practices and shared challenges. The next section
focuses on a range of empirical findings, leading to a con-
versation on the challenges and limitations common across
rehabilitation and reintegration programmes that will also af-
fect Iraqi programming. The research paper focuses on what
works in rehabilitation and reintegration in general, covering
a set of emerging practices and providing recommenda-
tions for effective and sustainable programming. The paper
concludes by identifying insights from other programmes
in Muslim-majority contexts that can be translated into the
Iraqi context to facilitate an evidence-based approach to re-
habilitation and reintegration in Iraq.

The overall purpose of this paper is to contribute to the discussion of Islam and the protection of women’s fundamental freedoms, gender and inclusion, and the relationship between gender and political transitions; to be of value for the general discussion on Islamic state formation; and more specifically to assist the ongoing process of state formation in Afghanistan. To this end, the paper has three primary objectives: 1) decolonizing and engendering conflict resolution frameworks to develop sustainable and transformative peace; 2) identifying how fundamental freedoms and rights can be negotiated, protected and promoted in Islamic-based societies which experience a significant political transition to develop strategies to ensure an engendered political transition and sustainable peace in countries such as Afghanistan; and finally, 3) drawing best practices to advance inclusive policies where fundamental rights are protected and to ensure women’s meaningful participation in peace processes.

The wave of mass protests in the Middle East and North Africa highlighted the crucial role of information communication technologies in mobilization and political change. Debate among scholars revolved around the Internet’s potential for toppling authoritarian regimes. However, rather than seeing the Arab Spring as a direct result of social media, this study examines how the online and offline media strategies converged, interacted, or prevailed within the various socioeconomic and political contexts. It looks at the purposes and functions of each medium, with a discussion of the dialectical relationship between them. Drawing on interviews and fieldwork in Morocco, as well as a critical examination of the movement’s communications, this study contributes to the debate about the role of social media and the Arab Spring. It analyzes an Arab Spring movement that did not call for regime change, investigates relationships between the activists’ use of online and offline media, and examin...

The threat posed by violent extrem- ism, from groups such as Daesh1 and al-Qaeda affiliates as well as right wing extremists in the West, requires a multi- pronged and sustainable response. Both types of extremist groups desire a world divided into existential fault lines. Both have inflicted thousands of casualties and caused senseless deaths. Prevention of violent extremism (PVE) needs to move beyond military and aggressive security measures. Unless the root causes of violent extremism are adequately addressed, violent ide- ologies will continue to metastasize via online and offline networks. A long-term solution requires a complex approach that addresses violent extremism in all its forms.
Despite territorial losses in Iraq and Syria, Daesh continues to evolve its tactical and propaganda strategies to draw recruits and to further its political agenda. Through its innovative and media-savvy techniques, Daesh has offered youths an outlet for their grievances and dreams. Existing PVE programming has failed because of its one-size-fits-all approach
and overemphasis on ideology. Effective programs must be community-led and designed to respond to the strengths and challenges of local circumstances. Policies to prevent violent extremism should anchor women as frontline decision makers and youths as active
Policies to prevent violent extremism should anchor women as frontline decision makers and youths as active partners in peacebuilding.
partners in peacebuilding. From a com- munication perspective, policy makers must reduce the emotional and rational appeals of all violent extremist groups. Based on Daesh recruitment propa- ganda analysis and extensive fieldwork in Morocco, this policy brief enriches established understandings of PVE and outlines recommendations and les- sons learned for PVE practitioners and grassroots leaders on future programs seeking effective community approaches to peacebuilding in the region.

The Arab Spring opened up social and political spaces for women to make demands for gender quality, political and social reform, human rights, and equality. It has produced, changed and reinvigorated contestations around space, citizenship, femininity, religion, and sense of belonging, as women played an increasingly significant role in the revolutionary processes and developments in the region. This article will analyze the online and offline communication strategies that the February 20th Movement employed to answer the following three questions: a) What is the nature of gendered based demands and how are they articulated in February 20th movement?; b) How did the movement’s activists discursively construct the gendered subjects and what are the material effects of the discourse; and lastly, c) What forms of expression, tools, and channels were used by Moroccan women activists to ensure the inclusion of gender-related issues and demands in political movement? To answer these questions, this qualitative study will take into account the prevailing political, social and economic contexts of Morocco, in an attempt to interpret Moroccan women activists’ experiences, demands, opportunities and constraints and how they contribute to redefining these women’s identities, subjectivities and resistances differently. It uses textual and visual analysis of mediated communication materials obtained from the February 20th movement digital campaign videos and website to document not only women’s representation within the February 20th movement but also explores the various ways subjects are materially and discursively constituted and circumscribed.