- CV: http://lattes.cnpq.br/4881177086682248edit
Entendendo que a internet tem se constituido como lugar central para o debate politico, inaugurando inclusive o fenomeno da “Twittocracia”, onde atores politicos utilizam a plataforma para a publicizacao de seus posicionamentos, este... more
Entendendo que a internet tem se constituido como lugar central para o debate politico, inaugurando inclusive o fenomeno da “Twittocracia”, onde atores politicos utilizam a plataforma para a publicizacao de seus posicionamentos, este trabalho analisou o discurso dos vinte e oito lideres partidarios da Câmara dos Deputados em um mes que potencializou os debates entre Oposicao e Governo - abril de 2020 -, consolidando o desmantelamento da coalizao governativa e isolamento do Executivo federal. Buscou-se assim demonstrar, atraves do uso do Twitter, que a coalizao governativa de Jair Bolsonaro se encontrava desgastada e que as liderancas da situacao estiveram em silencio diante dos eventos criticos que o governo enfrentou. E ainda que, apesar da pulverizacao partidaria da Câmara dos Deputados, ha dois polos argumentativos identificaveis: um dos oposicionistas e um dos governistas.
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Este artigo foca na relação entre candidatas e partidos, buscando como a ideologia partidária e o feminismo podem estruturar estes relacionamentos. Em um survey com 81 candidatas à Assembleia Legislativa de Minas Gerais em 2010, as... more
Este artigo foca na relação entre candidatas e partidos, buscando como a ideologia partidária e o feminismo podem estruturar estes relacionamentos. Em um survey com 81 candidatas à Assembleia Legislativa de Minas Gerais em 2010, as respondentes se sentem negligenciadas e acreditam que isso tem um efeito negativo considerável sobre suas chances de sucesso, independentemente da ideologia do partido. Entrevistas semiestruturadas com três presidentes partidários estaduais de Minas Gerais (representando esquerda, centro e direita) demonstram que a retórica partidária pode ser bastante diferente, mas que ações internas diferem apenas ligeiramente. O estudo busca apresentar a percepção das candidatas sobre sua presença em seus partidos, e como lideranças estaduais de três partidos veem a presença feminina e a inclusão das mulheres na política. Essa pesquisa corrobora estudos prévios com dados novos, e apresenta novos conhecimentos ao campo de gênero e política.
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
To assist the Welsh Government in balancing the productivity-related objectives with the societal objectives of lifelong learning, the Wales Centre for Public Policy was asked to conduct an evidence review into lifelong learning. This... more
To assist the Welsh Government in balancing the productivity-related objectives with the societal objectives of lifelong learning, the Wales Centre for Public Policy was asked to conduct an evidence review into lifelong learning. This review aims to inform policy discussions and support the implementation of the Tertiary Education and Research (Wales) Bill published on 1st November 2021 which renews the emphasis on lifelong learning in Wales through the establishment of the Commission for Tertiary Education and Research (CTER). The report is structured around key areas of lifelong learning: the context in which it takes place; lifelong learning in visions and strategies; rights and entitlements to lifelong learning; the need to strike the balance between targeting and universal provision; barriers to learning; balancing the economic and social objectives; the roles and responsibilities of different stakeholders and lifelong learning governance structures; effective forms of support ...
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No contexto do estado de Minas Gerais, optou-se por focar duas dimensões principais, as quais informaram as inovações institucionais estudadas neste caso: i) a narrativa oficial, particularmente expressa nas doutrinas produzidas pela... more
No contexto do estado de Minas Gerais, optou-se por focar duas dimensões principais, as quais informaram as inovações institucionais estudadas neste caso: i) a narrativa oficial, particularmente expressa nas doutrinas produzidas pela organização que concebeu as mudanças; e ii) a cultura organizacional. Todas as inovações analisadas neste trabalho são de iniciativa da Polícia Militar de Minas Gerais (PMMG). Durante a etapa inicial do levantamento dos programas existentes, foi mencionado o Programa Mediar, da Polícia Civil. Contudo, a respeito deste, não foi possível encontrar documentação ou interlocutores que pudessem constituir um conjunto de informações suficientes para se levar adiante a investigação.
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The following paper discusses gender and campaign financing, using the Brazilian case as to demonstrate how these factors, combined with the electoral system, affect women's success in elections. Brazil is a strong example because it... more
The following paper discusses gender and campaign financing, using the Brazilian case as to demonstrate how these factors, combined with the electoral system, affect women's success in elections. Brazil is a strong example because it uses a proportional representation system with open list, federalism, and large district magnitudes. This results in a large number of individualistic campaigns. Data from state and federal elections (2002-2018) was collected and analysed, with the introduction of a new measure, amount spent per vote. The results show that women do not benefit as much as men from an incumbent bump, and that funding is better distributed among men, leaving a few elite women as likely winners. Overall, elected women spend 22% more than elected men per vote on their path to office. This partly explains, along with the other factors analysed throughout the paper, the gender gap in Brazilian political representation.
Entendendo que a internet tem se constituído como lugar central para o debate político, inaugurando inclusive o fenômeno da “twittocracia”, em que atores políticos utilizam a plataforma para a publicização de seus posicionamentos, este... more
Entendendo que a internet tem se constituído como lugar central para
o debate político, inaugurando inclusive o fenômeno da “twittocracia”, em que atores políticos utilizam a plataforma para a publicização de seus posicionamentos, este trabalho analisou o discurso dos vinte e oito líderes partidários da Câmara dos Deputados, em um mês que potencializou os debates entre Oposição e Governo - abril de 2020 -, consolidando o desmantelamento da coalizão governativa e o isolamento do Executivo federal. Buscou-se assim demonstrar, através do uso do Twitter, que a coalizão governativa de Jair Bolsonaro se encontrava desgastada e que as lideranças da situação estiveram em silêncio diante dos eventos críticos enfrentados pelo governo. Apesar da pulverização partidária da Câmara dos Deputados, há dois polos argumentativos identificáveis: um dos oposicionistas e um dos governistas
o debate político, inaugurando inclusive o fenômeno da “twittocracia”, em que atores políticos utilizam a plataforma para a publicização de seus posicionamentos, este trabalho analisou o discurso dos vinte e oito líderes partidários da Câmara dos Deputados, em um mês que potencializou os debates entre Oposição e Governo - abril de 2020 -, consolidando o desmantelamento da coalizão governativa e o isolamento do Executivo federal. Buscou-se assim demonstrar, através do uso do Twitter, que a coalizão governativa de Jair Bolsonaro se encontrava desgastada e que as lideranças da situação estiveram em silêncio diante dos eventos críticos enfrentados pelo governo. Apesar da pulverização partidária da Câmara dos Deputados, há dois polos argumentativos identificáveis: um dos oposicionistas e um dos governistas
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Feminist theory has offered new institutionalism key contributions as to how gender relates to public policy. Feminist institutionalism has researched the many ways welfare policies have impacted women and the many ways women, as elected... more
Feminist theory has offered new institutionalism key contributions as to how
gender relates to public policy. Feminist institutionalism has researched the many ways welfare policies have impacted women and the many ways women, as elected officials, have impacted those policies in turn. As substantive representation research turns its eye towards
legislative representatives, women in executive offices and their actions have been overlooked.
As studies show, there are certain policy areas that face gender stereotypes: education,
health, arts, family protection, and other welfare areas. Brazilian federalism and its execution
of welfare policies is quite specific in its institutional design. Since the end of the last dictatorship, there have been efforts towards decentralisation. States have more control over their
spending; however, municipalities face stricter rules regarding taxation and how to spend it.
Municipalities are in charge of executing most of Brazilian public policy, but have little control
in designing them. What they are allowed to design tends to be induced through programmes
and resources. Those resources for the execution of programmes come from several kinds of
transfers, from federal and state governments. In the state of Minas Gerais, in Brazil, the Robin
Hood Law states that municipalities that create institutions and/or policies in certain welfare
areas will have access to slightly more resources.
Research has shown that municipalities do invest in bettering themselves in this institutionalisation process, despite the small amount of funds that come with them. Therefore, our
research asks: are female mayors more efficient in accessing specific resources from government transfers? Using regression analysis and other statistical tools, we hope to able to demonstrate how gender might play a role in the division of those funds
gender relates to public policy. Feminist institutionalism has researched the many ways welfare policies have impacted women and the many ways women, as elected officials, have impacted those policies in turn. As substantive representation research turns its eye towards
legislative representatives, women in executive offices and their actions have been overlooked.
As studies show, there are certain policy areas that face gender stereotypes: education,
health, arts, family protection, and other welfare areas. Brazilian federalism and its execution
of welfare policies is quite specific in its institutional design. Since the end of the last dictatorship, there have been efforts towards decentralisation. States have more control over their
spending; however, municipalities face stricter rules regarding taxation and how to spend it.
Municipalities are in charge of executing most of Brazilian public policy, but have little control
in designing them. What they are allowed to design tends to be induced through programmes
and resources. Those resources for the execution of programmes come from several kinds of
transfers, from federal and state governments. In the state of Minas Gerais, in Brazil, the Robin
Hood Law states that municipalities that create institutions and/or policies in certain welfare
areas will have access to slightly more resources.
Research has shown that municipalities do invest in bettering themselves in this institutionalisation process, despite the small amount of funds that come with them. Therefore, our
research asks: are female mayors more efficient in accessing specific resources from government transfers? Using regression analysis and other statistical tools, we hope to able to demonstrate how gender might play a role in the division of those funds
Research Interests:
Resumo: Este artigo foca na relação entre candidatas e partidos, buscando como a ideologia partidária e o feminismo podem estruturar estes relacionamentos. Em um survey com 81 candidatas à Assembleia Legislativa de Minas Gerais em 2010,... more
Resumo: Este artigo foca na relação entre candidatas e partidos, buscando como a ideologia partidária e o feminismo podem estruturar estes relacionamentos. Em um survey com 81 candidatas à Assembleia Legislativa de Minas Gerais em 2010, as respondentes se sentem negligenciadas e acreditam que isso tem um efeito negativo considerável sobre suas chances de sucesso, independentemente da ideologia do partido. Entrevistas semiestruturadas com três presidentes partidários estaduais de Minas Gerais (representando esquerda, centro e direita) demonstram que a retórica partidária pode ser bastante diferente, mas que ações internas diferem apenas ligeiramente. O estudo busca apresentar a percepção das candidatas sobre sua presença em seus partidos, e como lideranças estaduais de três partidos veem a presença feminina e a inclusão das mulheres na política. Essa pesquisa corrobora estudos prévios com dados novos, e apresenta novos conhecimentos ao campo de gênero e política.
Palavras-chave: ALMG, candidatas, ideologia, partidos, sub-representação
Abstract: This article focuses on the relationship between female candidates and political parties, in order to understand how party ideology and feminism can structure these relationships. In a survey with 81 candidates to the Legislative Assembly of Minas Gerais in 2010, respondents state that feel neglected and believe that this has a considerable negative effect on their chances, regardless their parties’ ideology. Semi-structured interviews with three party presidents of state chapters in Minas Gerais (representing left, center, and right) demonstrate that party rhetoric can be very different, but actions vary only slightly. The study brings to the fore the candidates’ perception on their presence within their parties, and how state leaders perceive female presence and the inclusion of women in politics. This research corroborates previous studies with new data, and brings new information to the field of gender and politics.
Key-words: ALMG, female candidates, ideology, parties, underrepresentation
Palavras-chave: ALMG, candidatas, ideologia, partidos, sub-representação
Abstract: This article focuses on the relationship between female candidates and political parties, in order to understand how party ideology and feminism can structure these relationships. In a survey with 81 candidates to the Legislative Assembly of Minas Gerais in 2010, respondents state that feel neglected and believe that this has a considerable negative effect on their chances, regardless their parties’ ideology. Semi-structured interviews with three party presidents of state chapters in Minas Gerais (representing left, center, and right) demonstrate that party rhetoric can be very different, but actions vary only slightly. The study brings to the fore the candidates’ perception on their presence within their parties, and how state leaders perceive female presence and the inclusion of women in politics. This research corroborates previous studies with new data, and brings new information to the field of gender and politics.
Key-words: ALMG, female candidates, ideology, parties, underrepresentation
Research Interests:
The following article uses a section from the survey Female presence in legislative spaces: a study of the 2010 elections for the State Assembly of Minas Gerais to see if those candidates’ political trajectories differ from men’s, and... more
The following article uses a section from the survey Female presence in legislative spaces: a study of the 2010 elections for the State Assembly of Minas Gerais to see if those candidates’ political trajectories differ from men’s, and what were the variables with the most impact over voting. Political background has been accepted as an important factor on the amount of resources raised and votes received. This is discussed considering how this can affect newcomers, such as women. The data is comprised of a survey and financial disclosure and a linear regression was conducted to assess the impact of each variable. The article concludes that the women surveyed followed similar trajectories as men and corroborates the current knowledge that the variable with most impact is having held elective office. This can only be indicated, given the overall impact the financial variable and how it overshadowed the role of other variables.
Research Interests:
Neste estudo, investigamos dimensão pouco abordada do processo de produção da política nacional de segurança pública – a atuação da Secretaria Nacional de Segurança Pública (Senasp), em especial, de parcela específica de seus atores, sua... more
Neste estudo, investigamos dimensão pouco abordada do processo de produção da política nacional de segurança pública – a atuação da Secretaria Nacional de Segurança Pública (Senasp), em especial, de parcela específica de seus atores, sua burocracia de médio escalão.
Research Interests: Sociologia, Ciência Política, Segurança Pública, Estudos de Defesa, Defesa Estratégica, Segurança Estratégica, Segurança Externa, Segurança Interna, Segurança Pública, Gestão Estratégica Internacional, Sistema Interestatal, Guerras e Conflitos, Poder, Ciência Política, Sociologia, Antropologia., and Burocracia
RESUMO A participação da mulher na política institucional ainda é pequena no mundo e no Brasil. A exclusão da mulher das posições de poder é fruto de uma desigualdade estrutural com fortes raízes históricas e que se refletem quando uma... more
RESUMO
A participação da mulher na política institucional ainda é pequena no mundo e no Brasil. A exclusão da mulher das posições de poder é fruto de uma desigualdade estrutural com fortes raízes históricas e que se refletem quando uma mulher tenta ser candidata a um cargo político e encontra grandes dificuldades para realizar essa ação.
A cultura brasileira combinada com um sistema político fragmentado que incentiva campanhas individualizadas e extremamente caras pesa excessivamente sobre as mulheres. Além do preconceito de gênero, as brasileiras entraram na política recentemente e sofrem com a falta de experiência e conexões no mundo político.
O trabalho feito busca entender das próprias candidatas ao cargo de deputada estadual de Minas Gerais quais foram os principais obstáculos na campanha de 2010. Além dessas informações, coletadas em survey, entrevistas semiestruturadas com presidentes estaduais observam a posição do partido em relação às candidaturas femininas.
Palavras-chave: representação, desigualdade de gênero, sistema político brasileiro, Assembléia Legislativa de Minas Gerais
ABSTRACT
The participation of women in institutional politics is still small in the world and in Brazil. The exclusion of women from positions of power comes from a structural inequality with strong historical roots which come in play when a woman attempts to be a candidate for political office and finds great difficulties to accomplish that.
Brazilian culture, combined with a fragmented political system that encourages individualized campaigns that are very expensive, weigh excessively on women. Besides gender bias, Brazilian women have only come in to politics recently and suffer with the lack of experience and connections in the political world.
The study looks to understand from the candidates to the position of state assemblywoman of Minas Gerais what the main obstacles in the 2010 campaign were. Along with that information, gathered through a survey, semi-structured interviews with state party president look to understand the positions of the parties as it relates to female candidatures.
Key-words: representation, gender inequality, Brazilian political system, Minas Gerais Legislative Assembly
A participação da mulher na política institucional ainda é pequena no mundo e no Brasil. A exclusão da mulher das posições de poder é fruto de uma desigualdade estrutural com fortes raízes históricas e que se refletem quando uma mulher tenta ser candidata a um cargo político e encontra grandes dificuldades para realizar essa ação.
A cultura brasileira combinada com um sistema político fragmentado que incentiva campanhas individualizadas e extremamente caras pesa excessivamente sobre as mulheres. Além do preconceito de gênero, as brasileiras entraram na política recentemente e sofrem com a falta de experiência e conexões no mundo político.
O trabalho feito busca entender das próprias candidatas ao cargo de deputada estadual de Minas Gerais quais foram os principais obstáculos na campanha de 2010. Além dessas informações, coletadas em survey, entrevistas semiestruturadas com presidentes estaduais observam a posição do partido em relação às candidaturas femininas.
Palavras-chave: representação, desigualdade de gênero, sistema político brasileiro, Assembléia Legislativa de Minas Gerais
ABSTRACT
The participation of women in institutional politics is still small in the world and in Brazil. The exclusion of women from positions of power comes from a structural inequality with strong historical roots which come in play when a woman attempts to be a candidate for political office and finds great difficulties to accomplish that.
Brazilian culture, combined with a fragmented political system that encourages individualized campaigns that are very expensive, weigh excessively on women. Besides gender bias, Brazilian women have only come in to politics recently and suffer with the lack of experience and connections in the political world.
The study looks to understand from the candidates to the position of state assemblywoman of Minas Gerais what the main obstacles in the 2010 campaign were. Along with that information, gathered through a survey, semi-structured interviews with state party president look to understand the positions of the parties as it relates to female candidatures.
Key-words: representation, gender inequality, Brazilian political system, Minas Gerais Legislative Assembly
Research Interests:
Capítulo do livro "Instituições participativas no âmbito da segurança pública". Co-autoria com Eduardo Batitucci, Letícia Godinho e Luania Ludmilla Castro.
Research Interests:
In this study we investigate an aspect of Brazilian public security policy production that has received little attention, namely, the performance of the National Public Security Department (Secretaria Nacional de Segurança Pública -... more
In this study we investigate an aspect of Brazilian public security policy production that has received little attention, namely, the performance of the National Public Security Department (Secretaria Nacional de Segurança Pública - Senasp), in particular its middle-level bureaucracy. While acknowledging the importance of the implementation stage of a public policy and the various elements and factors that influence it, this paper focuses on the work of the middle-level bureaucracy of this government body, investigating its internal routines, its relations with internal and external actors and the dilemmas it has to face, especially in regard to decision-making and innovation processes that are needed to execute the policy in the federal sphere. To that end, it seeks to insert a new set of studies based on the premise that organizations’ performances are considerably influenced by processes and activities that take place in the intermediate levels of the organization, that is, not exactly at the top nor the bottom. In such studies, which are still infrequent, the middle-level bureaucrats are addressed as being key strategic actors. Notably absent from the literature, the middle-level bureaucrats comprise a set of influential stakeholders, apart from the executive administrators that make up the upper echelon and that have traditionally been the main focus of the literature. What literature there is on such middle-level bureaucrats argues that they are effectively capable of participating in strategic discussions and in the process of producing public policy itself. To that end they direct their influence upwards at the higher echelon or down to the policy front line playing a decisive role either in translating the commands issued from the top or in coordinating their organizations operational activities.
The case study that will be discussed in this paper particularly underscores the varied processes of articulation and negotiation that Senasp’s middle-level bureaucrats carry out in their everyday routines which are of fundamental importance to the production of the ‘National Public Security Policy ’, and which are interpreted as being the main activities undertaken by those actors in that context.
This exploratory study mobilizes ideas and concepts from the realm of Political Science addressing the object in a relational perspective in an endeavor to understand the workings of State organizations, not on the basis of their formal structures that are the immediate determinants of the agents’ behavior, nor based on the premise that the individuals involved act on a rational-instrumental basis. Instead it addresses the bureaucrats’ behavior based on the premise that they are limited by cultural and symbolic conditioning factors, by their beliefs and the values they embrace, and by their multiple interactions with other agents of the State, the private sector and other social sectors. In that light, governance practices are seen as being cultural practices so that, to understand them, it is necessary to unveil the set of meanings that are associated to the actors’ formal aspects or ‘objectives’ and other dimensions involved (BEVIR; RHODES, 2002, 2008).
The case study that will be discussed in this paper particularly underscores the varied processes of articulation and negotiation that Senasp’s middle-level bureaucrats carry out in their everyday routines which are of fundamental importance to the production of the ‘National Public Security Policy ’, and which are interpreted as being the main activities undertaken by those actors in that context.
This exploratory study mobilizes ideas and concepts from the realm of Political Science addressing the object in a relational perspective in an endeavor to understand the workings of State organizations, not on the basis of their formal structures that are the immediate determinants of the agents’ behavior, nor based on the premise that the individuals involved act on a rational-instrumental basis. Instead it addresses the bureaucrats’ behavior based on the premise that they are limited by cultural and symbolic conditioning factors, by their beliefs and the values they embrace, and by their multiple interactions with other agents of the State, the private sector and other social sectors. In that light, governance practices are seen as being cultural practices so that, to understand them, it is necessary to unveil the set of meanings that are associated to the actors’ formal aspects or ‘objectives’ and other dimensions involved (BEVIR; RHODES, 2002, 2008).
Research Interests:
Escute em: https://larvasincendiadas.com/2019/03/27/10-larissa-peixoto-e-clarisse-paradis-mecanismos-institucionais-de-politicas-para-mulheres-opodcastedelas2019/ O episódio dessa semana é um especial para a campanha #OPodcastÉDelas2019,... more
Escute em: https://larvasincendiadas.com/2019/03/27/10-larissa-peixoto-e-clarisse-paradis-mecanismos-institucionais-de-politicas-para-mulheres-opodcastedelas2019/
O episódio dessa semana é um especial para a campanha #OPodcastÉDelas2019, por isso a Larissa Peixoto assumiu como host do Larvas por um dia. Larissa é doutoranda em Ciência Política na UFMG, seu trabalho analisa de forma comparativa a representação política de mulheres (seja ela feita por deputadas ou deputados) nos parlamentos do Brasil, Reino Unido e Suécia. Larissa entrevistou Clarisse Paradis, que é doutora em Ciência Política e professora da UNILAB. Sua mais recente pesquisa se dedica a comparar a atuação dos mecanismos institucionais de políticas para mulheres no sul global, especialmente na América Latina e Africa, focando na Bolívia, Brasil, Cabo Verde e Moçambique. Larissa e Clarisse conversaram sobre suas pesquisas, sobre a UNILAB, uma universidade brasileira um tanto quanto única, sobre o contexto atual de retrocesso político no Brasil e vários outros assuntos.
Para adquirir o livro Traduzindo a África Queer, organizado por Clarisse Paradis em parceria com Caterina Rea e Izzi Madalena Santos Amâncio, acesse: https://www.queerlivros.com.br/traduzindo-a-africa-queer
Lembre-se de nos seguir nas redes sociais.
Twitter: @incendiadas
Facebook: /Incendiadas
Site: http://www.larvasincendiadas.com
E-mail: larvasincendiadas@yandex.com
Siga a Larissa no twitter: @larissapolitics
Se gostou do nosso podcast, por favor, considere nos apoiar financeiramente com doações mensais a partir de um real: http://www.apoia.se/incendiadas
Quer receber por e-mail avisos de novos episódios e outras notícias? Então, cadastre-se em nossa mailing list: http://eepurl.com/gdVZCb
O episódio dessa semana é um especial para a campanha #OPodcastÉDelas2019, por isso a Larissa Peixoto assumiu como host do Larvas por um dia. Larissa é doutoranda em Ciência Política na UFMG, seu trabalho analisa de forma comparativa a representação política de mulheres (seja ela feita por deputadas ou deputados) nos parlamentos do Brasil, Reino Unido e Suécia. Larissa entrevistou Clarisse Paradis, que é doutora em Ciência Política e professora da UNILAB. Sua mais recente pesquisa se dedica a comparar a atuação dos mecanismos institucionais de políticas para mulheres no sul global, especialmente na América Latina e Africa, focando na Bolívia, Brasil, Cabo Verde e Moçambique. Larissa e Clarisse conversaram sobre suas pesquisas, sobre a UNILAB, uma universidade brasileira um tanto quanto única, sobre o contexto atual de retrocesso político no Brasil e vários outros assuntos.
Para adquirir o livro Traduzindo a África Queer, organizado por Clarisse Paradis em parceria com Caterina Rea e Izzi Madalena Santos Amâncio, acesse: https://www.queerlivros.com.br/traduzindo-a-africa-queer
Lembre-se de nos seguir nas redes sociais.
Twitter: @incendiadas
Facebook: /Incendiadas
Site: http://www.larvasincendiadas.com
E-mail: larvasincendiadas@yandex.com
Siga a Larissa no twitter: @larissapolitics
Se gostou do nosso podcast, por favor, considere nos apoiar financeiramente com doações mensais a partir de um real: http://www.apoia.se/incendiadas
Quer receber por e-mail avisos de novos episódios e outras notícias? Então, cadastre-se em nossa mailing list: http://eepurl.com/gdVZCb
Research Interests:
The research was done based on premise about what we want and expect from political representation should be based on real possibilities for action, even if starting from normative assumptions. Therefore, the research question asks under... more
The research was done based on premise about what we want and expect from political representation should be based on real possibilities for action, even if starting from normative assumptions. Therefore, the research question asks under which conditions the representation
of women happens, from current legislative institutions. In order to answer the question, a “most-different” approach was used for case selection, with the inclusion of a period of analysis that allowed for the variation of external conditions. The investigation is based on the real possibility of action by representatives, women and men, in representing women,
considering the constraints imposed by their parties, inter-party relations, institutional affordances, internal power positions, institutional gender relations, and their individual motivations along with electoral ambition within the capabilities of the electoral system.
The countries selected were Brazil, Sweden, and the United Kingdom, places with varied systems of government, electoral systems, and cultural backgrounds. The data analysed is comprised of legislative actions from each country between 2000 and 2017 and interviews and observations conducted during fieldwork. The results show that the representative's gender is relevant, with women more likely to represent women, but that this is mediated by party ideology. On the other hand, the importance of critical actors cannot be overlooked, individuals who tend to be the main proponents, whether in relevance or in amount of actions. That is true both for positive and negative actions, as the existence of a backlash against women’s rights was found, mainly from men, but also women, from right-wing and extreme-right parties, accompanied by an action of protection of these rights.
Institutional affordances mediate the actions of all, whether it is in possibilities of action offered by the legislative or in interaction with the executive. Consequently, the real effects of legislative actions, including those contrary to women’s rights, should be observed in consideration of not only what is possible to be approved, but also in their effect in public opinion and in the support of candidates for the executive.
of women happens, from current legislative institutions. In order to answer the question, a “most-different” approach was used for case selection, with the inclusion of a period of analysis that allowed for the variation of external conditions. The investigation is based on the real possibility of action by representatives, women and men, in representing women,
considering the constraints imposed by their parties, inter-party relations, institutional affordances, internal power positions, institutional gender relations, and their individual motivations along with electoral ambition within the capabilities of the electoral system.
The countries selected were Brazil, Sweden, and the United Kingdom, places with varied systems of government, electoral systems, and cultural backgrounds. The data analysed is comprised of legislative actions from each country between 2000 and 2017 and interviews and observations conducted during fieldwork. The results show that the representative's gender is relevant, with women more likely to represent women, but that this is mediated by party ideology. On the other hand, the importance of critical actors cannot be overlooked, individuals who tend to be the main proponents, whether in relevance or in amount of actions. That is true both for positive and negative actions, as the existence of a backlash against women’s rights was found, mainly from men, but also women, from right-wing and extreme-right parties, accompanied by an action of protection of these rights.
Institutional affordances mediate the actions of all, whether it is in possibilities of action offered by the legislative or in interaction with the executive. Consequently, the real effects of legislative actions, including those contrary to women’s rights, should be observed in consideration of not only what is possible to be approved, but also in their effect in public opinion and in the support of candidates for the executive.